{"id":3032,"date":"2016-09-23T15:38:34","date_gmt":"2016-09-23T13:38:34","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3032"},"modified":"2024-12-19T15:40:45","modified_gmt":"2024-12-19T13:40:45","slug":"rrethi-vicioz-i-negociatave-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/rrethi-vicioz-i-negociatave-2\/","title":{"rendered":"Rrethi vicioz i negociatave"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>Historia e re politike e Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb e lidhur ngusht\u00eb me procese t\u00eb ndryshme dhe mjaft t\u00eb mundimshme t\u00eb negociatave mes pal\u00ebs kosovare dhe asaj serbe, pasojat e t\u00eb cilave ishin vendimtare p\u00ebr fatin dhe zhvillimet e m\u00ebtejme t\u00eb vendit. Duke filluar nga negociatat e famshme n\u00eb k\u00ebshtjell\u00ebn franceze Rambouillet, q\u00eb vazhduan m\u00eb pas n\u00eb Paris, e deri te negociatat p\u00ebr statusin p\u00ebrfundimtar t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, t\u00eb mbajtura n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb gjat\u00eb viteve 2006-2007. Ashtu si edhe negociatat p\u00ebr paqe m\u00eb 1999, edhe ato p\u00ebr statusin nuk p\u00ebrfunduan me marr\u00ebveshjet e pritura mes pal\u00ebve. K\u00ebshtu, pas 14 muajsh negociatash diplomatike dhe pas refuzimit nga ana e Serbis\u00eb p\u00ebr propozimin e Ahtisaarit, i d\u00ebrguari special i paraqiti K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Sigurimit nj\u00eb propozim gjithp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs, i cili k\u00ebrkonte pavar\u00ebsi t\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrur p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn. Ashtu si edhe m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb rastin e Rambouille-s, pala serbe iu kthye taktik\u00ebs t\u00eb k\u00ebrkesave p\u00ebr ri-negociata dhe t\u00eb propozimeve t\u00eb reja. Por ato ishin n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim t\u00eb plot\u00eb me marr\u00ebveshjet e arritura dhe realitetin n\u00eb terren.<\/p>\n<p>Pas shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, qeveria e Serbis\u00eb, si mas\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuese i t\u00ebrhoqi p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht ambasador\u00ebt serb nga ato vende t\u00eb cilat e njoh\u00ebn shtetin e Kosov\u00ebs, si dhe paraqiti k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn pran\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb rreth ligjshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Opinioni i Gjykat\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs u shpall n\u00eb korrik 2010 dhe theksonte se shpallja e nj\u00ebanshme e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb nuk ishte e kund\u00ebrligjshme. Kjo shkaktoi nj\u00eb goditje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb t\u00eb politik\u00ebs serbe ndaj Kosov\u00ebs. Disa muaj m\u00eb von\u00eb me presion nga ana e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsueses s\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, baronesh\u00ebs Catherine Ashton, Serbia s\u00eb bashku me BE-n\u00eb p\u00ebrpiloi nj\u00eb rezolut\u00eb p\u00ebr OKB-n\u00eb kur k\u00ebrkohej transferimi i \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb pazgjidhura serbe-kosovare nga organet e OKB-s\u00eb ne institucione t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb filloi transferimi i kompetencave nga ana e nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtareve n\u00eb ato vendore dhe zbatimi i Pakos s\u00eb Ahtisaarit, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb miratimin e Kushtetut\u00ebs dhe mekanizmave tjer\u00eb shtet\u00ebror\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, politikan\u00ebt krijonin p\u00ebrshtypjen se dialogu i proklamuar me Serbin\u00eb vet\u00ebm se do t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtonte procesin e njohjeve dhe an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb mekanizmat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. K\u00ebshtu u krijua delegacioni kosovar p\u00ebr bisedime e udh\u00ebhequr nga at\u00ebkoh\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebs-kryeministrja znj. Edita Tahiri, kurse kryenegociator serb u caktua Borislav Stefanovi?, drejtor politik n\u00eb Ministrin\u00eb e Pun\u00ebve t\u00eb Jashtme t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrsa, nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsues apo leht\u00ebsues si\u00e7 prezantohej nga ana e BE-s\u00eb, ishte caktuar diplomati i lart\u00eb Robert Cooper. Dialogu, i cil\u00ebsuar me eufemiz\u00ebm si \u2018biseda teknike\u2019, filluan me takimin e par\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet pal\u00ebve, q\u00eb u zhvillua n\u00eb Bruksel me 8 mars 2011, ku tema boshe ishin p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi rajonal, liria e l\u00ebvizjes dhe sundimi i ligjit.