{"id":2722,"date":"2020-09-16T14:18:32","date_gmt":"2020-09-16T12:18:32","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=2722"},"modified":"2024-09-16T14:20:44","modified_gmt":"2024-09-16T12:20:44","slug":"rajoni-yne-ne-boten-e-fuqive-te-medha","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/rajoni-yne-ne-boten-e-fuqive-te-medha\/","title":{"rendered":"Rajoni Yn\u00eb n\u00eb Bot\u00ebn e Fuqive t\u00eb M\u00ebdha?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Ballkani! Sa fort ting\u00ebllon si Lindje e Mesme<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb shkruar shum\u00eb p\u00ebr negociatet e famshme mes Serbis\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb mbajtura para dy jav\u00ebsh. Kjo marr\u00ebveshje mes dy shteteve, e cila me shum\u00eb gjas\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb ym\u00ebrshkurt\u00ebr, ka ndezur interes t\u00eb madh n\u00eb rajon. Sidoqoft\u00eb, sikund\u00ebr jan\u00eb standardet diplomatike, m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti v\u00ebmendje i \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb takimi t\u00eb \u00e7uditsh\u00ebm mes Presidentit t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb Tramp dhe Presidentit Vu\u00e7iq; shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz e konsideruan at\u00eb si turp\u00ebrues p\u00ebr presidentin serb.<\/p>\n

Episodi i Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb Bardh\u00eb m\u00eb shtyu t\u00eb mendoj q\u00eb nuk e njoh aq mir\u00eb diplomacin\u00eb, si dhe i shtroi disa pyetje t\u00eb cilat e meritojn\u00eb nga nj\u00eb artikull ve\u00e7 e ve\u00e7.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse v\u00ebrtet ka ndodhur di\u00e7ka revolucionare n\u00eb ShBA, at\u00ebher\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb teza q\u00eb Ballkani \u00ebsht\u00eb Lindje e Mesme. Postimet e Presidentit Tramp n\u00eb Twitter pas takimit thjesht e konfirmuan k\u00ebt\u00eb. P\u00ebr hir t\u00eb qart\u00ebsis\u00eb, un\u00eb e \u00e7moj dhe e dua Lindjen e Mesme. Historia dhe trash\u00ebgimia kulturore e saj m\u00eb sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb si burim i vazhduesh\u00ebm i frym\u00ebzimit.<\/p>\n

Ndokush mund t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb m\u00ebnyra se si merremi me problemet tona, i thellojm\u00eb konfliktet nd\u00ebretnike, e ushqejm\u00eb mostoleranc\u00ebn fetare dhe i heshtim z\u00ebrat q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb pajtim dhe mir\u00ebkuptim na b\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb dukemi t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm me Lindjen e Mesme sot. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb pajtohem plot\u00ebsisht.<\/p>\n

