{"id":2845,"date":"2019-01-23T11:10:06","date_gmt":"2019-01-23T09:10:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=2845"},"modified":"2024-10-09T11:11:23","modified_gmt":"2024-10-09T09:11:23","slug":"balotazhi-u-deshmua-te-jete-mjet-i-dobishem-dhe-i-domosdoshem-per-demokracine-dhe-qeverisjen-lokale","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/balotazhi-u-deshmua-te-jete-mjet-i-dobishem-dhe-i-domosdoshem-per-demokracine-dhe-qeverisjen-lokale\/","title":{"rendered":"Balotazhi u d\u00ebshmua t\u00eb jet\u00eb mjet i dobish\u00ebm dhe i domosdosh\u00ebm p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb dhe qeverisjen lokale"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nj\u00eb shkrim analitik n\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahje t\u00eb balotazhit n\u00eb sistemin elektoral n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. P\u00ebrtej diskutimeve t\u00eb llojit t\u00eb rrjeteve sociale ku dominojn\u00eb argumentet gjysmake, selektive, dhe senzacionale kundrejt atyre p\u00ebrmbajt\u00ebsore.<\/em><\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb zgjedhjeve lokale t\u00eb 2017-\u00ebs, tem\u00eb kyqe rreth sistemit zgjedhor ishte \u00e7\u00ebshtja e balotazhit p\u00ebr kryetar komune. Kur diskutojm\u00eb p\u00ebr sistem zgjedhor duhet t\u00eb pajtohemi q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim rreth asaj se zgjedhjet jan\u00eb mjet dhe jo q\u00ebllim n\u00eb vete. Pasi q\u00eb ka sfida t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbatuar demokracin\u00eb e drejt\u00ebp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb, demokracia p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese gjen zbatim m\u00eb praktik. Megjithat\u00eb, modeli i sistemit zgjedhor \u00ebsht\u00eb tep\u00ebr i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ndikimit t\u00eb madh mbi sistemin politik n\u00eb vend. Duke pranuar k\u00ebt\u00eb realitet, sistemi yn\u00eb zgjedhor duhet t\u00eb synoj t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb nivel optimal t\u00eb legjitimitetit t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb t\u00eb llogaridh\u00ebnies n\u00eb mes t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve dhe udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit t\u00eb Komun\u00ebs. Rrjedhimisht, balotazhi duhet t\u00eb shihet n\u00eb drit\u00ebn e k\u00ebtij synimi dhe t\u00eb zbatimit efikas. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb analiz\u00eb do t\u00eb injoroj komunat me shumic\u00eb t\u00eb komunitetit S\u00ebrb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ndikimit t\u00eb madh, inadekuat, dhe tejet t\u00eb d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm n\u00eb zgejdhje dhe demokracin\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto komuna nga ana e Serbis\u00eb\u00a0(p\u00ebr ndikimin e Serbis\u00eb lexo k\u00ebtu)<\/a>.\u00a0Do t\u00eb injoroj po ashtu zgjedhjet n\u00eb komun\u00ebn e Istogut, ku procesi \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebmtuar r\u00ebnd\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb ndonj\u00eb kontribut n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn rreth balotazhit. Rrjedhimisht, analiza ime do bazohet n\u00eb rezultatet e 27 komunave nga 38 sa ka Kosova.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb konotacionit negativ q\u00eb ia kan\u00eb veshur termit balotazh, duhet t\u00eb deshifrojm\u00eb balotazhin n\u00eb sistemin zgjedhor t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb largojm\u00eb keqkuptimet. Q\u00eb nga viti 2007 kur filloi p\u00ebrdorimi i sistemit mazhoritar p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e kryetar\u00ebve t\u00eb komunave, sistemi yn\u00eb k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb nj\u00eb kandidat p\u00ebr kryetar t\u00eb komun\u00ebs t\u00eb fitoj votat e mbi gjysm\u00ebs s\u00eb votuesve. \u00a0Ekzistimi i balotazhit nuk p\u00ebrjashton mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u zgjedhur kryetar\/e n\u00eb votimin n\u00eb