{"id":2510,"date":"2021-06-22T10:46:57","date_gmt":"2021-06-22T08:46:57","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=2510"},"modified":"2024-10-16T10:51:10","modified_gmt":"2024-10-16T08:51:10","slug":"diplomacia-e-kines-po-kufizon-ambiciet-e-veta","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/diplomacia-e-kines-po-kufizon-ambiciet-e-veta\/","title":{"rendered":"Diplomacia e Kin\u00ebs po kufizon ambiciet e veta"},"content":{"rendered":"

Problemet e vet\u00ebshkaktuara t\u00eb Pekinit e b\u00ebjn\u00eb at\u00eb sfidues shum\u00eb m\u00eb pak k\u00ebrc\u00ebnues se sa duket.<\/p>\n

Politikb\u00ebr\u00ebsit amerikan\u00eb e konsiderojn\u00eb ringritjen e Kin\u00ebs si testin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh t\u00eb paraqitur deri m\u00eb tash nga nj\u00eb komb shtet rival p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb dhe prosperitetin e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara.\u00a0Udh\u00ebzuesi i Brendsh\u00ebm Strategjik i Siguris\u00eb Komb\u00ebtare<\/a>\u00a0i Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb Bardh\u00eb konkludon se Pekini \u201c\u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi garues potencialisht i aft\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb kombinoj\u00eb pushtetin ekonomik, diplomatik, ushtarak dhe teknologjik, p\u00ebr t\u00eb nisur nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdueshme ndaj nj\u00eb sistemi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm e t\u00eb hapur.\u201d<\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjitha prej k\u00ebtyre kat\u00ebr dimensioneve t\u00eb pushtetit jan\u00eb rritur n\u00eb vitin e kaluar. Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb qendore p\u00ebr ekonomin\u00eb globale, se sa q\u00eb ishte n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb pandemis\u00eb s\u00eb koronavirusit n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 2019, nd\u00ebrkaq Fondi Monetar Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar parashikon se Kina do t\u00eb rritet p\u00ebr 8.4 p\u00ebr qind k\u00ebt\u00eb vit dhe 5.6 p\u00ebr qind m\u00eb 2022, krahasuar me 6.4 p\u00ebr qind dhe 3.5 p\u00ebr qind respektivisht p\u00ebr Shtetet e Bashkuara. Duke thelluar ndikimin e saj p\u00ebrbrenda institucioneve t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb Kombet e Bashkuara dhe duke nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje jasht\u00ebsistemike, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb Nisma Rrip dhe Rrug\u00eb (BRI), ajo po i jep form\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb edhe arkitektur\u00ebs, edhe normave t\u00eb qeverisjes globale.<\/p>\n

F\u00ebrkimet ushtarake po intensifikohen n\u00eb Paq\u00ebsorin aziatik dhe zyrtar\u00ebt amerikan\u00eb po p\u00ebrqendrohen gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb korrigjimin e c\u00ebnueshm\u00ebrive t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb hap\u00ebsirat e Detit t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs Jugore dhe Ngushtic\u00ebs s\u00eb Tajvanit. M\u00eb n\u00eb fund, p\u00ebrderisa Kina po punon q\u00eb t\u00eb arrij\u00eb vet\u00ebmjaftueshm\u00ebri m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe teknologjike, duke e mb\u00ebshtetur vizionin e saj me miliarda dollar\u00eb t\u00eb kapitalit shtet\u00ebror, Shtetet e Bashkuara po merren me implikimet e nj\u00eb ekosistemi t\u00eb dyzuar, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos th\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb fragmentuar, t\u00eb teknologjis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, rritja e hendekut mes pesh\u00ebs ekonomike t\u00eb Pekinit dhe vet\u00ebsiguris\u00eb diplomatike do t\u00eb kufizoj\u00eb ndikimin e tij potencial. \u00cbsht\u00eb e mundshme t\u00eb paramendohet nj\u00eb skenar ku Kina posedon eknomin\u00eb duksh\u00ebm m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb bot\u00eb dhe ku prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb e gjen veten edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb tjet\u00ebrsuar prej demokracive t\u00eb p\u00ebrparuara industriale, t\u00eb cilat kolektivisht ende do t\u00eb ken\u00eb ep\u00ebrsi t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb ekonomike dhe aft\u00ebsis\u00eb ushtarake.<\/p>\n

