Viti 2023 \u00ebsht\u00eb karakterizuar me zhvillime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme sa i p\u00ebrket dialogut Prishtin\u00eb-Beograd. N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, serb\u00ebt nis\u00ebn vitin me dor\u00ebheqje kolektive nga institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs, protesta civile dhe bojkot t\u00eb zgjedhjeve lokale n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Prishtina vendosi nj\u00ebsi speciale p\u00ebr t\u2019i shoq\u00ebruar kryetar\u00ebt e rinj, gj\u00eb q\u00eb i kontribuoi tutje rritjes s\u00eb tensioneve. Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht pati edhe nj\u00eb ofensiv\u00eb diplomatike nga vendet e QUINT-it (Gjermania, Franca, Italia, Mbret\u00ebria e Bashkuar dhe ShBA-ja), q\u00eb kulmoi me Marr\u00ebveshjen e Dyt\u00eb t\u00eb Brukselit p\u00ebr normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve (Marr\u00ebveshja e Ohrit).<\/p>\n
Megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, marr\u00ebveshja e re vrik i la vendin zhg\u00ebnjimit, pasi BE-ja nuk qe n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb shtyj\u00eb para zbatimin e saj dhe, rrjedhimisht, as t\u2019i leht\u00ebsoj\u00eb tensionet. Si p\u00ebrgjigje, BE-ja sanksionoi Kosov\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00ebn her\u00eb, duke \u00e7uar n\u00eb nj\u00eb seri raundesh t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuara t\u00eb negociatave n\u00eb Bruksel, gjendje kjo q\u00eb kulmoi me sulmin e paraushtarak\u00ebve serb\u00eb n\u00eb Manastirin e Banjsk\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Lider\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht presidenti Aleksandar Vu\u00e7iq dhe kryeministri Albin Kurti, pat\u00ebn reagime t\u00eb ndryshme karshi secil\u00ebs situat\u00eb. K\u00ebsisoj, \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb analizohen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kritike zhvillimet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, ashtu q\u00eb t\u00eb dihet se kush ka korrur p\u00ebrfitime m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb raport me situatat respektive.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr ta adresuar k\u00ebt\u00eb pyetje, \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme t\u00eb fillojm\u00eb nga shqyrtimi i q\u00ebndrimeve fillestare t\u00eb Vu\u00e7iqit dhe Kurtit dhe m\u00eb pas t\u2019i krahasojm\u00eb ato me rezultatin p\u00ebrfundimtar t\u00eb dialogut m\u00eb 2023.<\/p>\n
Objektivat kryesore t\u00eb t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebve<\/strong><\/p>\n Duke nisur nga pozicioni i Serbis\u00eb, objektivi i saj par\u00ebsor \u00ebsht\u00eb themelimi i suksessh\u00ebm i Asociacionit\/Bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Komunave me Shumic\u00eb Serbe (AKS), i cili do t\u2019u jepte m\u00eb shum\u00eb kompetenca autonome serb\u00ebve vend\u00ebs. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, Serbia ndoqi strategjin\u00eb e shp\u00ebrfilljes s\u00eb \u00e7do mund\u00ebsie p\u00ebr njohjen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, Qeveria e Kosov\u00ebs ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb q\u00eb e mendon dhe st\u00ebrhollon themelimin e AKS-s\u00eb, n\u00ebn pretekstin se \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me Kushtetut\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs, duke risjell\u00eb n\u00eb mendje vendimin e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese p\u00ebr AKS-n\u00eb, por duke mos propozuar ndonj\u00eb draft t\u00eb ri t\u00eb ndryshuar dhe duke mos respektuar detyrimet e saj. Duke shtyr\u00eb themelimin e AKS-s\u00eb, Qeveria e Kosov\u00ebs synoi t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb presion mbi Serbin\u00eb, duke shpresuar q\u00eb t\u00eb nxis\u00eb nj\u00eb momentum t\u00eb ri i cili do t\u00eb \u00e7onte drejt njohjes.<\/p>\n P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebtij angazhimi diplomatik, u ve\u00e7uan tri fush\u00ebbeteja diplomatike, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb pal\u00ebt e p\u00ebrfshira u p\u00ebrpoq\u00ebn t\u00eb maksimizonin pozicionin e tyre n\u00eb negociata.<\/p>\n Beteja diplomatike 1: Themelimi i AKS-s\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n Kur ndalemi dhe e shqyrtojm\u00eb fush\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb betej\u00ebs diplomatike, \u00ebsht\u00eb evidente q\u00eb Beogradi ka\u00a0insistuar<\/a>\u00a0fuqish\u00ebm n\u00eb zbatimin e marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb m\u00ebparshme, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht marr\u00ebveshjet e lidhura me AKS-n\u00eb e 2013 dhe 2015, para se t\u00eb l\u00ebvizte tutje n\u00eb procesin e normalizimit.<\/p>\n Kjo taktik\u00eb u p\u00ebrdor m\u00eb 2022 dhe u pa t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritej m\u00eb 2023 gjat\u00eb bisedimeve lidhur me propozimin franko-gjerman. Kjo qasje u d\u00ebshmua t\u00eb jet\u00eb pjes\u00ebrisht e suksesshme pasi gjeti vendin e vet n\u00eb Nenin 7 t\u00eb\u00a0Marr\u00ebveshjes drejt normalizimit<\/a>.