{"id":2644,"date":"2019-11-27T14:13:03","date_gmt":"2019-11-27T12:13:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=2644"},"modified":"2024-09-19T14:17:05","modified_gmt":"2024-09-19T12:17:05","slug":"cfare-na-thote-sondazhi-i-ri-per-marredheniet-shqiperi-kosove","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/cfare-na-thote-sondazhi-i-ri-per-marredheniet-shqiperi-kosove\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00c7far\u00eb na thot\u00eb sondazhi i ri p\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Shqip\u00ebri-Kosov\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>M\u00eb 28 n\u00ebntor, si\u00e7 ndodh r\u00ebndom \u00e7do vit, shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb rajon do ta sh\u00ebnojn\u00eb p\u00ebrvjetorin e 107-t\u00eb t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, apo Dit\u00ebn e Flamurit. Sivjet nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb atmosfer\u00eb feste p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb t\u00ebrmetit q\u00eb goditi Shqiperin\u00eb, por gjithsesi rrug\u00ebt e Tiran\u00ebs, Prishtin\u00ebs, dhe qyteteve t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb Ballkan ku rrojn\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt do t\u00eb mbushen me shkab\u00ebn dykrenore.<\/p>\n<p>Ky simbol me origjin\u00eb bizantine, i p\u00ebrdorur n\u00eb mesjet\u00eb nga Sk\u00ebnderbeu gjat\u00eb q\u00ebndres\u00ebs kund\u00ebr pushtimeve osmane, u ringjall n\u00eb koh\u00ebt moderne nga l\u00ebvizja e Rilindjes Komb\u00ebtare Shqiptare, e cila vuri Sk\u00ebnderbeun n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb narracionit\u00a0komb\u00ebtar. Tok me gjuh\u00ebn e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb shqipe, flamuri sot q\u00ebndron si shtyll\u00eb qendrore e identitetit kulturor dhe politik t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve.<\/p>\n<p>Por, prapa unitetit t\u00eb fort\u00eb simbolik q\u00eb do t\u00eb ndihet n\u00eb Dit\u00ebn e Flamurit\u2014dhe ndjesis\u00eb s\u00eb vazhdueshme se identiteti komb\u00ebtar \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka aq e ngulitur saq\u00eb identitetet e tjera shtet\u00ebrore mund t\u00eb q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm si paralele apo dyt\u00ebsore kundrejt saj\u2014marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet politike mes shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb rajon po b\u00ebhen dita-dit\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuara.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb sondazh i ri i kryer bashkarisht nga Fondacionet p\u00ebr Shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb Hapur n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri dhe Kosov\u00eb me qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb dyja shteteve, pjes\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs jan\u00eb botuar nga mediat, jep t\u00eb dh\u00ebna mjaft t\u00eb vlefshme rreth k\u00ebsaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjeje. Ai po ashtu jep disa shenja se si k\u00ebto marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie mund t\u00eb zhvillohen politikisht gjat\u00eb dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb ardhshme.<\/p>\n<p>Kryeministri i Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, Edi Rama, ka flirtuar shpesh me iden\u00eb e bashkimit komb\u00ebtar, duke e p\u00ebrfytyruar madje n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb provokative iden\u00eb se Shqip\u00ebria dhe Kosova mund ta ken\u00eb nj\u00eb kryetar t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt brenda dhjet\u00eb viteve t\u00eb ardhshme. Kryeministri n\u00eb ardhje i Kosov\u00ebs, Albin Kurti, bashkimin komb\u00ebtar me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb e ka pasur pik\u00eb qendrore t\u00eb axhend\u00ebs s\u00eb tij. Dega e l\u00ebvizjes Vet\u00ebvendosje n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb madje ka planifikuar nj\u00eb Marsh p\u00ebr Bashkim n\u00eb Dit\u00ebn e Flamurit.<\/p>\n<p>Shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz e shp\u00ebrfillin retorik\u00ebn panshqiptare duke e reduktuar n\u00eb populiz\u00ebm p\u00ebr p\u00ebrdorim t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm, apo si shantazh ndaj komunitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrshpejtuar procesin e integrimit evropian. Gjithsesi, nuk ka dyshim se kjo retorik\u00eb abuzohet politikisht dhe u sh\u00ebrben elitave p\u00ebr ta shmangur v\u00ebmendjen nga problemet e tjera. Por p\u00ebrdorimi i k\u00ebsaj retorike e ka nj\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr an\u00eb t\u00eb medaljes, p\u00ebr faktin se thirret n\u00eb ndjenja t\u00eb fuqishme e me ndikim\u00a0 n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb shqiptare.<\/p>\n<p>Duke pasur parasysh rrethanat e trazuara gjeopolitike dhe shembjen e procesit t\u00eb integrimeve n\u00eb BE, ideja e bashkimit komb\u00ebtar \u00ebsht\u00eb ringjallur meq\u00eb tani duket m\u00eb e mundshme.