Kina kishte nj\u00eb dritare premtuese n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn do t\u00eb konsolidonte p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsit\u00eb strategjike afatmesme \u2013 e mbase edhe afatgjata \u2013 gjat\u00eb administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb ish presidentit amerikan Donald Trump. P\u00ebrtej\u00a0n\u00ebnvizimit<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb pik\u00ebpamjeve t\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara jasht\u00eb vendit, politika e jashtme e administrat\u00ebs \u201cS\u00eb pari Amerika\u201d, shpesh i la aleat\u00ebt dhe partner\u00ebt e SHBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb kryq\u00ebzim. Pekini pati nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht t\u00eb volitshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrforcuar lidhjet me fuqit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha brenda dhe jasht\u00eb fqinj\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj vitin e kaluar, kur pandemia, recesioni dhe protestat kund\u00ebr padrejt\u00ebsive racore po zienin nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara.<\/p>\n

Sigurisht se Kina b\u00ebri p\u00ebrparime n\u00eb zgjerimin e ndikimit t\u00eb saj gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb Trumpit. Ajo themeloi Partneritetin Gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs Ekonomik Rajonal, nj\u00eb pakt tregtar q\u00eb do t\u00eb thelloj\u00eb tregtin\u00eb nd\u00ebraziatike, si dhe finalizoi Marr\u00ebveshjen Gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse p\u00ebr Investime (CAI) me Bashkimin Evropian. Ajo gjithashtu vazhdoi t\u00eb shtonte vende t\u00eb tjera si partnere t\u00eb BRI-s\u00eb dhe rriti zon\u00ebn e ndikimit teknologjik p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb bot\u00ebs n\u00eb zhvillim;\u00a0nj\u00eb studim i koh\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit<\/a>\u00a0gjeti se Huawei ka n\u00ebnshkruar 70 marr\u00ebveshje me qeverit\u00eb ose nd\u00ebrmarrjet shtet\u00ebrore n\u00eb 41 vende gjat\u00eb 15 viteve t\u00eb fundit, kryesisht n\u00eb Afrik\u00ebn n\u00ebnsahariane, Azi dhe Amerik\u00eb Latine.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto p\u00ebrparime rastisen me shfaqjen e nj\u00eb toni diplomatik nacionalist m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebndosur t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, q\u00eb shpesh quhet \u201cdiplomaci e Ujq\u00ebrve Luft\u00ebtar\u00eb<\/a>\u201d sipas filmave t\u00eb stilit t\u00eb Rambos me t\u00eb njejtin em\u00ebr, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt paraqesin luft\u00ebtar\u00eb kinez\u00eb q\u00eb mbrojn\u00eb nderin e vendit t\u00eb tyre. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht pas kritik\u00ebs fillestare nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare rreth p\u00ebrgjigjes s\u00eb Pekinit ndaj shp\u00ebrthimit t\u00eb COVID-19, shum\u00eb diplomat\u00eb kinez\u00eb filluan t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtonin fuqish\u00ebm kritik\u00ebn e veprimeve kineze duke theksuar dob\u00ebsit\u00eb e vendeve t\u00eb tjera dhe duke reklamuar arritjet e Pekinit. Diplomat\u00ebt kinez\u00eb jasht\u00eb vendit kan\u00eb p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsuar gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb qasje, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb nd\u00ebrveprime me gazetar\u00eb dhe n\u00eb media sociale.<\/p>\n