Dikush tjet\u00ebr mund t\u2019i shpjegoj\u00eb ngjashm\u00ebrit\u00eb me Lindjen e Mesme si pasoj\u00eb e trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb s\u00eb pranis\u00eb s\u00eb Perandoris\u00eb Osmane n\u00eb rajon p\u00ebr shekuj me radh\u00eb. Sundimi osman ka l\u00ebn\u00eb shum\u00eb tradita t\u00eb mira, jo vet\u00ebm gj\u00ebrat e k\u00ebqija q\u00eb na m\u00ebsohen n\u00eb shkoll\u00eb. P\u00ebr t\u2019jua kujtuar, deri n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb 19-t\u00eb, Evropa Per\u00ebndimore ka par\u00eb Ballkanin si pjes\u00eb t\u00eb Lindjes Orientale. Kufiri mes \u2018dy bot\u00ebve\u2019 ishte ai austriak, m\u00eb sakt\u00ebsisht kufiri mes Austro-Hungaris\u00eb dhe Perandoris\u00eb Osmane. Para disa vjet\u00ebsh n\u00eb Bruksel, un\u00eb vizitova ekspozit\u00ebn\u00a0Levanti n\u00eb Pikturat e Mjesht\u00ebrve Evropian\u00eb<\/em>. P\u00ebr befasi, shum\u00eb nga to i kushtoheshin Ballkanit. N\u00ebse shikoni fotografit\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb Sarajev\u00ebs, por edhe t\u00eb Sofjes, Beogradit dhe Manastirit nga fillimi i shekullit t\u00eb 20-t\u00eb, do t\u2019i shihni ngjashm\u00ebrit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha me bot\u00ebn q\u00eb sot quajm\u00eb Lindja e Mesme.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, ka di\u00e7ka m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme k\u00ebtu. Marr\u00ebveshja e Uashingtonit na rikujton se sa leht\u00eb i lidhin pikat fuqit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha, pikat q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb pap\u00ebrputhshme n\u00eb kokat tona, thjesht n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se i mb\u00ebshtesin q\u00ebllimet e tyre. Nuk ka dy\u00ebshim q\u00eb e t\u00ebr\u00eb ngjarja \u00ebsht\u00eb relevante vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse e v\u00ebm\u00eb n\u00eb kontekstin e gj\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb zgjedhjeve presidenciale amerikane. Pa marr\u00eb parasysh se sa t\u00eb par\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme jan\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e politikave t\u00eb jashtme p\u00ebr votuesit e ShBA-s\u00eb, n\u00ebse nj\u00eb ngjarje lidhet me nism\u00ebn e Presidentit p\u00ebr Lindjen e Mesme, ajo mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb ndikim te nj\u00eb grup i caktuar votuesish. Po k\u00ebshtu, duhet t\u00eb kihet parasysh propozimi i nj\u00eb deputeti suedez p\u00ebr ta nominuar Presidentin Tramp bashk\u00eb me Kryeministrin e Kosov\u00ebs dhe Presidentin e Serbis\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00c7mimin Nobel p\u00ebr Paqe.<\/p>\n

Tekefundit, kam p\u00ebrshtypjen q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja delegacionet sh\u00ebrbyen si nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebse p\u00ebr di\u00e7ka m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme sesa nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje (n\u00eb syt\u00eb e Trampit t\u00eb jodometh\u00ebn\u00ebse) rajonale mes Beogradit dhe Prishtin\u00ebs. Marr\u00ebveshja ishte vegla, por jo q\u00ebllimi. Po t\u00eb ishim cinik do t\u00eb arrinim n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimin q\u00eb n\u00eb rast se fiton Bajdeni n\u00eb n\u00ebntor, \u2018ngjarja historike\u2019 e Uahshingtonit do t\u00eb harrohet shpejt, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 pjes\u00ebs s\u00eb saj t\u00eb detyrueshme q\u00eb nuk lidhet me Ballkanin, por me Izraelin. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, n\u00ebse Serbia nuk zhvendos ambasad\u00ebn n\u00eb Jerusalem dhe Kosova vendos marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie diplomatike me Izraelin, do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e qart\u00eb se kush ka fituar k\u00ebt\u00eb loj\u00eb psikologjike ballkanike.<\/p>\n

