{"id":2470,"date":"2020-09-14T13:44:10","date_gmt":"2020-09-14T11:44:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=2470"},"modified":"2025-12-12T12:44:38","modified_gmt":"2025-12-12T10:44:38","slug":"cfare-lloj-regjimi-ka-kina","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/cfare-lloj-regjimi-ka-kina\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00c7far\u00eb lloj regjimi ka Kina?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Modeli totalitar ka pararend\u00ebs edhe n\u00eb historin\u00eb moderne edhe n\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb lasht\u00eb kineze. Por as nuk ka qen\u00eb as nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i pashmangsh\u00ebm.<\/em><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se si Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe vendet tjera per\u00ebndimore duhet t\u00eb sillen me Kin\u00ebn n\u00eb vitet n\u00eb vijim, duhet t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb se me \u00e7far\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb. Kjo dije duhet t\u00eb buroj\u00eb si nga historia kineze ashtu edhe nga veprimet e koh\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit.<\/p>\n

Duhet t\u00eb ndajm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb diskutim nga zhurma q\u00eb u krijua nga p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsimi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve SHBA \u2013 Kin\u00eb. Duke provuar t\u00eb devijoj\u00eb v\u00ebmendjen nga menaxhimi i dob\u00ebt i kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb COVID-19, administrata e Trumpit ka qen\u00eb pa nevoj\u00eb provokuese n\u00eb q\u00ebndrimin e saj ndaj Kin\u00ebs, duke ngulmuar p\u00ebr shembull q\u00eb COVID-19 t\u00eb quhet \u201cvirusi i Wuhanit.\u201d Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb qasje serioze ndaj politikave dhe duhet t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsohet me nj\u00eb vler\u00ebsim m\u00eb gjakftoht\u00eb t\u00eb gjendjes n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn jemi.<\/p>\n

Si shoq\u00ebri, Kina ka nj\u00ebr\u00ebn prej historive m\u00eb t\u00eb gjata e t\u00eb vazhdueshme n\u00eb bot\u00eb, me \u00e7\u2019rast ka nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsive mes dinastive t\u00eb saj t\u00eb ndryshme dhe t\u00eb sotmes. P\u00ebrsa shum\u00eb v\u00ebzhgues per\u00ebndimor\u00eb e njohin historin\u00eb e Kin\u00ebs s\u00eb para shekullit 20, dija e tyre zakonisht shtrihet vet\u00ebm deri te Dinastia e fundit Qing, kur vendi ishte n\u00ebn sundimin e nj\u00eb regjimi t\u00eb huaj n\u00eb shthurje.<\/p>\n

Kina qe qytet\u00ebrimi i par\u00eb bot\u00ebror q\u00eb krijoi shtet modern. Me modern n\u00ebnkuptoj nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb qe i paansh\u00ebm n\u00eb trajtimin e qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb vet. Shum\u00eb prej shteteve t\u00eb hershme t\u00eb cil\u00ebt Max Weber i etiketoi \u201cpatrimoniale\u201d \u2013 dmth, shtet q\u00eb u formua nga oborri i sundimtarit dhe q\u00eb varej nga marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet personale mes sundimtarit dhe miqve e familjar\u00ebve t\u00eb tij. Nd\u00ebrkaq, shteti i paansh\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb i centralizuar, burokratik, operon sipas rregullave dhe nuk qeveriset sipas tekave t\u00eb sundimtarit.<\/p>\n

Shteti modern u shfaq s\u00eb\u00a0 pari n\u00eb mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb per\u00ebndimore t\u00eb Qin-it, e cila u b\u00eb Prusia e bashkimit kinez duke mposhtur rival\u00ebt p\u00ebriudh\u00ebn e Luft\u00ebrave Nd\u00ebrshtet\u00ebrore [475-221 p.e.s.] dhe themeloi dinastin\u00eb e par\u00eb t\u00eb bashkuar kineze m\u00eb 221 p.e.s.. Qin krijoi nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb peshimit dhe matjeve, sistem tatimi, burokraci p\u00ebr ta administruar at\u00eb, dhe nd\u00ebrmorri nj\u00eb rregullim social n\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb madhe. Dinastia pasardh\u00ebse Han shtoi nj\u00eb element t\u00eb fort\u00eb konfu\u00e7ian, duke theksuar nevoj\u00ebn q\u00eb zyrtar\u00eb t\u00eb arsimuar t\u00eb qeverisin m\u00eb t\u00eb madhen perandori n\u00eb bot\u00eb. Ky shtet i fort\u00eb kinez nuk zhvilloi kurr\u00eb institucione kund\u00ebrpeshuese t\u00eb kufizimit t\u00eb pushtetit, si sundimi i ligjit apo llogaridh\u00ebnia demokratike, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, duke u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb zbutjen e sundimtar\u00ebve p\u00ebrmes edukimit.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto institucione kan\u00eb vazhduar t\u00eb karakterizojn\u00eb qeverin\u00eb kineze p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy mij\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebve. Regjimet kineze kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb centralizuara, burokratike dhe meritokratike. Rajonet nuk u lejuan t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb elitat e tyre; nuk pat di\u00e7ka t\u00eb ngjashme me aristokracin\u00eb e gjakut t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs mesjetare. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, Perandori p\u00ebrcaktonte prefekt\u00ebt e pastaj I nd\u00ebrronte me rotacion, p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur provincat dhe vendet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i parandalonte q\u00eb t\u00eb kapeshin politikisht prej elitave vendase. \u201cN\u00ebna Tig\u00ebr\u201d e Kin\u00ebs e cila sot zbaton disiplin\u00eb t\u00eb pam\u00ebshirshme ndaj f\u00ebmij\u00ebve t\u00eb saj q\u00eb prej Shanghait n\u00eb San Francisco, \u00ebsht\u00eb jehon\u00eb kulturore e nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn suksesi n\u00eb testom e sh\u00ebrbimit civil p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonte rrug\u00ebn e qart\u00eb drejt ngjitjes n\u00eb mobilitetin social.<\/p>\n