Stili diplomatik i kryetitujve i administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb Trump-it shpesh i dha mbules\u00eb qasjes s\u00eb ashp\u00ebr t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. P\u00ebr dallim, qasja e matur dhe jodramatike e administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb presidentit amerikan Joe Biden p\u00ebr t\u00eb riparuar aleancat dhe partneritetet amerikane ka rikthyer v\u00ebmendjen diplomatike kah sjellja e Pekinit. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm q\u00ebndrimi i Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara karshi Kin\u00ebs q\u00eb po ashp\u00ebrsohet. Bashkimi Evropian po nd\u00ebrmerr gjithashtu qasje m\u00eb skeptike, pas votimit t\u00eb fundit q\u00eb t\u00eb suspendoj\u00eb rishikimin e CAI-s\u00eb derisa Pekini t\u00eb heq\u00eb sanksionet ndaj deputet\u00ebve dhe think-tankeve evropiane.<\/p>\n

Tensionet me\u00a0Kanadan\u00eb<\/a>,\u00a0Australin\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0dhe\u00a0Mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb e Bashkuar<\/a>\u00a0jan\u00eb ngritur. Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me\u00a0Indin\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0jan\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsuar duksh\u00ebm pas p\u00ebrplasjeve t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjakshme kufitare q\u00eb filluan majin e kaluar.\u00a0Japonia<\/a>\u00a0dhe\u00a0Koreja Jugore<\/a>\u00a0po investojn\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebri n\u00eb p\u00ebrforcimin e aleancave me Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe po nd\u00ebrmarrin hapa t\u00eb ndruajtur p\u00ebr t\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e tyre dypal\u00ebshe<\/a>. N\u00eb fund,\u00a0pozicioni nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar i Tajvanit<\/a>\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb rritur nd\u00ebrsa kujdesi ndaj Kin\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb shtuar.<\/p>\n

Me shum\u00eb prej marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve ky\u00e7e dypal\u00ebshe t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs q\u00eb po ballafaqohen me sfida, koalicionet demokratike jan\u00eb duke u mobilizuar m\u00eb aktivisht. Dialogu Kat\u00ebrpal\u00ebsh i Siguris\u00eb tash ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb momentum se sa kurr\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb q\u00eb prej themelimit. NATO \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb e vendosur n\u00eb kritik\u00ebn ndaj Pekinit. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb marsit, Sekretari i P\u00ebrgjiths\u00ebhm Jens Stoltenberg\u00a0e quajti<\/a>\u00a0\u201cfuqi q\u00eb nuk ndan vlerat tona\u201d. Ministrat e jasht\u00ebm t\u00eb G-7 nxor\u00ebn nj\u00eb\u00a0deklarat\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb majit ku shprehen shqet\u00ebsim p\u00ebr shtypjen e Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb Xinjiang dhe Tibet, erozionin e demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb Hong Kongut, dhe praktikat eknomike shtr\u00ebnguese. N\u00eb nj\u00eb hap t\u00eb pashoq n\u00eb mars, Kanadaja, Bashkimi Evropian, Mbret\u00ebria e Bashkuar dhe Shtetet e Bashkuara\u00a0paralajm\u00ebruan<\/a>\u00a0sanksione t\u00eb koordinuara si p\u00ebrgjigje ndaj burgosjes n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb ujgur\u00ebve mysliman\u00eb nga Kina.<\/p>\n

Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigjur ashp\u00ebr, duke u paraqitur si objekt i nj\u00eb fushate t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjes. Porosi t\u00eb tilla b\u00ebjn\u00eb pun\u00eb p\u00ebr publikun n\u00eb vend, por si\u00e7\u00a0shpjegon<\/a>\u00a0shkenc\u00ebtarja politike Jessica Chen \u00cbeiss, ato nuk kan\u00eb shum\u00eb efekt jasht\u00eb vendit. P\u00ebrderisa udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsia kineze shfryt\u00ebzon sentimentin nacionalist, ajo nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht kufizon lirin\u00eb e manovrave t\u00eb saj n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme.<\/p>\n