Mjeshtri dhe \u00e7iraku<\/strong><\/p>\n

Fotografia e Presidentit Vu\u00e7iq p\u00ebrball\u00eb Presidentit Tramp ngjan me\u00a0reality show<\/em>-in amerikan\u00a0The Apprentice\u00a0<\/em>(\u00c7iraku) \u2014 i cili ka p\u00ebr nikoqir Donald Trampin. Kjo ngjashm\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb theksuar nga Nahzi n\u00eb\u00a0opinionin e tij<\/a>\u00a0p\u00ebr negociatat e Uashingtonit. Presidenti amerikan adhuron k\u00ebt\u00eb program sepse rregullat jan\u00eb t\u00eb qarta \u2014 e dim\u00eb sakt\u00ebsisht se kush \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7irak e kush \u00ebsht\u00eb vendimmarr\u00ebs \u2014 ose mjesht\u00ebr. Duke par\u00eb foton nga Sht\u00ebpia e Bardh\u00eb, nuk shohim vet\u00ebm fuqin\u00eb e nj\u00ebrit dhe dob\u00ebsin\u00eb e tjetrit. Presidenti Vu\u00e7iq duket si nx\u00ebn\u00ebs q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebrguar te drejtori i shkoll\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u2019ia rr\u00ebfyer pasojat disiplinore q\u00eb mund t\u2019i vuaj\u00eb n\u00ebse nuk d\u00ebshmon besnik\u00ebrin\u00eb ndaj shkoll\u00ebs. Meq\u00eb besink\u00ebria gjykohet nga veprat e jo nga fjal\u00ebt, ai pritet ta zhvendos\u00eb Ambasad\u00ebn e Serbis\u00eb nga Tel Avivi n\u00eb Jeruzalem.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb diplomaci, nganj\u00ebher\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u2019iu shmangesh takimeve t\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00ebse nuk mund t\u00eb pres\u00ebsh asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7 turp\u00ebrimit si rezultat i tyre. N\u00eb at\u00eb rast, edhe nj\u00eb takim i shkurt\u00ebr i tipit \u201cshtr\u00ebngo dhe buz\u00ebqesh\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjedhje m\u00eb e mir\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebso takimesh t\u00eb zbraz\u00ebta, s\u00eb paku, lider\u00ebt q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb pran\u00eb nj\u00ebri tjet\u00ebrit dhe shtr\u00ebngojn\u00eb duart, gj\u00eb q\u00eb jep p\u00ebrshtypjen e barabar\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe respektit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Presidenti Vu\u00e7iq (dhe le t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi t\u00eb sinqert\u00eb, jo vet\u00ebm ai por shumica e politikan\u00ebve rajonal\u00eb) dhe Presidenti i ShBA-s\u00eb kan\u00eb shum\u00eb gj\u00ebra t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta \u2014 d\u00ebshira p\u00ebr pushtet t\u00eb pap\u00ebrmbajtur politik \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00ebra nga to. Megjithat\u00eb, ShBA-ja ka institucione demokratike \u2014 konceptin e ndarjes s\u00eb pushteteve \u2014 p\u00ebr ta kontrolluar Presidentin amerikan, nd\u00ebrsa pushteti i lider\u00ebve rajonal\u00eb kontrollohet nga faktor\u00ebt e jasht\u00ebm \u2014 BE-ja, Rusia, Kina, ose n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, ShBA-ja. Institucionet tona komb\u00ebtare kryesisht jan\u00eb t\u00eb paralizuara, t\u00eb kapura, dembele, por sidoqoft\u00eb t\u00eb paafta.<\/p>\n

\u00c7astet nga Uashingtoni nuk flasin vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr nj\u00eb stil specifik q\u00eb parap\u00eblqen Trampi. Ato rikonfirmojn\u00eb rr\u00ebshqitjen ton\u00eb t\u00eb vijueshme drejt periferis\u00eb s\u00eb politik\u00ebs bot\u00ebrore. Lider\u00ebt tan\u00eb g\u00ebzonin trajtim shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb n\u00eb Uashington n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrqasni k\u00ebt\u00eb takim me takimin mes ish-Kryeministrit serb Zoran Gjingjiq dhe Presidentit amerikan Bush. Krahasoni edhe\u00a0vizit\u00ebn zyrtare<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb Presidentit Tito n\u00eb ShBA m\u00eb 1978 me ftes\u00ebn e Presidentit Karter. Vizita zyrtare e Presidentit Nikson\u00a0n\u00eb Beograd<\/a>\u00a0n\u00eb vitin 1970 i takon nj\u00eb niveli t\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrrt q\u00eb me shum\u00eb gjas\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb arritet m\u00eb kurr\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Jeta n\u00eb periferi nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jesh periferik<\/strong><\/p>\n