Kjo form\u00eb e menaxhimit nga lart posht\u00eb krijoi disa lloje tipike t\u00eb dilemave t\u00eb qeverisjes. Perandori shfryt\u00ebzonte burokrat\u00ebt p\u00ebr t\u00eb sunduar vendin, por kush do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb kontrollonte burokrat\u00ebt q\u00eb mund t\u00eb korruptoheshin fare leht\u00eb? P\u00ebr at\u00eb arsye, Perandori p\u00ebrdori eunuk\u00ebt sht\u00ebpiak\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kontrolluar burokrat\u00ebt? Por eunuk\u00ebt si do t\u00eb kontrolloheshin? N\u00eb dinastin\u00eb Ming, nj\u00eb perandor krijoi nj\u00eb \u201cbyro t\u00eb korrigjimit t\u00eb eunuk\u00ebve\u201d p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrur eunuk\u00ebt. Sot, Partia Komuniste e Kin\u00ebs mbik\u00ebqyr qeverin\u00eb; Departamenti i Organizimit i Partis\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyr Partin\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00ebn Xi Jinpingun, Komiteti Qendror p\u00ebr Inspektimin e Disiplin\u00ebs u fuqizua p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrur Departamentin e Organizimit dhe spastruar t\u00ebr\u00eb sistemin nga korupsioni.<\/p>\n

Ndon\u00ebse perandor\u00ebt kinez\u00eb mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb ushtruar autoritet t\u00eb plot\u00eb, n\u00eb praktik\u00eb pushteti i tyre ishte mjaft i kufizuar. Me nj\u00eb popullat\u00eb prej 60 milion\u00ebsh n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e lindjes s\u00eb Krishtit, ata sunduan n\u00eb nj\u00eb territor t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb cilin me mjetet teknologjike q\u00eb dispononin nuk qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje ta kontrollonin. Autoriteti kish nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb delegohej teposht\u00eb tek provincat dhe vendet q\u00eb ishin shpesh me jav\u00eb larg kryeqyteteve perandorake si Chang\u2019an apo Luoyang. N\u00eb nivelin lokal, qeverisja nuk ushtrohej nga shteti por mbetej n\u00eb duart e trash\u00ebgimtar\u00ebve t\u00eb familjeve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha q\u00eb ishin karakteristik\u00eb e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb kineze n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Por ndon\u00ebse ka elemente t\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsis\u00eb mes qeverisjes s\u00eb Partis\u00eb Komuniste t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs sot dhe Kin\u00ebs dinastike, ka poashtu fusha t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb ndryshimit. M\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me aspiratat e PKKs\u00eb s\u00eb Xi-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur nivelin e kontrollit totalitar mbi shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb kineze t\u00eb llojit t\u00eb papar\u00eb n\u00eb historin\u00eb njer\u00ebzore. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt, ajo huazon m\u00eb shum\u00eb prej Bashkimit Sovjetik t\u00eb Stalinit se sa prej historis\u00eb s\u00eb m\u00ebhershme kineze.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb mes t\u00eb shekullit 20,\u00a0Carl Friedrich dhe Zbigniew Brzezinski<\/a>\u00a0shpik\u00ebn termin \u201ctotalitar\u201d p\u00ebr t\u00eb karakterizuar regjimet sovjetike dhe naciste dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019i ve\u00e7uar ato prej diktaturave \u201cautoritare\u201d. Regjimet e tilla udh\u00ebhiqeshin prej nj\u00eb partie t\u00eb disiplinuar, t\u00eb gjall\u00ebruar nga nj\u00eb ideologji gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse, q\u00eb p\u00ebrdornin pushtetin policor p\u00ebr t\u00eb diktuar vullnetin e tyre, dhe k\u00ebrkonin t\u00eb kontrollonin aspektet m\u00eb intime t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve. Atomizimi pasues i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb u simbolizua nga Pavel Morozov, p\u00ebrbind\u00ebshi i ri q\u00eb u lart\u00ebsua nga Stalini p\u00ebr shkak se i raportoi prind\u00ebrit te policia sekrete. N\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201crrjedh\u00eb qarkore t\u00eb pushtetit\u201d, Partia do t\u00eb \u201cshp\u00eblante trurin\u201d popullit aq sa t\u00eb mos njiheshin zingjir\u00ebt q\u00eb i rob\u00ebronin.<\/p>\n

Eksperimenti totalitar I shekullit 20 d\u00ebshtoi p\u00ebrfundimisht p\u00ebr nj\u00eb varg arsyesh. Teknologjit\u00eb p\u00ebr kontrollin shoq\u00ebror n t\u00eb asaj kohe \u2013 agjitpropi, kampet e riedukimit, Gulagu, mbik\u00ebqyrja e gjithanshme dhe p\u00ebrdorimi i informator\u00ebve \u2013 n\u00eb fund dol\u00ebn t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb pamjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u2019iu qepur prapa popullat\u00ebs s\u00eb madhe t\u00eb Bashkimit Sovjetik. Rritja ekonomike dhe inovacioni k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb grim\u00eb liri personale. Por aspirata e kahmotshme totalitare \u2013 t\u00eb arrij\u00eb kontrollin e t\u00ebr\u00ebsish\u00ebm mbi trupat dhe mendjet e popullat\u00ebs s\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb \u2013 kurr\u00eb s\u2019u shua, dhe u p\u00ebrcoll prej Partis\u00eb Komuniste Sovjetike tek dega e saj kineze.<\/p>\n

