{"id":2710,"date":"2020-07-29T14:25:09","date_gmt":"2020-07-29T12:25:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=2710"},"modified":"2024-09-16T14:27:20","modified_gmt":"2024-09-16T12:27:20","slug":"autoritaret-kundrejt-liberaleve-nje-ndarje-ideologjike-ne-lindje-e-siper-ne-ballkanin-perendimor","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/autoritaret-kundrejt-liberaleve-nje-ndarje-ideologjike-ne-lindje-e-siper-ne-ballkanin-perendimor\/","title":{"rendered":"Autoritar\u00ebt kundrejt liberal\u00ebve: nj\u00eb ndarje ideologjike n\u00eb lindje e sip\u00ebr n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>\u00cbsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se autoritar\u00ebt tan\u00eb jan\u00eb pengesa kryesore n\u00eb transformimin politik t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrive t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i domosdosh\u00ebm p\u00ebr evropianizim. Duke parap\u00eblqyer bindje t\u00eb rrept\u00eb ndaj autoritetit t\u00eb tyre, madje edhe n\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb reformave t\u00eb evropianizimit, autoritar\u00ebt e Ballkanit kan\u00eb dhe vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzojn\u00eb sisteme t\u00eb dob\u00ebta demokratike p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur dhe zgjeruar pushtetin e tyre mbi shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse. Bot\u00ebkuptimet e tyre politike, motivet baz\u00eb dhe sjelljet e tyre kan\u00eb form\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb narrativ q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb konfrontim t\u00eb hapur me at\u00eb t\u00eb evropianizimit. Prandaj, sa m\u00eb e gjat\u00eb kjo e fundit dhe sa m\u00eb i gjat\u00eb pushteti i tyre i koniunkturuar n\u00eb institucione politike, ekonomike e shoq\u00ebrore, aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb nj\u00eb hendek ideologjik n\u00eb lindje e sip\u00ebr \u2013 nd\u00ebrmjet autoritar\u00ebve dhe liberal\u00ebve \u2013 pritet t\u00eb z\u00eb vend n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ndarje nd\u00ebrmjet autoritar\u00ebve t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb mbizot\u00ebrojn\u00eb politik\u00ebn ton\u00eb qe mbi nj\u00eb \u00e7erekshekull dhe liberal\u00ebve ideal\u00eb q\u00eb akoma nuk i kemi gjetur mes nesh p\u00ebr t\u00eb na udh\u00ebhequr.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00ebta dy jan\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt n\u00eb kuptimin se u shkojn\u00eb p\u00ebr shtati epokave t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb zhvillimit politik. Autoritar\u00ebt i p\u00ebrkasin nj\u00eb epoke politike etatizmi, t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar rreth nocionit t\u00eb sovranitetit t\u00eb kombit etnik mbi tok\u00ebn e vet komb\u00ebtare dhe komb-shtetasit e vet, mbi ligjet dhe t\u00eb gjitha llojet e institucioneve, mbi \u00e7far\u00ebdo forme t\u00eb pushtetit politik, brenda vendit dhe n\u00eb sken\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Liberal\u00ebt i p\u00ebrkasin nj\u00eb epoke politike t\u00eb shteteve \u2018post-etnike\u2019, ku shteti, si nj\u00eb prej shum\u00eb burimeve t\u00eb autoritetit politik, \u00ebsht\u00eb i nd\u00ebrtuar rreth nocionit t\u00eb sovranitetit t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb kombeve qytetare, dhe ushtrohet nga dhe p\u00ebrmes qytetar\u00ebve, ligjeve e institucioneve, jo mbi ta.<\/p>\n<p>Autoritar\u00ebt e shohin qeverin\u00eb si instrument t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb shtetit mbi individin; liberal\u00ebt si form\u00eb t\u00eb organizimit politik. Autoritar\u00ebt duket se i kan\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb veprim shtetet e tyre si instrumente p\u00ebr t\u00eb kufizuar fush\u00ebveprimin e liris\u00eb individuale dhe kolektive, p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur pabarazin\u00eb para ligjit n\u00eb nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb arbitraritetit t\u00eb shtyr\u00eb nga pretendimet p\u00ebr autoritet q\u00eb fitohen vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes demokracis\u00eb elektorale. Liberal\u00ebt e shohin q\u00ebllimin e shtetit si konstrukt shoq\u00ebror p\u00ebr t\u00eb forcuar dhe mbrojtur lirit\u00eb individuale e kolektive dhe barazin\u00eb para ligjit n\u00eb nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit ligjor t\u00eb institucionalizuar.