Profesori amerikan i sociologjis\u00eb dhe historiani i ekonomis\u00eb Immanuel Wallerstein njihet p\u00ebr teorin\u00eb e tij t\u00eb sistemit bot\u00ebror q\u00eb e kundron at\u00eb si rezultat t\u00eb dinamikave t\u00eb pushtetit mes tri grupeve t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve (shteteve) nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. N\u00eb grupin e par\u00eb hyjn\u00eb shtetet\/rajonet q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb thelbin e sistemit bot\u00ebror; n\u00eb t\u00eb dytin jan\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajturat shtete gjysm\u00ebperiferike, dhe n\u00eb fund vijn\u00eb shtetet perfierike. Duke i vler\u00ebsuar aktor\u00ebt dhe sistemin bot\u00ebror, Wallerstein merr parasysh shum\u00eb faktor\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb fuqin\u00eb ekonomike, politike dhe ushtarake t\u00eb shteteve, organizatave dhe q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e sistemeve t\u00eb tyre, fuqin\u00eb e institucioneve dhe ndikimin e tyre n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet globale financiare, ekonomike dhe politike. P\u00ebr shembull, shtetet mund ta ngrisin pozit\u00ebn e tyre n\u00eb sistemin bot\u00ebror duke u integruar n\u00eb sisteme m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dh\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme, sikur n\u00eb BE ose n\u00eb NATO, ose n\u00eb Organizat\u00ebn e Traktatit t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb Kolektive (CSTO) t\u00eb drejtuar nga Rusia.<\/p>\n

Periferia zakonisht t\u00ebrheq v\u00ebmendjen e vendeve thelb\u00ebsore n\u00ebse b\u00ebhet burim i jostabilitetit (sikur ne n\u00eb vitet e 90-ta), ose n\u00ebse ka interes p\u00ebr fuqit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha. Nj\u00eb v\u00ebshtrim i shkurt\u00ebr n\u00eb historin\u00eb rajonale d\u00ebshmon kemi pasur k\u00ebt\u00eb rol n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs son\u00eb. I vetmi p\u00ebrjashtim ishte RSF e Jugosllavis\u00eb, e cila, ju p\u00eblqeu apo jo, mund t\u00eb vendoset n\u00eb grupin e shteteve gjysm\u00ebperiferike. K\u00ebto shtete mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb ndikim t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm rajonal dhe global, var\u00ebsisht nga rrethanat historike dhe politike.<\/p>\n