Mao Zedongu u p\u00ebrpoq ta replikonte modelin totalitare me vegla t\u00eb ngjashme, p\u00ebrpjekje q\u00eb arriti pikun gjat\u00eb Revolucionit Kulturor. Rojet e Kuqe fanatike q\u00eb p\u00ebrqafonin \u201cmendimin e Maos\u201d u nd\u00ebrsyen me zell religjioz ndaj t\u00eb gjith\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrise. Kjo p\u00ebrpjekje, sikurse sovjetikja, d\u00ebshtoi gjithashtu, dhe kostot e tmerrshme t\u00eb Revolucionit Kulturor \u2013 posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht t\u00eb elitave q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnin Partin\u00eb Komuniste \u2013 shtruan udh\u00ebn p\u00ebr \u201crrug\u00ebtarin kapitalist\u201d Deng Xiaping q\u00eb t\u00eb fillonte \u00e7montimin e shtetit totalitar dhe z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimin me nj\u00eb si regjim t\u00eb r\u00ebndomt\u00eb autoritar.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e mundhsme q\u00eb vitet 1978-2012 t\u00eb shihen me nj\u00eb lloj nostalgjie, meq\u00eb populli kinez kishte p\u00ebrjetuar p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb q\u00eb prej Revolucionit nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb liris\u00eb personale \u2013 liri p\u00ebr t\u00eb bler\u00eb e shitur, p\u00ebr t\u00eb l\u00ebvizur, shprehur mendime, p\u00ebr t\u00eb udh\u00ebtuar jasht\u00eb vendit \u2013 q\u00eb i b\u00ebri p\u00ebrs\u00ebri t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqshme krahasimet mes Kin\u00ebs dinastike dhe Kin\u00ebs modern. \u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, intelektual\u00ebve kinez\u00eb iu dha liria p\u00ebr t\u00eb rizbuluar historin\u00eb e tyre komb\u00ebtare dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb eksploruar d\u00ebmin q\u00eb ju ishte shkaktuar k\u00ebtyre traditave nga virusi i huaj komunist. Partia zbuti kontrollin ndaj ekonomis\u00eb dhe shtetit dhe rregulloi sjelljen e saj p\u00ebrmes rregullave si udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsia e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, pensionimi i detyruesh\u00ebm, dhe mandatet e rregullta dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7are p\u00ebr udheq\u00ebsit m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb. Krahasuar me shumic\u00ebn prej regjimeve tjera autoritare, Kina ishte institucionalizuar n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe.<\/p>\n

Ajo \u00e7far\u00eb ka ndodhur q\u00eb prej em\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb Xi Jinpingut Sekretar i P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm i PKKs\u00eb n\u00eb Kongresin e 18t\u00eb t\u00eb Partis\u00eb ka qen\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb ringjallur pjes\u00eb t\u00eb modelit t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr maoist. Xi Jinping \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cprincush,\u201d bir i nj\u00eb prej an\u00ebtar\u00ebve themelues t\u00eb PKKs\u00eb, i cili megjithat\u00eb u d\u00ebrgua \u201cposht\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb fshat bashk\u00eb me familjen gjat\u00eb Revolucionit Kulturor. Megjithat\u00eb, ndryshe nga elitat tjera q\u00eb p\u00ebrjetuan k\u00ebt\u00eb traum\u00eb, Xi duket se e kujton k\u00ebt\u00eb periudh\u00eb me nostalgji dhe ka b\u00ebr\u00eb \u00e7\u2019ka mundur p\u00ebr t\u00eb rind\u00ebrtuar sa t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur modelin maoist. Partia u rifut n\u00eb \u00e7do shtres\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00ebs kineze; marksiz\u00ebm-leninizmi n\u00ebn petkun e \u201cmendimit t\u00eb Xi Jinpingut\u201d u rifut n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00eb dhe u m\u00ebsua p\u00ebrs\u00ebri n\u00eb shkolla; pushteti policor \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb paimangjinueshme. Sot ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb milion ujgur\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb degdisur n\u00eb kampe t\u00eb riedukimit n\u00eb Kin\u00ebn Per\u00ebndimore, n\u00eb orvatjen masive p\u00ebr t\u00eb riprogramuar mendjet dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb zhdukur islamin nga vet\u00ebdija e tyre. Jan\u00eb ringjalluar madje edhe k\u00ebng\u00ebt e k\u00ebnduara nga Rojet e Kuqe.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrderisa aspirata e kontrollit totalitar mbetet po ajo, ka disa dallime mes p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb Maos dhe Xis\u00eb. \u201cMendimi i Xi Jinpingut\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsues i zbeht\u00eb i Librit t\u00eb Kuq t\u00eb Maos. Xi nuk ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb nj\u00eb ideologji koherente p\u00ebr t\u00eb frym\u00ebzuar fanatiz\u00ebm tek ndjek\u00ebsit e tij, p\u00ebrpos nj\u00eb nacionalizmi t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm kinez. Nd\u00ebrkaq, Xi ka n\u00eb dor\u00eb mjete teknologjike q\u00eb thjesht nuk ishin n\u00eb dispozicion t\u00eb totalitar\u00ebve t\u00eb shekullit 20. Sistemi i \u201ckreditit social\u201d kombinon t\u00eb gjitha metodat e inteligjenc\u00ebs artificiale, t\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave dhe sensor\u00ebve t\u00eb kudondodsh\u00ebm, dhe i v\u00eb ato n\u00eb duart e shtetit kinez. As Stalini as Mao nuk mund t\u00eb shihnin drejtp\u00ebrdrejt l\u00ebvizjet, fjal\u00ebt, transaksionet e dit\u00ebp\u00ebrditshme t\u00eb vart\u00ebsve t\u00eb tyre si\u00e7 ka mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb sot partia kineze.<\/p>\n