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb bot\u00ebkuptimin e autoritar\u00ebve, evropianizimi nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb fare me vlerat dhe normat politike. Ata i konsiderojn\u00eb ato thjesht si retorik\u00eb e optimizmit t\u00eb rrejsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u2019i b\u00ebr\u00eb ata t\u00eb duken \u2018normal\u00eb\u2019 n\u00eb syt\u00eb e Evrop\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre, n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb projektuar ekskluzivisht p\u00ebr t\u00eb sht\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb, mbajtur dhe zgjeruar pushtetin. Ata proklamojn\u00eb iden\u00eb se mund t\u00eb jesh \u00e7far\u00ebdo n\u00eb aspektin e identitetit politik dhe megjithat\u00eb t\u00eb besosh n\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb BE, thjesht duke \u2018b\u00ebr\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb thon\u00eb ata\u2019, edhe n\u00ebse nj\u00ebher\u00ebsh vepron n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me vlerat e normat evropiane. P\u00ebr liberal\u00ebt vlerat dhe normat evropiane jan\u00eb fakte themeltare t\u00eb pakontestueshme, t\u00eb form\u00ebsuara n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb shum\u00ebllojshme q\u00eb i jan\u00eb bashkuar me sukses BE-s\u00eb. Ata jan\u00eb t\u00eb bindur se identiteti dhe besimet e tyre politike \u00e7ojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt n\u00eb zhvillim t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb forcimin e liris\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Autoritar\u00ebt kan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje monolite mbi institucionet: ka vet\u00ebm institucione formale dhe shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb duhet t\u00eb organizohen nga ato dhe sipas sh\u00ebmb\u00eblltyr\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre. Liberal\u00ebt kan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje pluraliste mbi institucionet: ato jan\u00eb t\u00eb shum\u00ebllojshme, formale dhe joformale, dhe qytetar\u00ebt e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e grupet e tyre jan\u00eb t\u00eb lir\u00eb t\u00eb organizohen bazuar n\u00eb rregulla q\u00eb i zgjedhin vet, pa nd\u00ebrhyrjen e pushtetit qeveritar. Si oportunist\u00eb politik\u00eb pa norma q\u00eb jan\u00eb, p\u00ebr autoritar\u00ebt institucionet dhe rregullat e funksionimit t\u00eb tyre jan\u00eb t\u00eb lakueshme dhe t\u00eb ndryshueshme sipas d\u00ebshir\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre, madje edhe pas \u00e7do cikli zgjedhor, dhe se rregulla t\u00eb tilla sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr konstituimin e institucioneve formale pas zgjedhjeve. P\u00ebr liberal\u00ebt institucionet dhe rregullat e funksionimit t\u00eb tyre jan\u00eb t\u00eb definuara mir\u00eb dhe duhet t\u00eb respektohen nga akter\u00ebt politik\u00eb, dhe konstituimi i institucioneve formale \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb mjet i\u00a0<em>raison d\u2019\u00eatre\u00a0<\/em>t\u00eb institucioneve politike: qeverisje q\u00eb funksionon. P\u00ebr autoritar\u00ebt reformat e evropianizimit duhet t\u2019u imponohen shoq\u00ebrive t\u00eb tyre nga ana e institucioneve formale, nga lart, ashtu si\u00e7 \u2018imponohen\u2019 ato nga ana e BE-s\u00eb. Dhe n\u00ebse ato nuk funksionojn\u00eb, BE ka faj. P\u00ebr liberal\u00ebt, evropianizimi ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me reforma q\u00eb form\u00ebsohen e zbatohen n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs, duke sjell\u00eb k\u00ebshtu ndryshim n\u00eb sjellje n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb e tyre.<\/p>\n<p>Autoritar\u00ebt e shohin konkurrenc\u00ebn politike thjesht si mjet p\u00ebr sht\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb pushtet, si t\u00eb shk\u00ebputur nga qeverisja. Ata jan\u00eb t\u00eb mendimit se besimi u jepet atyre, si pakic\u00eb \u2018t\u00eb zgjedhurish\u2019, n\u00eb kutit\u00eb e votimit dhe se vet\u00ebm ata jan\u00eb t\u00eb pajisur me \u2018agjenci\u2019 (kapacitet p\u00ebr veprim) p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarrje politike. