M\u00eb 6 maj, nj\u00ebzet vjet pas samitit t\u00eb par\u00eb, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e BE-s\u00eb dhe t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, t\u00eb ashtuquajturave \u2018WB6\u2019, u rimblodh\u00ebn n\u00eb Samitin e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb Zagrebit q\u00eb u mbajt n\u00eb internet p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pandemis\u00eb. N\u00eb vitin 2000, BE u kishte ofruar atyre procesin e Stabilizim-Asociimit (pSA), t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga Marr\u00ebveshjet e Stabilizim-Asociimit (MSA-t\u00eb) dhe negociatat e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit si hapa drejt k\u00ebtij t\u00eb fundit. P\u00ebrderisa Kroacia \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsuar n\u00eb vitin 2013, ambicia e path\u00ebn\u00eb ishte q\u00eb deri tash WB6 t\u00eb ishin an\u00ebtar\u00ebsuar, ose s\u00eb paku t\u00eb ishin n\u00eb rrug\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt drejt tij, pritshm\u00ebri kjo e bazuar n\u00eb faktin se shtetet ish-komuniste q\u00eb jan\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsuar n\u00eb vitin 2004 e kan\u00eb arritur k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebr pes\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet.<\/p>\n
Pas dy dekadash, t\u00eb gjitha vendet WB6 nuk kan\u00eb mb\u00ebrritur as n\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn e rrug\u00ebs drejt an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit. Prej at\u00ebher\u00eb e deri m\u00eb sot ata jan\u00eb duke zbatuar MSA-t\u00eb e tyre ose duke negociuar shum\u00eb ngadal\u00eb. Por, reformat dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse politike q\u00eb k\u00ebrkohen nga kriteret politike n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe kan\u00eb qen\u00eb dhe vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje amullie. Parlamente t\u00eb brisht\u00eb e t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb e qeveri jet\u00ebshkurtra si institucione demokratike; zgjedhje pamjaftueshm\u00ebrisht t\u00eb lira e t\u00eb drejta; k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime ndaj liris\u00eb s\u00eb shprehjes dhe liris\u00eb s\u00eb mediave; shkelje t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut; administrata publike t\u00eb paefektshme; munges\u00eb serioze t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb ligjit, p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsuar nga korrupsioni, krimi dhe gjyq\u00ebsor\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebt; si dhe probleme bilaterale q\u00eb shkojn\u00eb deri te mohimi i vet ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti fqinj. Lista \u00ebsht\u00eb e gjat\u00eb, gj\u00eb q\u00eb thjesht tregon se reformat politike jan\u00eb, n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, n\u00eb amulli, e n\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb keqin, n\u00eb regres, duke e r\u00ebnduar k\u00ebshtu nj\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi varshm\u00ebrie q\u00eb manifestohet nga nevoja p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur bllokada t\u00eb pafundme p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb ngushta, t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfillshme, t\u00eb akter\u00ebve politik\u00eb dhe individ\u00ebve t\u00eb pushtetsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n
Ka kontraste t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme q\u00eb jan\u00eb simptoma tipik\u00eb t\u00eb amullis\u00eb s\u00eb reformave politike. Nj\u00ebri prej tyre jan\u00eb barrierat politike dhe burokratike ndaj pjes\u00ebmarrjes gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse n\u00eb nismat rajonale t\u00eb sponsorizuara nga BE, n\u00eb kontekstin e p\u00ebrhapjes s\u00eb shpejt\u00eb t\u00eb tyre. Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb minimi i hapur i shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00eb fqinji n\u00eb aren\u00ebn bot\u00ebrore, krahas nj\u00eb zotimi formal ndaj nj\u00eb dialogu q\u00eb medoemos \u00e7on te njohja e saj. Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb fushata agresive p\u00ebr \u00e7njohje, nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarisht, t\u00eb folurit hapur p\u00ebr vendosje kufijsh p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb vijave etnike dhe shkelje t\u00eb heshtura t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeve p\u00ebr tregti t\u00eb lir\u00eb q\u00eb nxisin kund\u00ebrmasa hakmarr\u00ebse, n\u00eb kontekstin e nj\u00eb zotimi formal p\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb mira fqinj\u00ebsore dhe tregti t\u00eb lir\u00eb. Gjithashtu ka mohim t\u00eb hapur t\u00eb shkeljeve t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut q\u00eb kan\u00eb ndodhur n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, n\u00eb kontekstin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrshtet\u00ebrore, dhe neglizhim t\u00eb shkeljeve t\u00eb tanishme brenda vendeve, krahas nj\u00eb zotimi formal para BE-s\u00eb ndaj standardeve m\u00eb t\u00eb larta t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut. K\u00ebto dhe shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjera ka penguar dhe vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb pengojn\u00eb seriozisht \u00e7far\u00ebdo reformash politike q\u00eb do t\u00eb tregonin p\u00ebrkushtim t\u00eb nj\u00ebmendt\u00eb p\u00ebr integrimin rajonal ose n\u00eb BE. Mesazhi q\u00eb i jepet BE-s\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb problem serioz besueshm\u00ebrie n\u00eb raport me misionin p\u00ebr t\u00eb kultivuar dhe respektuar vlerat dhe parimet evropiane, nj\u00eb problem serioz besueshm\u00ebrie p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb zgjedhin udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs t\u00eb cil\u00ebt jan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb zellsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb manipuluar rregullat e loj\u00ebs n\u00eb nj\u00ebsit\u00eb e tyre politike demokratike sesa p\u00ebr reforma politike t\u00eb cilat i premtojn\u00eb, me aq mburr\u00ebsi kinse t\u00eb p\u00ebrulur, para BE-s\u00eb dhe qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n
Marr\u00eb parasysh k\u00ebt\u00eb sfond amullie politike, samiti i sivjetsh\u00ebm sh\u00ebrbeu si rast p\u00ebr t\u2019i miratuar formalisht ndryshimet n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e zgjerimit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb shpallen nga Komisioni Evropian n\u00eb Strategjin\u00eb e Zgjerimit, n\u00eb qershor. K\u00ebto risi t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj politike jan\u00eb kryesisht n\u00eb aspektin e zbatimit t\u00eb saj, jo n\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtje. Pas dy dekadash, BE edhe m\u00eb tej u ofron \u2018partner\u00ebve\u2019 t\u00eb WB6 di\u00e7ka aq t\u00eb vagullt sa nj\u00eb \u2018perspektiv\u00eb evropiane\u2019, nj\u00eb status q\u00eb u \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb shteteve post-sovjetike, p\u00ebrmes Partneritetit Lindor, nj\u00eb lloj kornize marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniesh pa q\u00ebllim an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin e plot\u00eb. Dikush k\u00ebtu mund t\u00eb shoh\u00eb rrezik se politika e zgjerimit po rr\u00ebshqet duke u larguar nga pSA, nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb kjo marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniesh e cila shprehimisht ka p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, duke m\u00ebnjanuar \u00e7far\u00ebdolloj p\u00ebrmendje t\u00eb nj\u00eb kornize kohore p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim, BE b\u00ebn hapa mbrapa nga qasja e shpallur n\u00eb vitin 2018 p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb saj rajonin n\u00eb tri rrath\u00eb: Mali i Zi dhe Serbia, Shqip\u00ebria dhe Maqedonia e Veriut, dhe Bosnja e Hercegovina dhe Kosova. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, fal\u00eb trysnive t\u00eb brendshme ndaj zgjerimit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb q\u00eb \u00e7uan n\u00eb \u2018metodologjin\u00eb e re\u2019 t\u00eb propozuar nga Presidenti francez Macron, k\u00ebto ndryshime e privojn\u00eb politik\u00ebn e zgjerimit nga kufizimet kohore q\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn kan\u00eb stimuluar n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe reformat n\u00eb vendet aderuese.