<\/p>\n Sidoqoft\u00eb, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr arritjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje n\u00eb mars 2023, AKS-ja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb themeluar ende. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, kryeministri Kurti\u00a0tentoi<\/a>\u00a0pa sukses t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb njohjen reciproke n\u00eb agjend\u00ebn e dialogut.<\/p>\n P\u00ebr vite me radh\u00eb, Kurti mbajti nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim kategorikisht kund\u00ebr AKS-s\u00eb. Ai fitoi popullaritet midis votuesve dhe p\u00ebrfundimisht erdhi n\u00eb pushtet duke protestuar kund\u00ebr krijimit t\u00eb AKS-s\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, q\u00ebndrimi i Kurtit ndryshoi k\u00ebt\u00eb vit, kur ai nominalisht\u00a0pranoi<\/a>\u00a0ta themeloj\u00eb AKS-n\u00eb.<\/p>\n Fakti q\u00eb kryeministri Kurti ndryshoi q\u00ebndrimin e vet dhe e pranoi k\u00ebt\u00eb detyrim, sh\u00ebnon nj\u00eb fitore diplomatike p\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb.<\/p>\n Beteja diplomatike 2: Mb\u00ebshtetja transatlantike<\/strong><\/p>\n Kur bie fjala te mb\u00ebshtetja dhe nd\u00ebrtimi i aleancave, viti 2023 shp\u00ebrfaqi nj\u00eb dinamiz\u00ebm t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm. Pavar\u00ebsisht partneriteteve tradicionale dhe mb\u00ebshtetjes nga vendet per\u00ebndimore p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs, Serbia n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb aktive u p\u00ebrpoq t\u00eb siguronte mb\u00ebshtetjen e ShBA-s\u00eb, Franc\u00ebs, Gjermanis\u00eb dhe Italis\u00eb.<\/p>\n Qasja e Serbis\u00eb ishte deri n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb mase e suksesshme, pasi arriti t\u00eb fitonte luft\u00ebn e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve publike dhe t\u00eb faj\u00ebsonte Qeverin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr stagnimin e dialogut t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuar nga BE-ja.<\/p>\n P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, BE-ja dhe ShBA-ja vendos\u00ebn masa kufizuese p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb refuzimit p\u00ebr t\u2019i t\u00ebrhequr nj\u00ebsit\u00eb speciale t\u00eb policis\u00eb nga veriu dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbutur p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimin e situat\u00ebs. Kjo e vendosi Serbin\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion t\u00eb favorsh\u00ebm negociues dhe i la shum\u00eb pak hap\u00ebsir\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr manovra diplomatike.<\/p>\n Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, Kosova u p\u00ebrpoq t\u00eb forcoj\u00eb pozit\u00ebn e saj duke siguruar mb\u00ebshtetjen e organeve legjislative n\u00eb ShBA dhe Mbret\u00ebri t\u00eb Bashkuar. Deputetja britanike Alicia Kearns n\u00eb raste t\u00eb caktuara veproi n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me q\u00ebndrimin zyrtar t\u00eb Qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb Mbret\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Bashkuar duke mb\u00ebshtetur<\/a> Prishtin\u00ebn, nd\u00ebrsa tet\u00eb kryetar\u00eb t\u00eb komiteteve t\u00eb pun\u00ebve t\u00eb jashtme, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb vet\u00eb Kearns-in dhe senatorin amerikan Menendez, s\u00eb bashku me deputet\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb nga vende t\u00eb tjera, u b\u00ebn\u00eb thirrje<\/a> BE-s\u00eb, ShBA-s\u00eb dhe Britanis\u00eb s\u00eb Madhe t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb qasjen karshi Kosov\u00ebs dhe ta rrisin presionin karshi Serbis\u00eb.<\/p>\n Pavar\u00ebsisht betej\u00ebs intensive diplomatike midis Serbis\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs, sanksionet e vendosura kund\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebs, p\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00ebn her\u00eb qysh nga shpallja e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj, zor se mund t\u00eb injorohen. K\u00ebsisoj, Serbia markon nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr fitore diplomatike.<\/p>\n Beteja diplomatike 3: Sulmi n\u00eb Banjsk\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n S\u00eb fundmi, fusha e tret\u00eb dhe kryesore e betej\u00ebs ishte sulmi i forcave paramilitare serbe n\u00eb Manastirin e Banjsk\u00ebs. Edhe pse n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast fjala fush\u00ebbetej\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb kuptim literal, sulmi n\u00eb Banjsk\u00eb ndikoi padyshim n\u00eb zhvillimet n\u00eb terren.<\/p>\n Midis t\u00eb gjitha ngjarjeve q\u00eb u pan\u00eb t\u00eb ndodhnin p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb vitit 2023, sulmi n\u00eb Banjsk\u00eb deri m\u00eb tani ka qen\u00eb ai me m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti ndikim. Pavar\u00ebsisht nj\u00eb hetimi t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm dhe munges\u00ebs s\u00eb informacionit t\u00eb qart\u00eb se cili ishte q\u00ebllimi i k\u00ebtij operacioni dhe kush realisht e mb\u00ebshteti at\u00eb, sulmi vuri n\u00eb rrezik t\u00eb menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm dialogun, sikund\u00ebr edhe procesin e normalizimit.