her\u00ebn e par\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb politikan\u00ebt me sukses edhe mund ta evitojn\u00eb balotazhin, sikurse q\u00eb ka ndodhur n\u00eb 10 nga 27 komuna t\u00eb shqyrtuara n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb analiz\u00eb. N\u00eb zgjedhjet e fundit sukses t\u00eb till\u00eb kan\u00eb arritur Gazmend Muhaxheri n\u00eb Pej\u00eb, Ramiz Lladrovci n\u00eb Drenas, Imri Ahmeti n\u00eb Lipjan, Bashkim Ramosaj n\u00eb De\u00e7an, Bekim Jashari n\u00eb Sk\u00ebnderaj, Rufki Suma n\u00eb Han t\u00eb Elezit, e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. Sistemi yn\u00eb ia imponon kandidat\u00ebve q\u00eb synojn\u00eb t\u00eb fitojn\u00eb gar\u00ebn, qoft\u00eb n\u00eb votimin n\u00eb her\u00ebn e par\u00eb apo t\u00eb dyt\u00eb, q\u00eb t\u00eb marrin besimin e nj\u00eb numri t\u00eb konsideruesh\u00ebm t\u00eb votuesve p\u00ebrtej militant\u00ebve dhe p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsve t\u00eb partive t\u00eb tyre. Sistemi yn\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as m\u00eb i komplikuar e as m\u00eb i thjeshtuar sesa q\u00eb duhet, respekton parimin e shumic\u00ebs dhe procesi p\u00ebrmbyllet m\u00eb s\u00eb largu n\u00eb her\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Balotazhi ka ndikim pozitiv n\u00eb disa aspekte mjaft\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb sic jan\u00eb konsensusi, kompromisi, dhe pron\u00ebsia e qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb vendimmarrje. Zgjedhjet p\u00ebr kryetar n\u00eb komun\u00ebn e Prishtin\u00ebs mund t\u00eb merren si rast p\u00ebr t\u00eb zb\u00ebrthyer ndikimin e sistemit zgjedhor n\u00eb k\u00ebto fusha. Gara e Shpend Ahmetit n\u00eb votimin n\u00eb her\u00ebn e par\u00eb nuk ishte e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb sikurse ajo n\u00eb t\u00eb dyt\u00ebn. Edhe pse n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja herat p\u00ebrfundoi i pari, n\u00eb balotazh atij i duhej t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtonte komunikim dhe besim me nj\u00eb grup m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve, duke mir\u00ebmbajtur lidhjen me ata q\u00eb i besuan p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin qysh n\u00eb votimin n\u00eb her\u00ebn e par\u00eb. T\u00eb mirat e k\u00ebsaj marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie jan\u00eb t\u00eb dyanshme \u2013 sa i p\u00ebrket legjitimitetit dhe llogaridh\u00ebnies. Kryetari i rizgjedhur i Prishtin\u00ebs ka p\u00ebrshtatur profilin, programin, dhe bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00ebt q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb i pranuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr grup m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, tanim\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb qytetar\u00eb e ndjejn\u00eb vet\u00ebn hisedar\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vendimmarrje dhe rrjedhimisht ata mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb k\u00ebrkues ndaj t\u00eb zgjedhurit t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

Duke pasur parasysh se kandidat\u00ebt mund t\u00eb synojn\u00eb t\u00eb lidhin aleanca p\u00ebr balotazh, at\u00ebher\u00eb kjo kontribuon edhe n\u00eb diskursin gjat\u00eb fushat\u00ebs elektorale. Pasi q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e ditur se vet\u00ebm dy kandidat\u00eb do t\u00eb kalojn\u00eb n\u00eb balotazh, kandidat\u00ebt shohin jo vet\u00ebm konkurrenc\u00eb por edhe mund\u00ebsi bashk\u00ebpunimi me kandidat\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim kemi sh\u00ebnuar p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsime vit mbas viti, dhe k\u00ebtu mund t\u00eb na sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb kujtimet m\u00eb t\u00eb fresk\u00ebta, zgjedhjet lokale 2013, dhe t\u00eb krahasojm\u00eb diskursin e at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm me at\u00eb t\u00eb 2017-\u00ebs. \u00a0Edhe Vet\u00ebvendosje, l\u00ebvizja