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje elitiste e hierarkike e pjes\u00ebmarrjes politike, premisa e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb pabarazia politike. P\u00ebr liberal\u00ebt konkurrenca politike \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb integrale e qeverisjes. Ata besojn\u00eb se besimi gjithashtu mund t\u2019u merret dhe se duhet vazhdimisht t\u2019u d\u00ebshmohet qytetar\u00ebve dhe t\u00eb kontrollohet nga ana e tyre, e k\u00ebta t\u00eb fundit duhet t\u00eb pajisen me \u2018agjenci\u2019 p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarrje politike. Ata e kan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje barazimtare t\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrjes politike, premisa e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb barazia politike.<\/p>\n<p>Ndon\u00ebse n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb besojn\u00eb n\u00eb shtetet etnike, autoritar\u00ebt veprojn\u00eb si \u2018kalor\u00ebs t\u00eb lir\u00eb\u2019 (akter\u00eb pa p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr obligime), duke pretenduar, vet\u00ebm si mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur pushtetin, se gjithashtu besojn\u00eb se evropianizimi sjell shtete \u2018post-etnike\u2019. Sidoqoft\u00eb, duke mos qen\u00eb t\u00eb lidhur me p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi nga vlera, norma e rregulla q\u00eb rregullojn\u00eb sjelljen politike, p\u00ebr ta kjo nuk ka fare r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi, sepse \u00e7doher\u00eb mund t\u2019i kthehesh shtetit etnik. P\u00ebr liberal\u00ebt evropianizimi \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe mjet e edhe q\u00ebllim p\u00ebr t\u00eb sjell\u00eb shtete \u2018post-etnike\u2019 si rezultat i mir\u00ebpritur i epok\u00ebs aktuale t\u00eb zhvillimit politik, sepse kthimi n\u00eb shtetet etnike n\u00ebnkupton kthimin n\u00eb nj\u00eb epok\u00eb t\u00eb vjetruar t\u00eb zhvillimit politik.<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj, n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb proklamojn\u00eb at\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb cian nuk besojn\u00eb, vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur pushtetin, autoritar\u00ebt do t\u00eb ishin m\u00eb t\u00eb sinqert\u00eb t\u00eb pranonin para qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs dhe BE-s\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb e besojn\u00eb v\u00ebrtet: q\u00eb BE \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb klub t\u00eb pasurish q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndihmojn\u00eb zhvillimin ekonomik t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb tyre. Kjo do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte reduktimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me BE-n\u00eb n\u00eb shk\u00ebmbime interesash ekonomike me vendet e saj an\u00ebtare, gj\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte faktikisht t\u00eb promovonin dhe b\u00ebheshin aleat\u00eb me akter\u00ebt politik\u00eb \u2018sovranist\u00eb\u2019 brenda BE-s\u00eb dhe me shum\u00eb gjas\u00eb t\u00eb mos an\u00ebtar\u00ebsoheshim ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb BE. Kjo gjithashtu do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte t\u00eb na privonin nga vlera e shtuar e kusht\u00ebzueshm\u00ebris\u00eb politike t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb si stimulin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh p\u00ebr reforma.<\/p>\n<p>\u00cbsht\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00ebn ton\u00eb si qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, si evropian\u00eb apo jo, t\u00eb zgjedhim, p\u00ebr veten ton\u00eb dhe brezat e ardhsh\u00ebm, se ku duam t\u00eb jetojm\u00eb. Kjo ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me nj\u00eb zgjedhjen e pashmangshme mes liberal\u00ebve dhe autoritar\u00ebve, mes Evrop\u00ebs dhe jo-Evrop\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>*<em>Pik\u00ebpamjet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb autorit<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>&#8212;&#8211;<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Bashk\u00ebpunimi n\u00eb mes t\u00eb platformave