Ato rikalibrime q\u00eb mund t\u2019i mund\u00ebsojn\u00eb Pekinit t\u00eb stabilizoj\u00eb lidhjet me fuqit\u00eb e tjera t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, mund t\u00eb interpretohen si l\u00ebshime ndaj presionit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm q\u00eb presidenti kinez Xi Jinping \u00ebsht\u00eb betuar se nj\u00eb Kin\u00eb m\u00eb e zonja dhe me m\u00eb vet\u00ebbesim nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb. Kjo dilem\u00eb dallon duksh\u00ebm prej fleksibilitetit t\u00eb cilin e kishte udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsia e Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb vitet 1980, kur qe n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb heq dor\u00eb prej shum\u00eb pretendimeve territoriale t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur mosmarr\u00ebveshjet e kahershme kufitare me Rusin\u00eb dhe vendet e tjera.<\/p>\n

Narrativ\u00ebt e Partis\u00eb Komuniste t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs ushqejn\u00eb nacionalizmin kinez. N\u00eb janar, Xi\u00a0deklaroi<\/a>\u00a0se \u201ckoha dhe gjendja jan\u00eb n\u00eb favorin ton\u00eb.\u201d Sekretari i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm i fuqish\u00ebm i organit q\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyr sigurin\u00eb e brendshme t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs Chen Yixin,\u00a0dha nj\u00eb deklarat\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb ngjashme po at\u00eb muaj: \u201cNgritja e Kin\u00ebs \u00ebsh\u00eb ndryshore madhore [e bot\u00ebs sot] \u2026 nd\u00ebrkaq ngritja e Lindjes dhe r\u00ebnia e Per\u00ebndimit \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb trend [global], dhe ndryshimet n\u00eb tablon\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare jan\u00eb n\u00eb favorin ton\u00eb.\u201d<\/p>\n

Udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsia kineze po shtyn p\u00ebrpara dy propozime: s\u00eb pari, Pekini po l\u00ebviz n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb paepur p\u00ebr t\u00eb rimarr\u00eb pozicionin e saj qendror e legjitim brenda \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve bot\u00ebrore, duke ndrequr nj\u00eb \u00e7ekuilib\u00ebr t\u00eb padrejt\u00eb strategjik. P\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndryshuar at\u00eb trajektore do t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb kota dhe t\u00eb d\u00ebmshme. S\u00eb dyti, nj\u00eb Uashington i dob\u00ebsuar po k\u00ebrkon me ankth q\u00eb t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb ep\u00ebrsin\u00eb e tamshme duke penguar ringritjen e Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Jo t\u00eb gjith\u00eb analist\u00ebt kinez\u00eb jan\u00eb aq kryene\u00e7\u00eb kur \u00ebsht\u00eb fjala te prospektet e Pekinit, si\u00e7\u00a0konkludoi<\/a>\u00a0nj\u00ebri prej nesh (Ryan Hass) pas m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 50 or\u00ebve dialog\u00eb n\u00eb Zoom me bashk\u00ebbisedues kinez\u00eb dhe pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsore t\u00eb fjalimeve t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb zyrtar\u00ebve kinez\u00eb dhe komenteve t\u00eb shkollar\u00ebve kinez\u00eb. P\u00ebr shembull, sipas profesorit t\u00eb Universitetit Renmin dhe k\u00ebshilltarit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb\u00a0Shi Yinhong<\/a>, \u201ct\u00ebrheqja e \u2018fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb but\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb bot\u00eb, resurset dhe p\u00ebrvojat q\u00eb ka Kina jan\u00eb mjaft t\u00eb kufizuara dhe pengesat vendore dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare me t\u00eb cilat do t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet Kina, p\u00ebrfshi nd\u00ebrlikimet e krijuara nga pandemia e koronavirusit, jan\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderueshme.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ka shum\u00eb arsye q\u00eb v\u00ebzhguesit kinez\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pyetje supozimin se Kina do t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb deri n\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb pacaktuar momentumin e tash\u00ebm. Zotimet e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb Pekinit ndaj mosp\u00ebrfshirjes kufizojn\u00eb aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb formuar aleanca dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb mir\u00ebbesimit q\u00eb mund t\u2019i p\u00ebrdor\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019iu p\u00ebrgjigjur presionit t\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara dhe miqve t\u00eb saj. Prodhimtaria e Kin\u00ebs\u00a0mbetet e ul\u00ebt<\/a>\u00a0krahasuar me vendet e zhvilluara dhe ajo duhet t\u00eb merret me \u00e7\u00ebshtje serioze demografike si dhe pengesa t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb arritjen e vet\u00ebmjaftueshm\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb fusha t\u00eb caktuara si gjys\u00ebmp\u00ebr\u00e7uesit.<\/p>\n