Jeta n\u00eb periferi nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb mbetesh periferik p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb. Shembuj t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb mesme, t\u00eb vogla dhe t\u00eb impta q\u00eb kan\u00eb dal\u00eb n\u00eb pah si lojtar\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm global\u00eb konfirmojn\u00eb q\u00eb statusi mund t\u00eb ndryshohet. Mungesa e nd\u00ebrhyrjeve nga bota e jashtme mund t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb aj\u00ebr t\u00eb past\u00ebr p\u00ebr zhvillim vetjak, sado e \u00e7uditshme q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ting\u00eblloj\u00eb. P\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb duhet t\u00eb zhvillohen kapacitetet komb\u00ebtare, t\u00eb ruhet kapitali\/dija njer\u00ebzore dhe t\u00eb ket\u00eb p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi t\u00eb caktuara natyrore ose gjeografike. Norvegjia \u00ebsht\u00eb shembull i mir\u00eb i nj\u00eb shteti q\u00eb, duke nisur para nj\u00eb shekulli n\u00eb periferin\u00eb e thell\u00eb, mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet aktor i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. T\u00eb ashtuquajturit Tigra Aziatik\u00eb jan\u00eb po ashtu shembull i ngjash\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Mbase Serbia e sheh rolin e vet si shum\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr rajonin por edhe n\u00eb korniz\u00ebn evropiane dhe globale. Sidoqoft\u00eb, gj\u00ebrat duken ndryshe nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i Uashingtonit, Brukselit, Mosk\u00ebs, Pekinit ose Londr\u00ebs. Tash e nj\u00eb koh\u00eb, jo vet\u00ebm Serbia por i gjith\u00eb rajoni nuk ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb krye t\u00eb list\u00ebs s\u00eb prioriteteve t\u00eb Uashingtonit. Relevanca jon\u00eb po bie edhe p\u00ebr Brukselin, sepse BE-ja po p\u00ebrqendrohet m\u00eb shum\u00eb te vetja p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb sfidave t\u00eb brendshme. Zgjerimi i BE-s\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb, dhe ajo mund t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb m\u00eb e angazhuar politikisht n\u00eb rajon. P\u00ebrkundrazi, rajoni ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi p\u00ebr Mosk\u00ebn, edhe pse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb fqinj i saj. \u00cbsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr Kin\u00ebn n\u00eb perspektiv\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb avancimit t\u00eb saj n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. Por nuk mund t\u2019iu lihet faji vet\u00ebm t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve; ne nuk b\u00ebjm\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar statusin ton\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb dal\u00eb nga periferia. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ne b\u00ebjm\u00eb \u00e7mos p\u00ebr t\u00eb q\u00ebndruar aty ku jemi.<\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb pas zgjedhjeve t\u00eb n\u00ebntorit: di\u00e7ka e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb, e ngjashme, apo krejt tjet\u00ebr?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Episodi i Uashingtonit \u00ebsht\u00eb ilustrimi m\u00eb i mir\u00eb p\u00ebr pozt\u00ebn e tanishme t\u00eb rajonit, kurse episodi jugosllav konfirmon ku ka qen\u00eb ai vend n\u00eb p\u00ebrqasje me shp\u00ebrndarjen globale t\u00eb pushtetit n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb. Ngjarja e Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb Bardh\u00eb po ashtu tregon p\u00ebr nivelin e seriozitetit me t\u00eb cilin merret me rajonin ton\u00eb adiminstrata e tanishme e ShBA-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb pritet nj\u00eb qasje tjet\u00ebr gjat\u00eb viteve q\u00eb vijn\u00eb, edhe n\u00ebse ka ndryshime n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb. Ndryshe nga Trampi, Bajdeni e njeh rajonin dhe e njeh politik\u00ebn e jashtme shum\u00eb mir\u00eb. Ai ka vizituar Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor disa her\u00eb, s\u00eb fundi n\u00eb vitin 2016 n\u00eb kapacitetin e Z\u00ebvend\u00ebspresidentit t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb. Si Z\u00ebvend\u00ebspresident, Bajdeni dhe ekipi i k\u00ebshilltar\u00ebve t\u00eb tij kan\u00eb luajtur nj\u00eb rol ky\u00e7 duke e orientuar pozit\u00ebn e ShBA-s\u00eb drejt mb\u00ebshtetjes s\u00eb plot\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfshirjen e Malit t\u00eb Zi n\u00eb NATO. Sidoqoft\u00eb, kjo nuk do ta nd\u00ebrroj\u00eb nj\u00eb fakt t\u00eb qart\u00eb: interesat strategjik\u00eb t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb pjes\u00ebn ton\u00eb t\u00eb bot\u00ebs, dhe kjo do t\u00eb mbetet e pandryshuar n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen e af\u00ebrt. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pasoj\u00eb e rrethanave objektive dhe e nd\u00ebrrimeve t\u00eb pushtetit n\u00eb nivelin global.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, n\u00ebse zgjedhjet e n\u00ebntorit sjellin ndryshim n\u00eb administrat\u00eb, mund ta shohim nj\u00eb rikthim t\u00eb politikave tradicionale t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb ndaj aleat\u00ebve evropian\u00eb. Shpresoj q\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb rast, ne mund ta shohim nj\u00eb qasje m\u00eb t\u00eb sikronizuar dhe t\u00eb rregulluar t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb dhe t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, di\u00e7ka q\u00eb na mungon s\u00eb paku tash e kat\u00ebr vjet.<\/p>\n