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 q\u00eb zbatimi i MSA-ve dhe negociatat e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit do t\u00eb ecin pak a shum\u00eb paralelisht, nj\u00eb ndryshim tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfshirja e gjer\u00eb dhe e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb e Shteteve An\u00ebtare n\u00eb procesin e reformave dhe roli i tyre i zgjeruar n\u00eb vendimmarrje. Marr\u00eb parasysh se duhet respektuar rregulli i unanimitetit, t\u00eb arrish q\u00eb t\u00eb 27 an\u00ebtar\u00ebt t\u00eb bien dakord p\u00ebr nj\u00eb gam\u00eb t\u00eb pafundme \u00e7\u00ebshtjesh n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha fushat sigurisht se do ta b\u00ebj\u00eb pun\u00ebn e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb BE shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnduar dhe t\u00eb st\u00ebrzgjatur n\u00eb koh\u00eb. Kjo gjithashtu do ta rrezikoj\u00eb politizim t\u00eb m\u00ebtutjesh\u00ebm t\u00eb vendimmarrjes duke ua hapur der\u00ebn Shteteve An\u00ebtare t\u00eb marrin vendime bazuar n\u00eb interesat e tyre m\u00eb t\u00eb ngushta t\u00eb brendshme dhe dinamika e ndjeshm\u00ebri t\u00eb tilla, madje edhe n\u00eb ciklet zgjedhore. Shto k\u00ebsaj edhe rolin e dob\u00ebsuar t\u00eb Komisionit Evropian si shtyt\u00ebsi m\u00eb profesional, objektiv dhe neutral i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb zgjerimit, dhe ka fort mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb rezultati t\u00eb jet\u00eb q\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi i plot\u00eb n\u00eb BE t\u00eb b\u00ebhet m\u00eb i paparashikuesh\u00ebm dhe i pasigurt p\u00ebr secilin WB6.<\/p>\n
\u2018Zagrebi 2020\u2019 do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb sh\u00ebnonte nj\u00eb nj\u00ebzetvjetor hapash t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj historik\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb nga \u2018Zagrebi 2000\u2019, i cili \u2013 duke b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb orvatje q\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0shkruante historin\u00eb e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor paraprakisht, si\u00e7 ka b\u00ebr\u00eb BE e tanishme gjat\u00eb rrit\u00ebs s\u00eb vet p\u00ebrmes politik\u00ebs s\u00eb saj t\u00eb samiteve \u2013 kishte v\u00ebn\u00eb si ambicie nj\u00eb kap\u00ebrcim epokal nga kombet e qeverisura prej shtetesh t\u00eb brishta e t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfunduara drejt \u2018postkombeve\u2019. Marr\u00eb parasysh t\u00eb kaluarat e ndara p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb vijave etnike, t\u00eb kaluara k\u00ebto edhe rivalizuese \u2013 dhe n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsire publike politike e vlerash rajonale, e l\u00ebre m\u00eb evropiane \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb detyr\u00eb friksh\u00ebm e paarritshme t\u00eb form\u00ebsosh nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme politike t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt n\u00eb BE p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor. Aq friksh\u00ebm e paarritshme sa q\u00eb rrezikon t\u00eb perceptohet si zgjedhje fort e pasigurt nd\u00ebrmjet ndryshimeve fundamentale q\u00eb frym\u00ebzojn\u00eb emancipim t\u00eb pakthyesh\u00ebm politik dhe amullis\u00eb rraskapit\u00ebse me ngjyra t\u00eb karremit t\u00eb nacionalizmit q\u00eb mund t\u00eb na \u00e7oj\u00eb edhe n\u00eb disa dekada t\u00eb tjera jostabiliteti q\u00eb na ngjajn\u00eb me kujtimet e t\u00eb kaluarave t\u00eb err\u00ebta shkat\u00ebrrimesh nga luft\u00ebrat. Tekembramja, n\u00eb syt\u00eb e shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve, boshnjak\u00ebve, kosovar\u00ebve, malazez\u00ebve, maqedonasve dhe serb\u00ebve, hendeku nd\u00ebrmjet t\u00eb s\u00eb mundshmes s\u00eb k\u00ebsaj detyre dhe asaj q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e arritshme drejt jet\u00ebsimit t\u00eb saj nuk ka qen\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb i gjer\u00eb e m\u00eb i thell\u00eb. Mbase nj\u00eb pyetje m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb do t\u00eb mbesim oborr pas sht\u00ebpie i BE-s\u00eb, ose edhe m\u00eb keq, aren\u00eb gare p\u00ebr ndikim ekonomik e politik nd\u00ebrmjet fuqish t\u00eb tjera globale n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb multipolare n\u00eb nj\u00eb epok\u00eb populizmi.<\/p>\n