<\/p>\n<p>Sondazhi i Fondacioneve t\u00eb Soros-it na tregon se bashkimi komb\u00ebtar g\u00ebzon p\u00ebrkrahje t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja shtetet. N\u00eb rast t\u00eb nj\u00eb referendumi, 75% t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe 64% t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs do t\u00eb votonin pro bashkimit komb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n<p>Por nj\u00eb lexim m\u00eb i thell\u00eb i rezultateve t\u00eb sondazhit gjithashtu na thot\u00eb se, pavar\u00ebsisht se nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje PO \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse si artikulim i aspiratave politike, ajo deri diku po ashtu vjen m\u00eb shum\u00eb si p\u00ebrgjigje refleksive. N\u00eb realitetin politik, PO-ja p\u00ebrballet me shum\u00eb POR-\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu munges\u00ebn e qart\u00ebsis\u00eb rreth kuptimit t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb bashkimit, si dhe \u00e7mimin q\u00eb duhet paguar p\u00ebr ta arritur at\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Pik\u00ebs\u00ebpari, fakti q\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahja p\u00ebr bashkimin del m\u00eb e lart\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri sesa n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb shkon kund\u00ebr intuit\u00ebs. Ndjendjat nacionaliste gjithsesi jan\u00eb m\u00eb pak t\u00eb shprehura n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri se n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Por, t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat japin shenj\u00eb se narrativi i bashkimit n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri mbetet i pranish\u00ebm dhe i fort\u00eb, por rri disi i fjetur sepse nuk ka arritur t\u00eb politizohet mjaftuesh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n<p>Shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri ndajn\u00eb bindjen se Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb ndar\u00eb padrejt\u00ebsisht nga Shqip\u00ebria kur u shpall pavar\u00ebsia. Por, gjat\u00eb dekadave t\u00eb fundit, v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsit\u00eb e brendshme ia kan\u00eb pamund\u00ebsuar Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb luksin e ndjekjes s\u00eb projekteve nacionale, p\u00ebrtej mb\u00ebshtetjes dhe solidaritetit q\u00eb i ka ofruar Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr liri dhe pavar\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n<p>Ky \u201cprioritizim\u201d i ul\u00ebt i bashkimit mund t\u00eb vihet re edhe n\u00eb sondazhin e fundit te p\u00ebrgjigja ndaj nj\u00eb pyetjeje q\u00eb mund t\u00eb merret si tregues i t\u00ebrthort\u00eb p\u00ebr intensitetin e d\u00ebshir\u00ebs p\u00ebr bashkim. Kur respondent\u00ebt jan\u00eb pyetur se a jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm ta paguajn\u00eb \u00e7mimin e projektit t\u00eb bashkimit (m\u00eb sakt\u00ebsisht \u201cta paguajn\u00eb nj\u00eb taks\u00eb\u201d), p\u00ebrkrahja p\u00ebr bashkimin bie n\u00eb 29% n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri dhe 44% n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb bie m\u00eb pak, por sidoqoft\u00eb bie n\u00ebn shumic\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Ky \u201cintensitet i ul\u00ebt i p\u00ebrkrahjes\u201d p\u00ebr bashkimin n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaft befasues dhe \u00e7on te p\u00ebrfundimi tjet\u00ebr i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i anket\u00ebs \u2013 te fakti se mendimi\u00a0<em>kosovarocentrik<\/em>\u00a0dhe krenaria p\u00ebr identitetin kosovar v\u00ebrtet \u00ebsht\u00eb forcuar gjat\u00eb dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb. Bot\u00ebkuptimi\u00a0<em>kosovarocentrik<\/em>\u00a0dikur ishte kryesisht i kufizuar n\u00eb mesin e shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb ishin integruar m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb Jugosllavi. Tani duket se ky bot\u00ebkuptim \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrqafuar pjes\u00ebrisht edhe nga klasa e re e mesme e pasluft\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Ka shum\u00eb arsye se pse kjo ka ndodhur, dhe ky shpjegim k\u00ebrkon trajtim t\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebm n\u00eb nj\u00eb shkrim t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb. Por, arsyeja m\u00eb e shpesht\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrmendet nga respondent\u00ebt e sondazhit t\u00eb cil\u00ebt pozicionohen kund\u00ebr bashkimit \u00ebsht\u00eb se \u201cshtetet e ndara do t\u00eb funksiononin m\u00eb mir\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb pa dyshim v\u00ebrehet nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim ndaj asimetris\u00eb s\u00eb fuqis\u00eb dhe ngjalet nj\u00eb traum\u00eb nga mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb Kosova s\u00ebrish t\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb periferi. Po ashtu ekziston nj\u00eb mosbesim te nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb kosovare ndaj elit\u00ebs s\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs, q\u00eb buron nga p\u00ebrvoja historike. Ekziston p\u00ebrshtypja se Tirana nuk e kupton dhe nuk e njeh Kosov\u00ebn mjaftuesh\u00ebm, dhe se p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye ajo do t\u00eb neglizhohet.