<\/p>\n<p>Q\u00eb nga ky takim kan\u00eb kaluar af\u00ebr 6 vite, jan\u00eb zhvilluar nj\u00eb mori raundesh bisedime dhe jan\u00eb arritur me dhjet\u00ebra marr\u00ebveshje ose \u201ckonkluzione\u201d, si\u00e7 theksoheshin. Mir\u00ebpo, bilanci i deritash\u00ebm i \u2018marr\u00ebveshjeve\u2019 l\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebshiruar, kur disa nga temat e para t\u00eb diskutuara dhe marr\u00ebveshjet e arritura p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin rajonal, lirin\u00eb e l\u00ebvizjes dhe sundimin e ligjit nuk po zbatohen ende.<\/p>\n<p>Vlen t\u00eb ceket edhe shembulli i fundit i marr\u00ebveshjes p\u00ebr targa e cila fillimisht u arrit me 2 korrik 2011 n\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjen p\u00ebr l\u00ebvizje t\u00eb lir\u00eb, ku n\u00eb pik\u00ebn 6 t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj marr\u00ebveshjeje theksohet se targat KS, t\u00eb l\u00ebshuara m\u00eb her\u00ebt nga UNMIK do te vlejn\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr 5 vite t\u00eb ardhshme. Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb pik\u00ebn 7 t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes thuhet se p\u00ebrve\u00e7 targave RKS dhe KS, t\u00eb gjitha targat tjera duhet t\u00eb largohen. Nd\u00ebrsa tani, pas 5 vitesh, kjo marr\u00ebveshje jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb nuk u zbatua por prap\u00eb u ri-negociua, duke e zgjatur vlefshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e atyre KS edhe p\u00ebr 5 vite tjera dhe shfryt\u00ebzimin e targave RKS duke i mbuluar simbolet shtet\u00ebrore me ngjit\u00ebs!<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, Serbia arriti me k\u00ebto marr\u00ebveshje t\u2019i mbroj\u00eb interesat nacional dhe t\u2019i p\u00ebrmbush disa nga q\u00ebllimet e veta kryesore. K\u00ebshtu, n\u00eb janar t\u00eb 2013 parlamenti i Serbis\u00eb miratoi nj\u00eb rezolut\u00eb n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb platform\u00ebs s\u00eb dialogut me Prishtin\u00ebn, ku k\u00ebrkohej krijimi i Bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb komunave autonome serbe. Dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00ebllim Serbia e synon n\u00eb negociata me krijimin e Asociacionit t\u00eb komunave serbe, q\u00eb parashihet sipas marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb prillit t\u00eb 2013. Pastaj, Serbia ka p\u00ebrfituar nga negociata stimulime shtese nga BE n\u00eb kandidatur\u00ebn e saj p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim, ka p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar duksh\u00ebm pozit\u00ebn e saj gjeopolitike dhe diplomatike, si dhe ka bllokuar an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe njohjet e reja p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn.<\/p>\n<p>Si shembull m\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb forumet rajonale e globale me fusnot\u00eb, ku s\u00eb fundi ne takimin e mbajtur n\u00eb Sllovaki u desh edhe q\u00eb t\u00eb l\u00ebshohej mbledhja. Deklarata aspak serioze dhe tejet pompoze t\u00eb znj. Tahiri, se fusnota paraqet nj\u00eb fllusk\u00eb bore dhe si e till\u00eb do t\u00eb shkrihet shpejt, tashm\u00eb po shihet se nuk q\u00ebndron aspak. N\u00eb krahasim prej q\u00ebllimeve t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb, interesat komb\u00ebtare nuk po mbrohen sa e si duhet, dhe se pozicioni i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebto negociata \u00ebsht\u00eb zbehur mjaft, pasi q\u00eb n\u00eb procesin e integrimit evropian, ka vendnum\u00ebruar respektivisht ka mbetur ende te liberalizimi i vizave.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare as nuk jan\u00eb shtuar njohjet e as p\u00ebrforcuar pozita. P\u00ebrkundrazi, vendi ka mbetur thuaja n\u00eb nj\u00eb status quo si n\u00eb planin e brendsh\u00ebm ashtu edhe t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm. Aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, kur konsensusi i m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm politik rreth nevoj\u00ebs p\u00ebr dialog, p\u00ebrkrahja fillestare nga opinion publik si dhe stabiliteti i qeveris\u00eb ka r\u00ebnie n\u00eb pik\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt t\u00eb mundshme, gj\u00eb q\u00eb ka dob\u00ebsuar pozicionin dhe fuqin\u00eb vendim-marr\u00ebse t\u00eb ekipit negociator dhe vet\u00eb qeveris\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Disavantazhi m\u00eb i madh i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dialog \u00ebsht\u00eb se kompromiset e b\u00ebra n\u00eb Bruksel, sidomos rreth krijimit eventual t\u00eb Asociacionit, mund t\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb n\u00eb kriza t\u00eb thella politike apo tensione t\u00eb reja nd\u00ebr-etnike. Pala kosovare n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, po ec\u00ebn mbi nj\u00eb shtres\u00eb te holl\u00eb akulli, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb presionit n\u00eb rritje si nga politika e brendshme ashtu edhe nga bashk\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n<p>Gjithashtu