Pas dy dekadash, a jemi t\u00eb d\u00ebnuar q\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb \u2018s\u00eb udh\u00ebtuari vet\u00ebm brenda Zagrebit\u2019?<\/p>\n
*Pik\u00ebpamjet e shprehura jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb autorit.<\/em><\/p>\n —-<\/p>\n N\u00eb muajt n\u00eb vijim, bashk\u00ebpunimi n\u00eb mes t\u00eb platformave online\u00a0Remarker<\/a>\u00a0dhe Sbunker do t\u00eb sjell\u00eb nj\u00eb seri analizash q\u00eb kan\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim nxitjen e debatit t\u00eb hapur e kritik mbi situat\u00ebn aktuale n\u00eb rajonin e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor.<\/em><\/p>\n Pas q\u00ebndrimeve t\u00eb fundit nga Franca, nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr shtetet an\u00ebtare me m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti ndikim n\u00eb BE, rajoni po p\u00ebrballet me nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr sfidat m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira t\u00eb tri dekadave t\u00eb fundit, prej kur shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor filluan rrug\u00ebn e tyre t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, fillimisht duke kaluar n\u00ebp\u00ebr konflikte dhe pastaj n\u00eb procesin e demokratizimit dhe integrimit evropian.<\/em><\/p>\n Q\u00ebllimi i\u00a0Remarker<\/a>\u00a0dhe Sbunker \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb njohje m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve aktuale n\u00eb vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, dhe rritjen e vet\u00ebdijes mbi proceset e integrimit evropian, at\u00eb t\u00eb demokratizimit dhe sundimit t\u00eb ligjit, si kushtet kryesore p\u00ebr arritjen e paqes afatgjat\u00eb dhe stabilitetit n\u00eb rajon.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n —–<\/em><\/p>\n Shkrimin n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn serbe mund ta gjeni\u00a0k\u00ebtu<\/a>,\u00a0nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn\u00a0angleze\u00a0k\u00ebtu<\/a><\/em>.<\/a><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" M\u00eb 6 maj, nj\u00ebzet vjet pas samitit t\u00eb par\u00eb, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e BE-s\u00eb dhe t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, t\u00eb ashtuquajturave \u2018WB6\u2019, u rimblodh\u00ebn n\u00eb Samitin e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb Zagrebit q\u00eb u mbajt n\u00eb internet p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pandemis\u00eb. N\u00eb vitin 2000, BE u kishte ofruar atyre procesin e Stabilizim-Asociimit (pSA), t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga Marr\u00ebveshjet e […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":469,"featured_media":7714,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1189,1188],"ppma_author":[1190],"class_list":["post-2680","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-1189","tag-rajoni"],"authors":[{"term_id":1190,"user_id":469,"is_guest":0,"slug":"artan-qollaku","display_name":"Artan \u00c7ollaku","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/8a4d7e153604cf729156e6520a24eaee4813927d60bdc6e30ab63747b36f274e?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"\u00c7ollaku","first_name":"Artan","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2680","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/469"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2680"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2680\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7753,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2680\/revisions\/7753"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7714"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2680"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2680"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2680"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2680"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}