q\u00eb rishtas po transformohet n\u00eb parti politike, ka pasur diskurs t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr ndaj klas\u00ebs politike n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi. N\u00eb fund ishim d\u00ebshmitar\u00eb q\u00eb formuan koalicione me parti t\u00eb ndryshme, me AKR-n\u00eb n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb e n\u00eb Mitrovic\u00eb, me Nisma-n e LDK-n\u00eb n\u00eb Prizren, me AAK-n\u00eb n\u00eb Klin\u00eb, e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb premtuese q\u00eb partit\u00eb t\u00eb zhvillojn\u00eb nj\u00eb kultur\u00eb t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit dhe t\u00eb debatit e t\u00eb mos degradojn\u00eb nganj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb akuza t\u00eb padobishme por vet\u00ebm kontaminuese q\u00eb largojn\u00eb nga p\u00ebrfshirja publikun e gjer\u00eb duke u kufizuar vet\u00ebm n\u00eb diskutime me militant\u00ebt. Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht dekurajon arroganc\u00ebn e fituesit q\u00eb d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb kontrolloj gjith\u00e7ka vet\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse hiqet balotazhi at\u00ebher\u00eb legjitimiteti i kryetar\u00ebve do t\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb m\u00eb i dob\u00ebt. N\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb komunave gjenden m\u00eb s\u00eb paku nga tri subjekte t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb struktur\u00eb partiake dhe garojn\u00eb me kandidat\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt konsiderohen pretendent serioz n\u00eb gar\u00eb. Rrjedhimisht vota e qytetar\u00ebve do t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndahej n\u00eb s\u00eb paku tri grupe pothuajse barabart\u00eb. N\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 2017, vet\u00ebm n\u00eb 10 komuna nga 27 q\u00eb jan\u00eb subjekt i analiz\u00ebs, pjesa d\u00ebrrmuese komuna t\u00eb vogla dhe vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb nga shtat\u00eb komunat e m\u00ebdha, kandidat\u00ebt kan\u00eb fituar mbi 50 p\u00ebrqind n\u00eb her\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb votimit. N\u00eb 6 komuna kandidat\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb votuar kan\u00eb fituar nga 40-49.9 p\u00ebrqind, n\u00eb 9 komuna tjera nga 30-39.9 p\u00ebrqind, dhe n\u00eb dy komuna kan\u00eb pasur m\u00eb pak se 30 p\u00ebrqind. Kjo tregon qart\u00eb se po t\u00eb mos ekzistonte balotazhi shum\u00eb komuna do t\u00eb kishin p\u00ebrfunduar me kryetar t\u00eb cil\u00ebt do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonin nj\u00eb grup t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb partiak. Me koh\u00eb, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi partiak e klientelist do t\u00eb mbizot\u00ebronte dhe do t\u00eb linte n\u00eb hije iden\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrtej koncepteve t\u00eb lart\u00ebp\u00ebrmendura t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb rezultate n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn dhe premtojn\u00eb rezultate n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen, balotazhi ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb kontribut t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb deri m\u00eb tani p\u00ebr opozitar\u00ebt. N\u00eb vitin 2017, mobilizimi p\u00ebr balotazh i ka dhuruar fitoren duke p\u00ebrmbysur renditjen e her\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb Mytaher Haskuk\u00ebs n\u00eb Prizren kund\u00ebr PDK-s\u00eb q\u00eb kishte qeverin\u00eb, Zenun Elezajt n\u00eb Klin\u00eb kund\u00ebr PDK-s\u00eb, e Xhafer Tahirit n\u00eb Vushtrri kund\u00ebr PDK-s\u00eb. N\u00eb vitin 2013 kishte p\u00ebrmbytje spektakulare gjithashtu sikurse Shpend Ahmeti kund\u00ebr LDK-s\u00eb n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb, Agim Bahtiri kund\u00ebr PDK-s\u00eb n\u00eb Mitrovic\u00eb, Muharrem Svarqa kund\u00ebr PDK-s\u00eb n\u00eb Ferizaj, Begzad