roli i nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuesit, respektivisht fuqis\u00eb diplomatike e realpolitike t\u00eb Brukselit q\u00eb t\u2019i nxis pal\u00ebt p\u00ebr marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb pranuara si dhe n\u00eb zbatimin e tyre t\u00eb plot\u00eb e me koh\u00eb, po d\u00ebshmohet se \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaft i kufizuar. K\u00ebshtu, \u2018ambiguiteti kreativ\u2019 n\u00eb leximin e marr\u00ebveshjeve, i proklamuar nga nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuesi Cooper, nuk po krijon vet\u00ebm keqkuptime e keqinterpretime mes pal\u00ebve, por edhe zbatimin e tyre po e b\u00ebn jo t\u00eb efektsh\u00ebm dhe mjaft t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n<p>Procesi shum\u00eb i zgjatur negocimesh, rrezikimi i funksionalizimit t\u00eb shtetit me krijimin e entiteteve t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta etnike me pushtet ekzekutiv,\u00a0 mungesa e transparenc\u00ebs rreth temave t\u00eb diskutuara respektivisht rreth marr\u00ebveshjeve, pastaj ngecjet n\u00eb procesin e integrimit evropian, izolimi i vazhduar i qytetar\u00ebve, si dhe bllokimi i procesit t\u00eb njohjeve e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb mekanizma nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm disa nga shkaqet q\u00eb ilustrojn\u00eb l\u00ebshimet dhe mos arritjet e pal\u00ebs ton\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto negociata gjat\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebtyre viteve. Vijat e kuqe tani jan\u00eb duke u l\u00ebkundur, dhe duhet t\u00eb behet \u00e7mos q\u00eb ato n\u00eb asnj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb mos tejkalohen.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebrndryshe, pasojat p\u00ebr funksionimin e shtetit, stabilitetin politik dhe sigurin\u00eb, mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb paparashikueshme. K\u00ebtyre dit\u00ebve pritet q\u00eb Republika Serbe ta mbaj\u00eb referendumin p\u00ebr shk\u00ebputje nga Bosnja e Hercegovina, dhe pik\u00ebrisht rasti i Bosnj\u00ebs dhe marr\u00ebveshjes se Dejtonit, duhet t\u00eb na sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb si m\u00ebsim se \u00e7far\u00eb d\u00ebme t\u00eb pariparueshme mund t\u00eb sjellin marr\u00ebveshjet e tilla q\u00eb paralizojn\u00eb funksionimin dhe rrezikojn\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn e vet shtetit. Qeveria duhet t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebrjen e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit n\u00eb negociata, t\u00eb qart\u00ebsoj\u00eb terme gjuh\u00ebsore e afate kohore, pasi q\u00eb keqinterpretimet dhe st\u00ebrzgjatja e negociatave rrezikon stabilitetin politik si n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ashtu edhe n\u00eb rajon. Nd\u00ebrsa, konsensusi i gjithmbarsh\u00ebm politik dhe bashk\u00ebpunimi me shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb civile do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb sigurohet prap\u00eb, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb negociatat t\u00eb jen\u00eb mbi interesat partiake.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Historia e re politike e Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb e lidhur ngusht\u00eb me procese t\u00eb ndryshme dhe mjaft t\u00eb mundimshme t\u00eb negociatave mes pal\u00ebs kosovare dhe asaj serbe, pasojat e t\u00eb cilave ishin vendimtare p\u00ebr fatin dhe zhvillimet e m\u00ebtejme t\u00eb vendit. Duke filluar nga negociatat e famshme n\u00eb k\u00ebshtjell\u00ebn franceze Rambouillet, q\u00eb vazhduan m\u00eb pas n\u00eb [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":31,"featured_media":11420,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[972,2137,868],"ppma_author":[41],"class_list":["post-3032","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kosove","tag-negociatat","tag-politika"],"authors":[{"term_id":41,"user_id":31,"is_guest":0,"slug":"bekim-baliqi","display_name":"Bekim Baliqi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Bekim-Baliqi-300x175-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Bekim-Baliqi-300x175-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Baliqi","first_name":"Bekim","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3032","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/31"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3032"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3032\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11421,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3032\/revisions\/11421"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11420"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3032"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3032"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3032"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3032"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}