Dallimi tjet\u00ebr i madh mes formave t\u00eb vjetra e t\u00eb reja t\u00eb totalitarizmit \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimi m\u00eb i madh i Xis\u00eb i stimujve pozitiv\u00eb. Stalini dhe Mao p\u00ebrdor\u00ebn terrorin dhe detyrimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb p\u00eblqimin me politikat e tyre. XI ka p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsin\u00eb e ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb dyt\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb bot\u00eb, dhe mund\u00ebsit\u00eb q\u00eb ofron ajo p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar stimuj pozitiv\u00eb p\u00ebr bindje ndaj regjimit. Kina e Xis\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb klas\u00ebn e mesme t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur se sa n\u00eb fshatar\u00ebsin\u00eb e tmerruar. Por dora e rrept\u00eb e shtetit q\u00ebndron prapa \u00e7do mund\u00ebsie n\u00eb dukje t\u00eb pafajshme q\u00eb i ofrohet qytetar\u00ebve kinez\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr dallim i madh mes Maos dhe Xis\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e jashtme. Me t\u00eb marr\u00eb hov Revolucioni Kulturor, Kina ishte aq shum\u00eb e preokupuar me pun\u00ebt e brendshme sa nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte ndonj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim serioz p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn e jashtme. Nd\u00ebrsa XI ka vendosur nj\u00eb agjend\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme ambicioze p\u00ebr PKKn\u00eb. Ajo synon t\u00eb zhvendos\u00eb qendr\u00ebn e ekonomis\u00eb bot\u00ebrore n\u00eb Euroazi p\u00ebrmes \u201cBelt and Road Initiative\u201d, larg prej asaj transoqeanike me qend\u00ebr n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara. P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb u definuan pretendimet p\u00ebr ekspansion territorial p\u00ebrmes krijimit dhe militarizimit t\u00eb ishujve p\u00ebrbrenda \u201cVij\u00ebs N\u00ebnt\u00ebshe\u201d n\u00eb Detin e Kin\u00ebs Jugore. Xi ka shpallur fuqish\u00ebm q\u00ebllimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb rimarr\u00eb Tajvanin brenda nj\u00eb dekade, edhe me forc\u00eb po qe nevoja. Krahasuar me periudh\u00ebn para 2012, ai ka lart\u00ebsuar \u201cmodelin kinez\u201d si nj\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb dispozicion p\u00ebr t\u2019u eksportuar.<\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebse u importua nga ish Bashkimi Sovjetik, totalitarizmi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pa precedent n\u00eb historin\u00eb kineze. Shteti i Qin-it zhviloi nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb protototalitarizmit n\u00ebn udh\u00ebheqjen e kryeministrit Shang Yang t\u00eb mbeshtetur n\u00eb doktrin\u00ebn e Legalizmit dhe shkrimet e Han Feit, q\u00eb mendonte se qeniet njer\u00ebzore qen\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebqija n\u00eb thelb dhe mund t\u00eb mbahen n\u00ebn kontroll p\u00ebrmes k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit t\u00eb nd\u00ebshkimeve t\u00eb ashpra. Kjo doktrin\u00eb hyri n\u00eb fuqi gjat\u00eb Qin Shi Hauangdi, perandorit t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs s\u00eb bashkuar, varri i s\u00eb cilit me luft\u00ebtar\u00ebt prej balte n\u00eb Xian vizitohet sot nga turist\u00ebt. Shang Yeng vendosi precendentin e p\u00ebrpjekjeve masive p\u00ebr riformatim social q\u00eb shfuqizoi sistemin \u201ce rishp\u00ebrndarjes s\u00eb tok\u00ebs\u201d dhe zhvendosi qindra mij\u00ebra fshatar\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i v\u00ebnte n\u00ebn kontrollin e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit. Perandori Qin dogji librat e Konfu\u00e7it dhe varrosi t\u00eb gjall\u00eb 400 shkollar\u00eb konfu\u00e7ian\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i zhdukte idet\u00eb e tyre. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rast\u00ebsi q\u00eb nj\u00eb prej adhuruesve m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj t\u00eb Shan Yangut ishte Mao Zedongu, i cili ringjalli studimin e asaj periudhe t\u00eb historis\u00eb kineze.<\/p>\n