<\/p>\n E qart\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo se ngjarja n\u00eb Banjsk\u00eb ka p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsuar pozit\u00ebn e Serbis\u00eb dhe pasojat e saj do t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. Nj\u00eb pasoj\u00eb e menj\u00ebhershme \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrkesa e hapur e BE-s\u00eb dhe vendeve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb saj drejtuar Serbis\u00eb q\u00eb ta njoh\u00eb de fakto Kosov\u00ebn.<\/p>\n Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fitore e qart\u00eb p\u00ebr Qeverin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs, pasi \u00e7\u00ebshtja e njohjes nuk ishte pjes\u00eb e negociatave t\u00eb m\u00ebparshme e megjithat\u00eb Kurti arriti ta p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb at\u00eb n\u00eb agjend\u00ebn e dialogut.<\/p>\n \u00cbsht\u00eb sfid\u00eb n\u00eb vete t\u2019i jap\u00ebsh nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje definitive pyetjes s\u00eb parashtruar n\u00eb titull. Fush\u00ebbetejat diplomatike duket se ndajn\u00eb nj\u00eb raport barabart\u00ebsie, me Kosov\u00ebn q\u00eb arrin t\u00eb shtyj\u00eb p\u00ebrpara \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e njohjes dhe me Serbin\u00eb q\u00eb siguron themelimin e AKS-s\u00eb. Megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, Serbia arrin t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb avantazh t\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm n\u00eb raport me Kosov\u00ebn, pasi Kosova vazhdon t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00ebn sanksione nd\u00ebrsa Serbia jo.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Viti 2023 \u00ebsht\u00eb karakterizuar me zhvillime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme sa i p\u00ebrket dialogut Prishtin\u00eb-Beograd. N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, serb\u00ebt nis\u00ebn vitin me dor\u00ebheqje kolektive nga institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs, protesta civile dhe bojkot t\u00eb zgjedhjeve lokale n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Prishtina vendosi nj\u00ebsi speciale p\u00ebr t\u2019i shoq\u00ebruar kryetar\u00ebt e rinj, gj\u00eb q\u00eb i kontribuoi tutje rritjes s\u00eb tensioneve. Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":15,"featured_media":2410,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[672,664,12,656],"ppma_author":[25],"class_list":["post-2409","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-eu","tag-kosovo","tag-serbia","tag-usa"],"authors":[{"term_id":25,"user_id":15,"is_guest":0,"slug":"milos-pavkovic","display_name":"Milo\u0161 Pavkovi\u0107","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/MP_cropped-150x150-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/MP_cropped-150x150-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Pavkovi\u0107","first_name":"Milo\u0161","description":"Milo\u0161 Pavkovi\u0107 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtar politik me specializim n\u00eb rajonin e Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore, politik\u00ebn krahasuese, regjimet hibride dhe politik\u00ebn e BE-s\u00eb. Studimet bachelor dhe master p\u00ebr shkenca politike i kreu n\u00eb Universitetin e Beogradit. Ai kaloi nj\u00eb vit n\u00eb Universitetin e Grazit si student n\u00eb Erasmus dhe mbrojti tez\u00ebn e magjistratur\u00ebs (De)konsolidimi i shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb kontekstin e negociatave bashk\u00ebkohore nd\u00ebrmjet Qeverive t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs* dhe Serbis\u00eb. Ai kreu masterin e dyt\u00eb n\u00eb shkencat politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Evrop\u00ebs Qendrore (CEU). Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebautor i publikimit Elementet kryesore t\u00eb nevojshme p\u00ebr p\u00ebrparimin n\u00eb normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. Milo\u0161 aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb i pun\u00ebsuar si studiues n\u00eb Qendr\u00ebn e Politikave Evropiane (CEP), Beograd dhe sh\u00ebrben si Ambasador i Ri i Evrop\u00ebs n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2409","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/15"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2409"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2409\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2411,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2409\/revisions\/2411"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/2410"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2409"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2409"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2409"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2409"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}