Sinani kund\u00ebr LDK-s\u00eb n\u00eb Kamenic\u00eb, Imri Ahmeti kund\u00ebr PDK-s\u00eb n\u00eb Lipjan, e Xhafer Gashi kund\u00ebr LDK-s\u00eb n\u00eb Obiliq. Rrjedhimisht pas votimit n\u00eb her\u00ebn e par\u00eb opozitar\u00ebt kan\u00eb ngjizur bashk\u00ebpunimin dhe kan\u00eb artikuluar m\u00eb mir\u00eb platform\u00ebn e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. Nj\u00eb mobilizim i till\u00eb opozitar shpeshher\u00eb mungon n\u00eb her\u00ebn e par\u00eb pasi q\u00eb secili synon t\u00eb mat\u00eb pesh\u00ebn reale t\u00eb subjektit dhe kandidatit t\u00eb tyre. Pa balotazh, partit\u00eb n\u00eb fron n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve do t\u00eb dalin fituese. P\u00ebr shembull n\u00eb vitin 2017, n\u00eb 19 nga 27 komunat e shqyrtuara kandidat\u00ebt e partive q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb fituese t\u00eb zgjedhjeve t\u00eb fundit kan\u00eb dal\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00ebt n\u00eb renditje n\u00eb her\u00ebn e par\u00eb. Edhe ata votues t\u00eb cil\u00ebt vot\u00ebn e tyre e japin vet\u00ebm kund\u00ebr dikujt, kryesisht atyre n\u00eb qeveri, pozicionohen dhe b\u00ebhen hisedar\u00eb t\u00eb procesit, gj\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb her\u00ebn e par\u00eb edhe mund t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb incentiv\u00eb e till\u00eb e pjes\u00ebmarrjes p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb hutis\u00eb se kush \u00ebsht\u00eb alternativa.<\/p>\n

Balotazhi gjithnj\u00eb i ka shtuar shum\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb pesh\u00eb vot\u00ebs, posaq\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje kur votuesi i pap\u00ebrcaktuar ka qen\u00eb vendimtar. \u00a0N\u00eb nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb komunave rezultatet n\u00eb balotazh n\u00eb mes t\u00eb kandidat\u00ebve kan\u00eb qen\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebraf\u00ebrta. N\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb ku jan\u00eb hedh\u00eb 84,159 vota t\u00eb vlefshme n\u00eb kutit\u00eb e votimit, kandidati fitues ka vet\u00ebm 365 vota m\u00eb shum\u00eb. \u00a0N\u00eb Prizren ku jan\u00eb num\u00ebruar 51,526 vota t\u00eb vlefshme, kandidati fitues ka marr\u00eb vet\u00ebm 372 vota m\u00eb shum\u00eb. Rrjedhimisht, balotazhi i ka shtuar vler\u00eb dhe r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi shum\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb secil\u00ebs vot\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrveq aspekteve politike, balotazhi kontribuon edhe n\u00eb mbar\u00ebvajtjen e zgjedhjeve. \u00a0Manipulimi i vot\u00ebs b\u00ebhet shum\u00eb m\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak se duhet q\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb dy herat t\u00eb ket\u00eb koordinim dhe kosto shtes\u00eb p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb synojn\u00eb t\u00eb blejn\u00eb votat apo t\u00eb organizojn\u00eb mekanizma p\u00ebr vjedhje t\u00eb vot\u00ebs. N\u00eb balotazh, partit\u00eb t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb faz\u00eb, mobilizojn\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebt dhe aktivist\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb zot q\u00eb t\u00eb mbrojn\u00eb vot\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Duke par\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebto aspekte t\u00eb balotazhit, argumentet t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb cekur kund\u00ebr tij sikurse aleancat jo-parimore, koha e gjat\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrmbyllje t\u00eb procesit zgjedhor, kostoja p\u00ebr kampanj\u00eb, dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb tjera duken t\u00eb mos ken\u00eb pesh\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfillshme. Pavar\u00ebsisht partneriteteve q\u00eb krijohen, votuesi n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ka krijuar nj\u00eb liri t\u00eb theksuar, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb kandidat\u00ebt do t\u00eb detyrohen t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb vot\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb mos bazohen vet\u00ebm n\u00eb vot\u00ebn e porositur. Sa i p\u00ebrket aspekteve t\u00eb efikasitetit n\u00eb koh\u00eb dhe kostos s\u00eb kampanj\u00ebs, k\u00ebto jan\u00eb \u00e7mime t\u00eb vogla q\u00eb duhet paguar p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar se procesi sjell\u00eb dobi p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb dhe llogaridh\u00ebnien.