Ndryshimi nuk qe vet\u00ebm diskursiv. Eurapian\u00ebt kan\u00eb nd\u00ebrmmar\u00eb gjithashtu hapa t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm si p\u00ebrgjgje ndaj p\u00ebrparimeve t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. P\u00ebrderisa investimet kineze u rriten tej mase prej vitit 2015 (n\u00eb nivele shum\u00eb t\u00eb larta se investimet europiane n\u00eb Kin\u00eb), BE-ja inicoi mekanizmin e\u00a0mbik\u00ebqyrjes s\u00eb investimeve<\/a>. Si p\u00ebrgjigje ndaj p\u00ebrpjekjes s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb lidere n\u00eb teknologji, BE-ja filloi t\u00eb konsideronte\u00a0politika industriale proaktive<\/a>\u00a0dhe m\u00ebnyra p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahur krijimin e kampion\u00ebve industrial europian\u00eb. Qeverit\u00eb europiane jan\u00eb rreshtuar p\u00ebkrah SHBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb parandalimin e shit\u00ebsve kinez\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb lidhur marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e rrjeteve europiane 5G. Si kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigje ndaj politik\u00ebs kineze p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunimin n\u00eb zhvillimin e infrastruktur\u00ebs, BE-ja i \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtuar lidhshm\u00ebris\u00eb euroaziatike duke lansuar Strategjin\u00eb e Lidhshm\u00ebris\u00eb BE-Azi, dhe duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Japonin\u00eb si partner ky\u00e7.<\/p>\n T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto zhvillime kan\u00eb sjell\u00eb ndryshime t\u00eb konsiderueshme n\u00eb realitetin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve BE-Kin\u00eb: duke qen\u00eb n\u00eb pozicion mbrojt\u00ebs, BE-ja ka ngadal\u00ebsuar me sukses p\u00ebrparimin e Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb Europ\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrreth saj. Megjithat\u00eb, gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtij procesi, vet\u00eb BE-ja kaloi n\u00ebp\u00ebr ndryshime dramatike. Duke u larguar nga ideologjia e tregut t\u00eb lir\u00eb, ajo nd\u00ebrmori masa mbrojt\u00ebse n\u00eb raport me kufizimin e pranis\u00eb ekonomike kineze n\u00eb kontinent. Edhe pse \u00a0mbetet gjithnj\u00eb e p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb lidhshm\u00ebrin\u00eb euroaziatike, tash BE-ja e ka bashkuar k\u00ebt\u00eb lidhshm\u00ebri me interesat strategjike, duke sajuar nj\u00eb qasje zhvillimore t\u00eb bizneseve n\u00eb terren, q\u00eb reflekton \u2018qasjen kineze\u2019 n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb jashtme. Kjo e fundit ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me at\u00eb se si BE-ja e ka ndryshuar qasjen e saj ndaj zgjerimit \u2013 p\u00ebr shembull, p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr zgjerim n\u00eb\u00a0Ballkan<\/a>, si dhe vet\u00eb Procesi i Berlinit, jan\u00eb paraqitur gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb si orvatje p\u00ebr t\u2019i rezistuar ndikimit kinez n\u00eb rajon.<\/p>\n Pandemia COVID-19 i ka zmadhuar ndryshimet e vazhdueshme t\u00eb diskursit dhe politikave t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs ndaj Kin\u00ebs. Edhe pse me qasje jo aq antagoniste si ajo amerikane, europian\u00ebt kritikuan menaxhimin e hershem t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs ndaj pandemis\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht orvatjet e Pekinit p\u00ebr t\u2019u pozicionuar n\u00eb ball\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigj\u00ebs globale ndaj saj. Gjat\u00eb pandemis\u00eb, BE-ja shtoi kritik\u00ebn ndaj Kin\u00ebs, nd\u00ebrkaq udh\u00ebtimet e diplomat\u00ebve kinez\u00eb n\u00eb Europ\u00eb duket se nuk kan\u00eb arritur t\u00eb sjellin efektet e d\u00ebshiruara (marr\u00eb parasysh q\u00eb Kina ka dashur q\u00eb viti 2020 t\u00eb jet\u00eb vit i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb saj me Europ\u00ebn). Ndryshe nga p\u00ebrvoja pas kriz\u00ebs globale financiare kur t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt u koordinuan p\u00ebr s\u00eb af\u00ebrmi, tash p\u00ebr tash nuk ka bisedime rreth asaj se si do t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb BE-ja dhe Kina gjat\u00eb procesit t\u00eb rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbjes ekonomike pas pandemis\u00eb. N\u00eb fakt, ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb gjasa t\u00eb ket\u00eb gar\u00eb dhe rivalitet t\u00eb shtuar, meq\u00eb Europa puqet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb me SHBA-n\u00eb karshi sfid\u00ebs q\u00eb paraqet Kina (p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr dallimeve thelb\u00ebsore n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet transatlantike rreth \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb tjera).<\/p>\n Me gjith\u00eb k\u00ebto zhvillime, b\u00ebhet e qart\u00eb se duke vendosur p\u00ebr q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr ndaj Kin\u00ebs, BE-ja duket se tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb aktor edhe m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm \u201cgjeopolitik\u201d, ashtu si\u00e7 d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb shum\u00eb europian\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb disi paradoksale, kjo tregon se duke mos ja arritur ta ndryshoj\u00eb Kin\u00ebn, BE-ja tash po e ndryshon qasjen dhe k\u00ebshtu po kalon vet\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr transformim t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm. Disi, kjo tregon gjithashtu se deri me tash shum\u00eb rrall\u00eb e kemi shtruar pyetjen e parehatshme por t\u00eb domosdoshme: jo se si Europa e ka ndryshuar Kin\u00ebn, por se si ngritja e Kin\u00ebs e ka ndryshuar Europ\u00ebn?<\/p>\n ***<\/p>\n <\/p>\n Ky artikull\u00a0mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit\u00a0dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/em><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Deri n\u00eb vitet e fundit, europian\u00ebt kan\u00eb besuar se duke u angazhuar aktivisht me Kin\u00ebn p\u00ebrmes bashk\u00ebpunimit ekonomik dhe dialogut kulturor, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapin vlerat europiane, dhe k\u00ebshtu ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb Kin\u00ebn si vetveten. Megjithat\u00eb, me koh\u00eb, q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebria e gjat\u00eb e partis\u00eb-shtet t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs dhe modeli i saj i qeverisjes socio-ekonomike ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":466,"featured_media":8343,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1297],"ppma_author":[1182],"class_list":["post-2476","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-dragoi-i-zgjuar"],"authors":[{"term_id":1182,"user_id":466,"is_guest":0,"slug":"anastas-vangeli","display_name":"Anastas Vangeli","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/5a97bb5cdebf5474793e06c4346ad5a840785749555d6c7675451cc8c0b87b93?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"Vangeli","first_name":"Anastas","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2476","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/466"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2476"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2476\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2477,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2476\/revisions\/2477"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8343"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2476"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2476"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2476"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2476"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}![\"Image\"](\"https:\/\/sbunker.net\/uploads\/sbunker.net\/images\/2022\/March\/09\/auto_auto_auto_1200px-U.S._Department_of_State_official_seal.svg160500830516115744821646828829.png\")
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