Kjo qasje mund ta leht\u00ebsoj\u00eb arritjen e nj\u00eb zgjidhjeje t\u00eb pranueshme nga t\u00eb dyja an\u00ebt p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn dhe Serbin\u00eb \u2014 nj\u00eb zgjidhje q\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte shk\u00ebmbim territoresh ose korrigjim kufijsh. Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, ajo duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohet m\u00eb fort n\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb e Hercegovin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i frenuar aspiratat separatiste brenda atij shteti dhe t\u2019ia jep Bosnj\u00ebs e Hercegovin\u00ebs s\u00eb bashkuar shansin q\u00eb meriton.<\/p>\n

—–<\/p>\n

Bashk\u00ebpunimi n\u00eb mes t\u00eb platformave online\u00a0Remarker<\/a>\u00a0dhe Sbunker \u00ebsht\u00eb duke sjellur nj\u00eb seri analizash q\u00eb kan\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim nxitjen e debatit t\u00eb hapur e kritik mbi situat\u00ebn aktuale n\u00eb rajonin e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor.<\/em><\/p>\n

Pas q\u00ebndrimeve t\u00eb fundit nga Franca, nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr shtetet an\u00ebtare me m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti ndikim n\u00eb BE, rajoni po p\u00ebrballet me nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr sfidat m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira t\u00eb tri dekadave t\u00eb fundit, prej kur shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor filluan rrug\u00ebn e tyre t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, fillimisht duke kaluar n\u00ebp\u00ebr konflikte dhe pastaj n\u00eb procesin e demokratizimit dhe integrimit evropian.<\/em><\/p>\n

Q\u00ebllimi i\u00a0Remarker<\/a>\u00a0dhe Sbunker \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb njohje m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve aktuale n\u00eb vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, dhe rritjen e vet\u00ebdijes mbi proceset e integrimit evropian, at\u00eb t\u00eb demokratizimit dhe sundimit t\u00eb ligjit, si kushtet kryesore p\u00ebr arritjen e paqes afatgjat\u00eb dhe stabilitetit n\u00eb rajon.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

—–<\/em><\/p>\n

Shkrimin n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn serbe mund ta gjeni\u00a0k\u00ebtu<\/a>,\u00a0nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn\u00a0angleze\u00a0k\u00ebtu.<\/a><\/em><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ballkani! Sa fort ting\u00ebllon si Lindje e Mesme \u00cbsht\u00eb shkruar shum\u00eb p\u00ebr negociatet e famshme mes Serbis\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb mbajtura para dy jav\u00ebsh. Kjo marr\u00ebveshje mes dy shteteve, e cila me shum\u00eb gjas\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb ym\u00ebrshkurt\u00ebr, ka ndezur interes t\u00eb madh n\u00eb rajon. Sidoqoft\u00eb, sikund\u00ebr jan\u00eb standardet diplomatike, m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti v\u00ebmendje i […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":330,"featured_media":7714,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1189,1188],"ppma_author":[342],"class_list":["post-2722","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-1189","tag-rajoni"],"authors":[{"term_id":342,"user_id":330,"is_guest":0,"slug":"vesko-garcevic","display_name":"Vesko Gar\u010devi\u0107","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Vesko-e1579805163960-545x600-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Vesko-e1579805163960-545x600-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Gar\u010devi\u0107","first_name":"Vesko","description":"Vesko Gar\u00e7eviq sh\u00ebrbeu si ambasador i Malit t\u00eb Zi n\u00eb Bruksel (NATO) dhe Vjen\u00eb (Organizata p\u00ebr Siguri dhe Bashk\u00ebpunim n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb - OSBE dhe organizata t\u00eb tjera nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare). Ai ishte ambasador i Malit t\u00eb Zi n\u00eb Austri, Belgjik\u00eb, Luksemburg dhe Holand\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb karrier\u00ebs s\u00eb tij diplomatike ai mbajti poste t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb koh\u00ebn sfiduese politike t\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes s\u00eb Republik\u00ebs Socialiste Federative t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb dhe tranzicionit demokratik t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2722","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/330"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2722"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2722\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7720,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2722\/revisions\/7720"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7714"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2722"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2722"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2722"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2722"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}