Aq shyp\u00ebse ishte Dinastia Qin sa zgjati vet\u00ebm gjasht\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet\u00eb. Perandori Qin kishte dh\u00ebn\u00eb urdh\u00ebr q\u00eb t\u00eb ekzekutohej secili oficer q\u00eb p\u00ebsonte disfat\u00eb n\u00eb betej\u00eb, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb dy kolonel\u00eb q\u00eb u gjeten n\u00eb at\u00eb pozit\u00eb nuk kishin \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb humbnin dhe iu kundervun\u00eb shefit. Dinastia Qin u z\u00ebvend\u00ebsua me Dinastin\u00eb e madhe Han, q\u00eb zgjati p\u00ebr pes\u00ebqind vjet\u00eb. Legalizmi u zbut p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb konfu\u00e7ianizmi t\u00eb rilindur, q\u00eb riktheu respektin p\u00ebr edukimin dhe ofroi autonomi m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebr familjen.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb modeli totalitar i Xis\u00eb ka pararend\u00ebs si n\u00eb historin\u00eb moderne edhe at\u00eb t\u00eb lasht\u00eb kineze. Por \u00ebsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb mbahet mend se nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi model n\u00eb dispozicion. Shumica e qeverive dinastike t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs parakomuniste nuk aspiruan as p\u00ebr s\u00eb af\u00ebrmi t\u00eb ken\u00eb nivelin e kontrollit total si t\u00eb Shang Yangut, Maos, apo Xis\u00eb. Ato qen\u00eb m\u00eb af\u00ebr tipit t\u00eb autoritarizmit t\u00eb praktikuar n\u00ebn Deng Xiaopingun apo Jiang Zeminin. P\u00ebr dallim prej Legalizmit, tradita konfu\u00e7iane beson se qeniet njer\u00ebzore jan\u00eb t\u00eb mira n\u00eb thelb dhe mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrsosen p\u00ebrmes edukimit. Ajo njeh r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e tipeve tjera t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve njer\u00ebzore, e jo thjesht vet\u00ebm atyre q\u00eb i lidhin individ\u00ebt e atomizuar me shtetin e gjithansh\u00ebm. Shum\u00eb historian\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebhersh\u00ebm kinez\u00eb e konsideronin Dinastin\u00eb Qin si nj\u00eb lloj \u00e7oroditje t\u00eb tradit\u00ebs q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb shmanget e jo t\u00eb imitohet. Trash\u00ebgimia marksist-leniniste sovjetike e ngulitur n\u00eb praktikat e PKKs\u00eb s\u00eb sotme ofroi nj\u00eb arsyetim t\u00eb ri ideologjik p\u00ebr totalitarizmin, por i till\u00eb q\u00eb ishte n\u00eb shp\u00ebrputhje me shum\u00eb tradita t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjosura kineze.<\/p>\n

Prandaj Kina e Xis\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb kulmim i pashmangsh\u00ebm i historis\u00eb paraprake kineze. Kur u ngrit n\u00eb krye t\u00eb Partis\u00eb m\u00eb 2012, shum\u00eb elita kineze shpresuan se do t\u00eb merrej me korupsionin e madh \u2013 gj\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e b\u00ebri n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shum\u00eb autoritare \u2013 por edhe t\u00eb shtronte rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Kin\u00eb m\u00eb liberale q\u00eb do t\u00eb lejonte m\u00eb shum\u00eb liri p\u00ebr t\u2019u shprehur, menduar, nd\u00ebrvepruar, dhe kritikuar qeverin\u00eb. Ata u zhg\u00ebnjyen thell\u00eb kur ai l\u00ebvizi n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt, duke vendosur prioritetin jo te mireq\u00ebnia e kombit t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb, por te mbijetesa e Partis\u00eb Komuniste t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. Pse e b\u00ebri k\u00ebt\u00eb, lidhet me historin\u00eb e tij dhe marifetet personale; nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr lider mund t\u00eb kishte marr\u00eb drejtim krejt tjet\u00ebr. Nuk kishte pashmangshm\u00ebri historike q\u00eb t\u00eb sillte k\u00ebto rezultate.<\/p>\n

Rreziqet e nj\u00eb regjimi q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon kontroll totalitar dol\u00ebn n\u00eb sheh n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e para t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb COVID-19, kur Dr. Li Wenliang u nd\u00ebshkua ashp\u00ebr p\u00ebr arsye se foli haptas p\u00ebr epidemin\u00eb. P\u00ebr aq sa dihet, rrjedha e keqinformimit vazhdon edhe sot. \u00cbsht\u00eb gabim q\u00eb qasja totalitare e PKKs\u00eb n\u00eb menaxhimin e virusit t\u00eb merret si model p\u00ebr t\u2019u ndjekur nga vendet tjera. Fqinj\u00ebt si Korea e Jugut dhe Tajvani, q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja demokraci librale, arrit\u00ebn rezultate m\u00eb t\u00eb mira gjat\u00eb pandemis\u00eb pa p\u00ebrdorur metoda drakonike si n\u00eb Kin\u00eb. Nj\u00eb prej rreziqeve m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha sot \u00ebsht\u00eb se bota k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb adoptoj\u00eb modelin totalitar t\u00eb Xis\u00eb si formul\u00eb fituese n\u00eb p\u00ebrballimin e krizave t\u00eb ardhshme, n\u00eb vend se modelin m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb Lindjes s\u00eb Larg\u00ebt q\u00eb kombinon kapacitetet e forta shtet\u00ebrore me kompetenc\u00ebn teknokratike.<\/p>\n