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fund t\u00eb dit\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb pozitat udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse me zyrtar\u00eb t\u00eb zgjedhur k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahjen e shumic\u00ebs, sistem mazhoritar. Zgjedhja e Presidentit b\u00ebhet me votat e 2\/3 t\u00eb deputet\u00ebve, apo n\u00eb her\u00ebn e tret\u00eb 1\/2. \u00a0Zgjedhja e Kryeministrit s\u00eb bashku me kabinetin qeveritar b\u00ebhet me shumic\u00eb t\u00eb votave t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb deputet\u00ebve. Zgjedhja e Kryetarit t\u00eb Kuvendit b\u00ebhet me shumic\u00eb t\u00eb votave t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb deputet\u00ebve. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb pse duhet t\u00eb devijohet nga kjo logjik\u00eb dhe kultur\u00eb e sistemit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb duke zhdukur pragun e shumic\u00ebs p\u00ebr Kryetar t\u00eb komunave.<\/p>\n

—-<\/em><\/p>\n

Ky shkrim mb\u00ebshtetet nga D4D, si pjes\u00eb\u00a0e projektit ‘Avancimi i proceseve demokratike’ financuar nga\u00a0Departamenti Federal i Pun\u00ebve t\u00eb\u00a0Jashtme t\u00eb\u00a0Zvicr\u00ebs.<\/em><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nj\u00eb shkrim analitik n\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahje t\u00eb balotazhit n\u00eb sistemin elektoral n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. P\u00ebrtej diskutimeve t\u00eb llojit t\u00eb rrjeteve sociale ku dominojn\u00eb argumentet gjysmake, selektive, dhe senzacionale kundrejt atyre p\u00ebrmbajt\u00ebsore. Gjat\u00eb zgjedhjeve lokale t\u00eb 2017-\u00ebs, tem\u00eb kyqe rreth sistemit zgjedhor ishte \u00e7\u00ebshtja e balotazhit p\u00ebr kryetar komune. Kur diskutojm\u00eb p\u00ebr sistem zgjedhor duhet t\u00eb pajtohemi q\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":194,"featured_media":8105,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1252],"ppma_author":[223],"class_list":["post-2845","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-zgjedhje-zgjidhje"],"authors":[{"term_id":223,"user_id":194,"is_guest":0,"slug":"gersi-gashi","display_name":"Gersi Gashi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-8-6.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-8-6.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Gashi","first_name":"Gersi","description":"Gersi Gashi ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet p\u00ebr politika publike n\u00eb Universitetin Amerikan n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb,\r\ndhe tani punon si hulumtues i politikave n\u00eb Institutin Demokraci p\u00ebr Zhvillim. Punon n\u00eb fushat e mir\u00ebqenies sociale, edukimit, dhe migrimit."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2845","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/194"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2845"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2845\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8109,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2845\/revisions\/8109"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8105"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2845"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2845"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2845"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2845"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}