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb thelb, edhe n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb, edhe n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb, shqet\u00ebsimi kryesor mbi bashkimin q\u00ebndron te ndarja e pushtetit dhe te hiset respektive. Kjo deri diku e shpjegon faktin e dal\u00eb nga anketa se n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja shtetet p\u00ebrkrahja p\u00ebr bashkimin \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e ul\u00ebta n\u00eb rajonet ku ndodhen kryeqytetet.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mes t\u00eb dy shteteve jan\u00eb zhveshur nga romantizimi dhe simbolizmat q\u00eb i prodhon identiteti i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, dhe kan\u00eb shkuar drejt kuptimit se ky identitet gjallon brenda dy realiteteve t\u00eb ndryshme politike.<\/p>\n<p>Asgj\u00eb s\u2019e ilustron m\u00eb mir\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fakt se gjendja e keqe e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve e tregtare. Edhe pse shk\u00ebmbimet mes Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs kan\u00eb lul\u00ebzuar n\u00eb fushat e kultur\u00ebs dhe medias (ku pengesat shtet\u00ebrore s\u2019ekzistojn\u00eb), deri n\u00eb pik\u00ebn ku hap\u00ebsira kulturore \u00ebsht\u00eb bashkuar, e nj\u00ebjta nuk mund t\u00eb thuhet p\u00ebr integrimin e tregut. Interesat e ngulitura ekonomike n\u00eb t\u00eb dy shtetet vazhdimisht kan\u00eb krijuar pengesa p\u00ebr nj\u00ebri tjetrin, po aq sa me shtetet e tjera n\u00eb rajon.<\/p>\n<p>Takimet e shpeshta nd\u00ebrqeveritare s\u2019kan\u00eb prodhuar asgj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se retorik\u00eb t\u00eb zbraz\u00ebt n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u2019i tejkaluar k\u00ebto pengesa. Politikan\u00ebt vazhdojn\u00eb t\u2019u japin llogari zonave elektorale dhe interesave ekonomike brenda shteteve t\u00eb tyre, dhe k\u00ebto mbeten forc\u00eb m\u00eb e fuqishme sesa nocionet abstrakte t\u00eb identitetit.<\/p>\n<p>E dh\u00ebna e tret\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme nga sondazhi \u00ebsht\u00eb se, p\u00ebrderisa shqiptar\u00ebt e d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb bashkimin n\u00eb parim, pak prej tyre (23% n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri dhe 17% n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb) besojn\u00eb se bashkimi \u00ebsht\u00eb i mundur. Megjithk\u00ebt\u00eb, pesimizmi nuk rezulton nga mendimi se dallimet e brendshme jan\u00eb t\u00eb pakalueshme\u2014shumica i konsiderojn\u00eb komunitetin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe shtetet e rajonit si pengesat m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha.<\/p>\n<p>\u00cbsht\u00eb e paqart\u00eb se si k\u00ebto marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie do t\u00eb zhvillohen n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen. Shum\u00eb\u00e7ka do t\u00eb varet nga forcat strukturore q\u00eb po i largojn\u00eb dhe afrojn\u00eb dy shtetet. Por, nj\u00eb gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e sigurt:\u00a0 nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb rrymat ekonomike dhe politike kan\u00eb prodhuar l\u00ebvizje t\u00eb m\u00ebdha tektonike n\u00eb rajon gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtij shekulli, identiteti shqiptar dhe narracioni\u00a0i tij historik ia ka dal\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm, duke sh\u00ebrbyer si baz\u00eb p\u00ebr solidaritet dhe veprim politik.<\/p>\n<p>&#8212;&#8211;<\/p>\n<p><em>N\u00eb muajt n\u00eb vijim, bashk\u00ebpunimi n\u00eb mes t\u00eb platformave online\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/remarker.media\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Remarker<\/a>\u00a0dhe Sbunker do t\u00eb sjell\u00eb nj\u00eb seri analizash q\u00eb kan\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim nxitjen e debatit t\u00eb hapur e kritik mbi situat\u00ebn aktuale n\u00eb rajonin e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Pas q\u00ebndrimeve t\u00eb fundit nga Franca, nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr shtetet an\u00ebtare me m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti ndikim n\u00eb BE, rajoni po p\u00ebrballet me nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr sfidat m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira t\u00eb tri dekadave t\u00eb fundit, prej kur shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor filluan rrug\u00ebn e tyre t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, fillimisht duke kaluar n\u00ebp\u00ebr konflikte dhe pastaj n\u00eb procesin e demokratizimit dhe integrimit evropian.