Pekini ende \u00ebsht\u00eb rrug\u00ebs p\u00ebr ta kaluar Uashingtonin p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket madh\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme ekonomike \u2013 duke i shtuar pesh\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderueshme k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve t\u00eb saj, t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptuara ose jo, ndaj vendeve q\u00eb e kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb vendet n\u00eb zhvillim. Sidoqoft\u00eb, pesha totale ekonomike nuk prodhon menj\u00ebher\u00eb pozicion t\u00eb p\u00ebrpjestuesh\u00ebm diplomatik.<\/p>\n

Ndon\u00ebse Shtetet e Bashkuara tejkaluan Mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb e Bashkuara n\u00eb madh\u00ebsin\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjithshme ekonomike n\u00eb fund t\u00eb shekullit XIX, ajo nuk u shfaq si fuqi e shquar bot\u00ebrore deri n\u00eb fund t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. Nd\u00ebrkaq, madh\u00ebsia e kombinuar e ekonomive demokratike do t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb e madhe se bruto produkti vendor i Kin\u00ebs edhe p\u00ebr disa dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00eb, madje edhe n\u00eb skenar\u00ebt m\u00eb optimist t\u00eb rritjes s\u00eb Pekinit.<\/p>\n

Ekzistojn\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn dy implikime t\u00eb qarta politike. S\u00eb pari, diplomacia vet\u00ebkufizuese e Kin\u00ebs i jep Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtur, por jo t\u00eb qeverisur nga ringritja e Pekinit. Uashingtoni as nuk duhet t\u00eb lejoj\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjja e saj ndaj sjelljes s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs t\u00eb pengoj\u00eb ndjekjen e prioriteteve tjera t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, as t\u00eb shpreh\u00eb mbres\u00ebn se vendimet e Kin\u00ebs do t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb at\u00eb se si do t\u00eb rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbet n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi dhe si do t\u00eb ripozicionohet jasht\u00eb vendit.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, edhe p\u00ebrderisa shfryt\u00ebzon gabimet diplomatike t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbur marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e saj me aleat\u00ebt dhe partner\u00ebt, Shtetet e Bashkuara duhet t\u00eb kujdesen q\u00eb mos ta shohin Kin\u00ebn prej nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamjeje t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb p\u00ebrbrenda korniz\u00ebs s\u00eb \u201cgar\u00ebs s\u00eb fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha.\u201d Uashingtoni duhet t\u00eb angazhohet par\u00ebsisht me miqt\u00eb e saj jo p\u00ebrreth nj\u00eb vendi q\u00eb synojn\u00eb ta kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb, por p\u00ebrreth rezultateve q\u00eb m\u00ebtojn\u00eb t\u00eb arrijn\u00eb \u2013 pik\u00eb s\u00eb pari nj\u00eb rend pas pandemis\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb menaxhoj\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb efektshme si krizat afatshkurt\u00ebra, sikurse COVID-19, ashtu edhe sfidat afatgjata, sikurse ndryshimi klimatik.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, ka dhe do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb mosp\u00ebrputhje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme mes perceptimeve t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve t\u00eb demokracive t\u00eb p\u00ebrparuara industriale dhe prioriteteve t\u00eb politikave kundrejt Kin\u00ebs. Edhe pse shqet\u00ebsimet e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta mund t\u00eb nixisin koalicionet, nd\u00ebrmarrjet affirmative mund t\u2019i mb\u00ebshtesin ato m\u00eb seriozisht.<\/p>\n