online\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/remarker.media\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Remarker<\/a>\u00a0dhe Sbunker \u00ebsht\u00eb duke sjellur nj\u00eb seri analizash q\u00eb kan\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim nxitjen e debatit t\u00eb hapur e kritik mbi situat\u00ebn aktuale n\u00eb rajonin e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Pas q\u00ebndrimeve t\u00eb fundit nga Franca, nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr shtetet an\u00ebtare me m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti ndikim n\u00eb BE, rajoni po p\u00ebrballet me nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr sfidat m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira t\u00eb tri dekadave t\u00eb fundit, prej kur shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor filluan rrug\u00ebn e tyre t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, fillimisht duke kaluar n\u00ebp\u00ebr konflikte dhe pastaj n\u00eb procesin e demokratizimit dhe integrimit evropian.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Q\u00ebllimi i\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/remarker.media\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Remarker<\/a>\u00a0dhe Sbunker \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb njohje m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve aktuale n\u00eb vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, dhe rritjen e vet\u00ebdijes mbi proceset e integrimit evropian, at\u00eb t\u00eb demokratizimit dhe sundimit t\u00eb ligjit, si kushtet kryesore p\u00ebr arritjen e paqes afatgjat\u00eb dhe stabilitetit n\u00eb rajon.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>&#8212;&#8211;<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Shkrimin n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn serbe mund ta gjeni\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/remarker.media\/region-2020\/autoritarni-vladari-vs-liberali-narastajuca-ideoloska-podela-na-zapadnom-balkanu\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">k\u00ebtu,<\/a>\u00a0nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn\u00a0angleze\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/sbunker.net\/rajoni-2020-bllogje-tematike\/90593\/authoritarians-vs-liberals-an-emerging-ideological-divide-in-the-western-balkans\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">k\u00ebtu.<\/a><\/em><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>\u00cbsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se autoritar\u00ebt tan\u00eb jan\u00eb pengesa kryesore n\u00eb transformimin politik t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrive t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i domosdosh\u00ebm p\u00ebr evropianizim. Duke parap\u00eblqyer bindje t\u00eb rrept\u00eb ndaj autoritetit t\u00eb tyre, madje edhe n\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb reformave t\u00eb evropianizimit, autoritar\u00ebt e Ballkanit kan\u00eb dhe vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzojn\u00eb sisteme t\u00eb dob\u00ebta demokratike p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":469,"featured_media":7714,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1189,1188],"ppma_author":[1190],"class_list":["post-2710","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-1189","tag-rajoni"],"authors":[{"term_id":1190,"user_id":469,"is_guest":0,"slug":"artan-qollaku","display_name":"Artan \u00c7ollaku","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/8a4d7e153604cf729156e6520a24eaee4813927d60bdc6e30ab63747b36f274e?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"\u00c7ollaku","first_name":"Artan","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2710","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/469"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2710"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2710\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7723,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2710\/revisions\/7723"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7714"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2710"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2710"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2710"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2710"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}