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Q\u00ebllimi i\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/remarker.media\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Remarker\u00a0<\/a>dhe Sbunker \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb njohje m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve aktuale n\u00eb vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, dhe rritjen e vet\u00ebdijes mbi proceset e integrimit evropian, at\u00eb t\u00eb demokratizimit dhe sundimit t\u00eb ligjit, si kushtet kryesore p\u00ebr arritjen e paqes afatgjat\u00eb dhe stabilitetit n\u00eb rajon.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n<p>&#8212;&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Shkrimin n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn serbe mund ta gjeni\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/remarker.media\/region-2020\/novo-istrazivanje-o-odnosima-albanije-i-kosova-sta-mozemo-nauciti\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">k\u00ebtu<\/a><a href=\"https:\/\/remarker.media\/region-2020\/novo-istrazivanje-o-odnosima-albanije-i-kosova-sta-mozemo-nauciti\/\">,<\/a>\u00a0nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn angleze\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/sbunker.net\/rajoni-2020-bllogje-tematike\/90353\/what-a-new-poll-reveals-about-albania-kosovo-relations\/?fbclid=IwAR2-7gcweuvxdx8FUf_8tIZfLs5NS3rTAjS62iSDl3BqXgtvEfCArB8TjhU\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">k\u00ebtu.<\/a><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>M\u00eb 28 n\u00ebntor, si\u00e7 ndodh r\u00ebndom \u00e7do vit, shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb rajon do ta sh\u00ebnojn\u00eb p\u00ebrvjetorin e 107-t\u00eb t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, apo Dit\u00ebn e Flamurit. Sivjet nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb atmosfer\u00eb feste p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb t\u00ebrmetit q\u00eb goditi Shqiperin\u00eb, por gjithsesi rrug\u00ebt e Tiran\u00ebs, Prishtin\u00ebs, dhe qyteteve t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb Ballkan ku rrojn\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt do [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":438,"featured_media":7714,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1189,1188],"ppma_author":[985],"class_list":["post-2644","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-1189","tag-rajoni"],"authors":[{"term_id":985,"user_id":438,"is_guest":0,"slug":"agon-maliqi","display_name":"Agon Maliqi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Headshot-copy-3-1-scaled-e1721289936673.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Headshot-copy-3-1-scaled-e1721289936673.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Maliqi","first_name":"Agon","description":"Agon Maliqi \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, analist dhe aktivist i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile nga Prishtina, me banim n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb. Prej disa vitesh ai punon si k\u00ebshill\u00ebtar dhe studies i pavarur i \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, paqes dhe demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mori institutesh, organizatash dhe mediash vendase dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00eb\u00ebtare. Si aktivist i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr thuajse 20 vite, zt. Maliqi mes tjerash ka qen\u00eb bashk\u00ebthemelues dhe drejtues per disa vite i platform\u00ebs sbunker. N\u00eb vitin 2019 ai q\u00ebndroi p\u00ebr gjysm\u00eb viti n\u00eb Uashington D.C si p\u00ebrfitues i Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fello\u00ebship n\u00eb Fondin Komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Demokracis\u00eb (NED) n\u00eb SHBA. Sot ai \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e Grupit Strategjik p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb Fondacionit Heinrich B\u00f6ll (HBS) me baz\u00eb n\u00eb Berlin; pjes\u00eb e Task Forc\u00ebs rajonale t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb Institutit Republikan Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar (IRI) dhe an\u00ebtar i Koalicionit Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr Rip\u00ebrt\u00ebritje Demokratike (ICDR) t\u00eb Forumit 2000 n\u00eb Prag\u00eb. Zt. Maliqi ka mbaruar studimet master p\u00ebr politikat e zhvillimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb Duke University (SHBA) dhe ato bachelor p\u00ebr shkenca politike dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin Amerikan n\u00eb Bullgari."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2644","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/438"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2644"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2644\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7769,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2644\/revisions\/7769"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7714"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2644"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2644"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2644"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2644"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}