Si duhet pra q\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe demokracit\u00eb tjera per\u00ebndimore t\u00eb sillen me Kin\u00ebn e Xis\u00eb? Pik\u00eb s\u00eb pari duhet t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb se kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me nj\u00eb vend me aspirat\u00eb totalitare ngjash\u00ebm me Bashkimin Sovjetik t\u00eb mesit t\u00eb shkullit 20 dhe jo m\u00eb ndonj\u00eb regjim t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm \u201cautoritar kapitalist\u201d. Nuk ka sektor t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb privat n\u00eb Kin\u00eb. Edhe pse ka t\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb t\u00eb drejte prone dhe nd\u00ebrmarr\u00ebs ambicioz\u00eb atje, shteti mund t\u00eb shtrihet kur t\u2019i teket dhe t\u00eb kontrolloj\u00eb \u00e7donj\u00ebr\u00ebn prej firmave t\u00eb \u201csektorit privat\u201d si Tencent apo Alibaba. Edhe pse fushata e Trumpit kund\u00ebr Huaweit ka qen\u00eb e ngath\u00ebt dhe e paaft\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb aspekte, n\u00eb thelb, q\u00ebllimi \u00ebsht\u00eb i drejt\u00eb: Do t\u00eb ishte \u00e7menduri p\u00ebr \u00e7do demokraci liberale t\u00eb lejonte k\u00ebt\u00eb kompani t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtonte infrastruktur\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb informacionit, duke e ditur se si mund t\u00eb kontrollohet nga shteti kinez.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb gjer\u00ebsisht, Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe demokracit\u00eb tjera liberale duhet t\u00eb fillojn\u00eb gradualisht shk\u00ebputjen ekonomike nga Kina. Pandemia ka treguar se si Europa si Amerika Veriore kan\u00eb krijuar var\u00ebsi t\u00eb rrezikshme ndaj aft\u00ebsiva prodhuese t\u00eb nj\u00eb pushteti armiq\u00ebsor. Sot ka plot vende t\u00eb tjera n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb ku mund t\u00eb gjendet zinxhiri i furnizimit. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb mjeljes s\u00eb kapaciteteve duhet q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb, larmin\u00eb e inputeve dhe v\u00ebmendje ndaj aft\u00ebsive q\u00eb mbahen n\u00ebn kontroll m\u00eb mir\u00eb n\u00eb vendet q\u00eb kan\u00eb vlera dmokratike. Atrofia e furnizuesve per\u00ebndimor\u00eb t\u00eb infrastruktur\u00ebs 5G \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka q\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ndodhte kurr\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme, Shtetet e Bashkuara kan\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtim ligjor t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesin sigurin\u00eb e Japonis\u00eb dhe Kores\u00eb Jugore, duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb garanci edhe vendeve si Tajvani dhe Singapori. P\u00ebr me t\u00ebp\u00ebr, SHBAja k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb mbroj\u00eb parimin global t\u00eb liris\u00eb s\u00eb navigimit. Megjithat\u00eb, baraspesha ushtarake p\u00ebrbrenda \u201czinxhirit t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb ishujve\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb duke ndryshuar shum\u00eb shpejt me rritjen e q\u00ebndrueshme t\u00eb aft\u00ebsive ushtarake t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, nd\u00ebrkaq aft\u00ebsia e Amerik\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u2019i mbaj\u00eb zotimet do t\u00eb dob\u00ebsohet gradualisht. Ajo duhet t\u00eb merret prerazi me k\u00ebt\u00eb mosp\u00ebrputhje dhe ose t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtas\u00eb aft\u00ebsit\u00eb e saj ose t\u00eb gjej\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebrheq q\u00ebllimet e saj.<\/p>\n

Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, aspirata e PKKs\u00eb p\u00ebr kontroll total ka arritur demokracit\u00eb liberale p\u00ebrqark bot\u00ebs. Qindra mij\u00ebra kinez\u00eb q\u00eb studiojn\u00eb, punojn\u00eb, dhe jetojn\u00eb jasht\u00eb shtetit p\u00ebr nj\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, duke kuptuar q\u00eb vendet e huaja ofrojn\u00eb mund\u00ebsi m\u00eb t\u00eb mira. Por PKKja, p\u00ebrmes derpartamentit t\u00eb Frontit t\u00eb P\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt do q\u00eb t\u2019i mbaj\u00eb ata besnik\u00eb ndaj Kin\u00ebs dhe t\u2019i shfryt\u00ebzoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb avancuar interesat e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme kineze. Ky ushtrim i atij q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb quajtur \u201cpushtet i mpreht\u00eb\u201d ka kanosur lirin\u00eb akademike n\u00eb shum\u00eb kampuse universitare n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim, me \u00e7\u2019rast ka qen\u00eb i duksh\u00ebm presioni i grupeve t\u00eb student\u00ebve kinez\u00eb dhe organizatave t\u00eb tjera. Kjo pastaj ngre dyshime t\u00eb padrejta ndaj qytetar\u00ebve kinez\u00eb q\u00eb \u00e7on te paragjykimet dhe akuzat a pabaza t\u00eb besnik\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrdersa duhet t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb se Kina e Xis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb pushtet totalitar, do t\u00eb duhej q\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mir\u00ebkuptim ta shoq\u00ebrojme me at\u00eb se kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e ardhmja e domosdoshme ose e pashmangshme p\u00ebr Kin\u00ebn. Regjimi \u00ebsht\u00eb totalitar p\u00ebr nga aspirata, por jo domosdo n\u00eb realitet. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, nuk e dim\u00eb sa t\u00eb efektshme do t\u00eb jen\u00eb metodat e reja teknologjike t\u00eb kontrollit si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb sistemi i kreditit social. Qytetar\u00ebt kinez\u00eb sot kan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb liri personale se sa qytetar\u00ebt e Kores\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut. Loj\u00ebrat e m\u00ebhershme me kontrollin totalitar u d\u00ebshmuan t\u00eb pasuksesshme: Dinastia Qin zgjati vet\u00ebm 16 vjet\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkaq Revolucioni Kulturor u shter brenda nj\u00eb dekade. Bindja ndaj rregullave t\u00eb PKKs\u00eb shpesh \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb baza vullnetare m\u00eb shum\u00eb se pasoj\u00eb e terrorit t\u00eb past\u00ebr, por me ngadal\u00ebsimin apo recesionin eventual t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb kineze, hap\u00ebsira e regjimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur stimuj pozitiv\u00eb p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim do t\u00eb zvog\u00eblohet. Ndryshe nga Mao, Xi nuk ka ndonj\u00eb idelogji t\u00eb fort\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb legjitimitet; \u201csocializ\u00ebm me tipare kineze\u201d apo \u201cmendimi i Xi Jinpingut\u201d nuk jan\u00eb ide p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat njer\u00ebzit do t\u00eb jepnin jet\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Si mund t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb Kina n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhm\u00ebn, si n\u00eb aspektin e mekanizmit t\u00eb ndryshimit, ashtu edhe n\u00eb pasojat afatgjate p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat mund t\u00eb shpresojm\u00eb?<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket mekanizmave, duket se ka shum\u00eb pak gjasa q\u00eb ndryshimi t\u00eb vij\u00eb nga posht\u00eb, prej nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeje t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb tipit q\u00eb kemi par\u00eb n\u00eb revolucionet e ndryshme me ngjyra ose n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e para t\u00eb Pranver\u00ebs Arabe. Duke marr\u00eb parasysh nivelin e tash\u00ebm t\u00eb kontrollit t\u00eb PKKs\u00eb, do t\u00eb ishte jasht\u00ebzakonisht e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb koordinohej mobilizimi i masave. Regjimi ka pushtet shtyp\u00ebs sa t\u00eb duash, t\u00eb cilin nuk ka hezituar ta p\u00ebrdor\u00eb sipas nevoj\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rast t\u00eb ndryshimit, ky mund t\u00eb niste p\u00ebrbrenda niveleve t\u00eb larta t\u00eb vet\u00eb Partis\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre, njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb jan\u00eb prekur m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti nga ngritja e Xi Jinpingut n\u00eb pushtet jan\u00eb bashkan\u00ebtar\u00ebt e Komitetit t\u00eb Politbyros\u00eb. Deng Xiaopingu la nj\u00eb trash\u00ebgimi t\u00eb udh\u00ebq\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn asnj\u00eb individ, si i vet\u00ebm, nuk mund t\u00eb grumbullonte pushtet diktatorial si t\u00eb llojit t\u00eb Maos. Ky sistem i sh\u00ebrbeu bukur mir\u00eb vendit p\u00ebr 30 vjet\u00eb, por Xi e ka \u00e7rr\u00ebnjosur t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht, duke m\u00ebnjanuar udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e lart\u00eb, duke iu eliminuar mandatet q\u00eb do ta detyronin t\u00eb largohej pas 10 vitesh dhe duke nd\u00ebrtuar kultin e personalitetit p\u00ebrreth vetes. Nj\u00eb konspiracion elitash si ai q\u00eb rr\u00ebzoi Nikita Khrushchevin n\u00eb ish-Bashkimin Sovjet v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb arrihet, por n\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb paqarta ekonomike, ndarjet p\u00ebrbrenda udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsis\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb thelloheshin.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rast t\u00eb ndryshimit, \u00e7far\u00eb duhet t\u00eb pres\u00eb populli kinez?<\/p>\n

Rruga e duhur do t\u00eb ishte tranzicioni i vazhduesh\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilit vendi s\u00eb pari do t\u00eb liberalizohej, pastaj t\u00eb demokratizohej \u2013 rrug\u00eb e ndjekur prej shum\u00eb vendeve evropiane n\u00eb shekujt 19 dhe 20. Pika fillestare do t\u00eb ishte tranzicioni prej sundimit me ligj te sundimi\u00a0i\u00a0<\/em>ligjit; rregulla t\u00eb qarta duhet t\u00eb zbatohen jo vet\u00ebm nga qytetar\u00ebt e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb dhe nivelet e ul\u00ebta t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb, por edhe nga vet\u00eb Partia. Duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb kufizime t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta kushtetuese ndaj ushtrimit t\u00eb pushtetit t\u00eb Partis\u00eb-Shtet, dhe rritje t\u00eb qen\u00ebsishme t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb gjyq\u00ebsore. Kushtetuta ekzistuese mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb pik\u00ebnisje, por ajo duhet t\u00eb zhveshet nga \u201cKat\u00ebr Parimet\u201d q\u00eb i japin PKKs\u00eb autoritetin p\u00ebrfundimtar politik. Partia do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqte tentakulat q\u00eb ka zgjatur n\u00eb \u00e7do cep e k\u00ebnd t\u00eb jet\u00ebs kineze dhe t\u2019i kthej\u00eb autoritetin qeveris\u00eb dhe Kongresit Komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Popullit. Qytetar\u00ebv\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u2019iu jepet m\u00eb shum\u00eb liri p\u00ebr t\u2019u shprehur, menduar, organizuar dhe kritikuar, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn n\u00eb at\u00eb mas\u00eb q\u00eb ishte e mundur para epok\u00ebs s\u00eb Xi Jinpingut.<\/p>\n