Mund t\u00eb ngrihet kund\u00ebrshtimi se Shtetet e Bashkuara p\u00ebrkufizuan politik\u00ebn e tyre t\u00eb jashtme gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb n\u00eb terma kund\u00ebrshtues, duke e paraqitur veten si antitez\u00eb t\u00eb Bashkimit Sovjetik. Megjithat\u00eb, \u00e7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja, Uashingtoni sfidoi Mosk\u00ebn n\u00ebn shenj\u00ebn e nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjeje m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb e m\u00eb largpam\u00ebse: duke nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb rend p\u00ebr t\u00eb penguar katastrofat q\u00eb pik\u00eb s\u00eb pari e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb nevojsh\u00ebm nj\u00eb rend t\u00eb till\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse pas triumfalizmit q\u00eb e p\u00ebrcolli r\u00ebnien e Bashkimit Sovjetik, SHBA-ja u ngut q\u00eb t\u00eb mos merrnin parasysh potencialin garues t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, tash ajo mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb para rrezikut t\u00eb mbitheksimit t\u00eb atij potenciali. Pekini nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as buz\u00eb shthurjes as rrug\u00ebs s\u00eb hegjemonis\u00eb; ai \u00ebsht\u00eb garues i qendrueshem, por megjithat\u00eb i kufizuar.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrpjekjet e SHBA-s\u00eb duhet t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb edhe prej mir\u00ebkuptimit t\u00eb es\u00ebllt se gara strategjike me Kin\u00ebn do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, edhe prej vler\u00ebsimit gjakftoht\u00eb t\u00eb pikave t\u00eb forta dhe t\u00eb dob\u00ebta garuese t\u00eb Pekinit. Shtetet e Bashkuara kan\u00eb llogari t\u2019i qasen asaj gare me nj\u00eb vet\u00ebbesim t\u00eb qet\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohet n\u00eb p\u00ebrparimin e nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie t\u00eb hapur dhe t\u00eb barabart\u00eb, duke rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbur institucionet e saj demokratike dhe ruajtjes s\u00eb nism\u00ebs s\u00eb saj n\u00eb sken\u00ebn bot\u00ebrore duke gjall\u00ebruar p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb adresuar sfidat transkomb\u00ebtare, aq m\u00eb mir\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb demonstroj\u00eb forc\u00ebn e sistemit t\u00eb saj. P\u00ebrfundimisht, prestigji rrjedh prej performanc\u00ebs. P\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimi i performanc\u00ebs s\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara brenda dhe jasht\u00eb vendit duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb fokusi gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb\u00a0Foreign Policy<\/a>, m\u00eb 9 qershor 2021.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

\"Image\"<\/div>\n

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Ky artikull\u00a0mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit\u00a0dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Problemet e vet\u00ebshkaktuara t\u00eb Pekinit e b\u00ebjn\u00eb at\u00eb sfidues shum\u00eb m\u00eb pak k\u00ebrc\u00ebnues se sa duket. Politikb\u00ebr\u00ebsit amerikan\u00eb e konsiderojn\u00eb ringritjen e Kin\u00ebs si testin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh t\u00eb paraqitur deri m\u00eb tash nga nj\u00eb komb shtet rival p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb dhe prosperitetin e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara.\u00a0Udh\u00ebzuesi i Brendsh\u00ebm Strategjik i Siguris\u00eb Komb\u00ebtare\u00a0i Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb Bardh\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":488,"featured_media":8343,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1297],"ppma_author":[1309,1310],"class_list":["post-2510","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-dragoi-i-zgjuar"],"authors":[{"term_id":1309,"user_id":488,"is_guest":0,"slug":"ali-wyne","display_name":"Ali Wyne","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/f1b131cb4a5b80ac341d0ac865144d08b5502e78fb7862f1571951227069a353?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"Wyne","first_name":"Ali","description":""},{"term_id":1310,"user_id":489,"is_guest":0,"slug":"ryan-hass","display_name":"Ryan Hass","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/75128298517464ae9af1961f4867c250fb9a4804d8cef33f40c13fbf9a78bc77?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"Hass","first_name":"Ryan","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2510","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/488"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2510"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2510\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2511,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2510\/revisions\/2511"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8343"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2510"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2510"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2510"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2510"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}