Tranzicioni afatshkurt\u00ebr drejt demokracis\u00eb shum\u00ebpartiake t\u00eb llojit q\u00eb ndodhi n\u00eb Tajvan ose Kore t\u00eb Jugut n\u00eb vitet 1980 do t\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb m\u00eb problematik. PKKja 90 milion an\u00ebtar\u00ebshe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm grupim politik q\u00eb drejton qeverin\u00eb nga lart, si n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb parlamentare; ajo\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>qeveria n\u00eb \u00e7do kuptim praktik dhe p\u00ebrmban pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb kapacitetit q\u00eb k\u00ebrkohet p\u00ebr funksionimin e shtetit. Demokratizimi do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb fillonte p\u00ebrbrenda vet\u00eb Partis\u00eb, me \u00e7\u2019rast do t\u2019u jepej m\u00eb shum\u00eb autonomi organeve t\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb ul\u00ebt, autoriteti i t\u00eb cil\u00ebve do t\u00eb rridhte p\u00ebrpjet\u00eb drejt niveleve m\u00eb t\u00eb larta, t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn e situat\u00ebs s\u00eb tanishme.<\/p>\n

Nuk ia vlen t\u00eb spekulohet n\u00eb detaje p\u00ebr llojet e reformave q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndodhnin n\u00eb Kin\u00ebn e s\u00eb ardhmes. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 n\u00eb nivel t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm, SHBAja nuk duhet ta ket\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb saj t\u00eb jashtme shtyrjen e Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim. Presioni nga nj\u00eb SHBA e dob\u00ebsuar dhe n\u00eb shum\u00eb aspekte e diskredituar fill pas pandemis\u00eb globale do t\u00eb ishte sipas t\u00eb gjitha gjasave kund\u00ebrproduktive. K\u00ebto ndryshime duhet t\u00eb vijn\u00eb prej vet\u00eb popullit kinez, dhe posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht prej elitave kineze t\u00eb cilat e kuptojn\u00eb se si funksionin sistemi i tyre dhe cilat jan\u00eb pikat e ndjeshme t\u00eb ndryshimit.<\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb duhet t\u00eb mbajn\u00eb mend amerikan\u00ebt \u00ebsht\u00eb se armiku i tyre n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb moment nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb Kina, por Partia Komuniste e Kin\u00ebs e cila ka ndezur motorin e totalitarizmit. Nuk kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me Kin\u00ebn e viteve 1990 as 2000, por me nj\u00eb krejt tjet\u00ebr kafsh\u00eb q\u00eb paraqet sfid\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb p\u00ebr vlerat tona demokratike. Duhet ta mb\u00ebrthejm\u00eb n\u00eb vend derisa t\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend autoritar normal, ose rrug\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb vend liberal. Kjo nuk do ta largoj\u00eb domosdo sfid\u00ebn q\u00eb paraqet Kina; nj\u00eb Kin\u00eb m\u00eb liberale shum\u00eb leht\u00eb b\u00ebhet m\u00eb nacionaliste. Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, do t\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb m\u00eb leht\u00eb t\u00eb merreshe me t\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, p\u00ebrgjat 3-4 viteve t\u00eb fundit, Shtetet e Bashkuara ka b\u00ebr\u00eb \u00e7mos p\u00ebr ta dob\u00ebsuar vetveten. Ka zgjedhur nj\u00eb lider q\u00eb zbavitet shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr duke demonizuar kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e brendsh\u00ebm se sa rival\u00ebt e jasht\u00ebm, q\u00eb ka flakur pa \u00e7ar\u00eb kok\u00ebn standardet e larta morale q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb themel i pushtetit global amerikan, dhe i cili ka qeverisur vendin me aq jokompetenc\u00eb p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb kriz\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb tre brezave t\u00eb fundit, sa q\u00eb nuk merret m\u00eb seriozisht as prej miqve as prej armiqve. P\u00ebrderisa demokracit\u00eb si grup nuk ia kan\u00eb dal\u00eb m\u00eb keq n\u00eb kontrollimin e kriz\u00ebs se sa qeverit\u00eb autoritare, Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb vet\u00ebparaqitet si performuese m\u00eb e mir\u00eb se Shtetet e Bashkuara, dhe ky krahasim dypal\u00ebsh \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebmendjes sot n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb. Para se t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshojm\u00eb Kin\u00ebn, na duhet t\u00eb ndryshojm\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe t\u00eb rikthejm\u00eb pozicionin e saj si pishtare globale e vlerave demokratike liberale n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

Francis Fukuyama \u00ebsht\u00eb kryetar i bordit t\u00eb redaksis\u00eb s\u00eb The American Interest. Shkrimet e tij mbi zhvillimet politike kineze mund t\u00eb gjenden n\u00eb librat e tij\u00a0The Origins of Political Order\u00a0<\/strong>dhe\u00a0Political Order and Political Decay\u00a0<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb\u00a0The American Interest.<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Ky artikull\u00a0mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit\u00a0dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Modeli totalitar ka pararend\u00ebs edhe n\u00eb historin\u00eb moderne edhe n\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb lasht\u00eb kineze. Por as nuk ka qen\u00eb as nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i pashmangsh\u00ebm. P\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se si Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe vendet tjera per\u00ebndimore duhet t\u00eb sillen me Kin\u00ebn n\u00eb vitet n\u00eb vijim, duhet t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb se me \u00e7far\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb. […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":497,"featured_media":8343,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1297],"ppma_author":[1318],"class_list":["post-2470","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-dragoi-i-zgjuar"],"authors":[{"term_id":1318,"user_id":497,"is_guest":0,"slug":"francis-fukuyama","display_name":"Francis Fukuyama","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/acf570052ab37265bb8fc88fc5449f1e086a6b7f9cc48b216c388b2c9d952080?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"Fukuyama","first_name":"Francis","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2470","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/497"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2470"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2470\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":13591,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2470\/revisions\/13591"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8343"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2470"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2470"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2470"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2470"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}