{"id":3250,"date":"2016-08-16T15:27:47","date_gmt":"2016-08-16T13:27:47","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3250"},"modified":"2024-12-17T15:31:03","modified_gmt":"2024-12-17T13:31:03","slug":"hendeku-i-shpreses","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/hendeku-i-shpreses\/","title":{"rendered":"Hendeku i shpres\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Publikimi i in\u00e7izimeve t\u00eb bisedave telefonike t\u00eb \u201cshefit\u201d Adem Grabovci teksa \u201ckryen pun\u00eb\u201d p\u00ebr regjimin e PDK-s\u00eb gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb shkuara na dha edhe nj\u00eb pamje t\u00eb sh\u00ebmtuar nga brenda se si funksionin regjimi klientelist i PDK-s\u00eb. D\u00ebgjuam p\u00ebr konkurse (ose \u201ckunkurse\u201d) t\u00eb kurdisura, p\u00ebrzgjedhje militant\u00ebsh partiak\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr borde t\u00eb agjensive e nd\u00ebrmarrjeve publike, \u201cluajtje koqesh\u201d nga kryeministri i at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm me ambasad\u00ebn amerikane, si dhe disiplinimi i deputet\u00ebve n\u00eb Kuvend p\u00ebr votimin e ligjeve t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuara nga kjo e fundit. P\u00ebr ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb ndjekur zhvillimet n\u00eb politik\u00ebn kosovare, k\u00ebto zbulime vet\u00ebm konfirmojn\u00eb ato q\u00eb jan\u00eb dyshuar \u2013 p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos th\u00ebn\u00eb edhe ditur \u2013 se si funksionon sistemi i kriminalizuar dhe klientelist n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb se si, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr publikimit t\u00eb fakteve n\u00eb k\u00ebto biseda telefonike, indinjata qytetare mbet\u00ebt e kufizuar n\u00eb segmente t\u00eb vogla, e pap\u00ebrfillshme n\u00eb masa m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha? Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, si mund t\u00eb tolerohet nga qytetar\u00ebt nj\u00eb regjim i cili haptazi vepron n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshti me \u00e7do norm\u00eb demokratike, parim kushtetues e ligj penal?<\/p>\n

Q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebria politike e nj\u00eb regjimi mund t\u00eb shpjegohet nga shum\u00eb faktor\u00eb: nga kohezioni i grupeve sunduese, resurset materiale dhe organizative q\u00eb ato kontrollojn\u00eb, si dhe legjitimiteti dhe p\u00ebrkrahja nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb ka. Kjo b\u00ebn q\u00eb regjime politike t\u00eb mbijetojn\u00eb edhe at\u00ebher\u00eb kur nuk g\u00ebzojn\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb popullat\u00ebs q\u00eb e sundojn\u00eb. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti i shum\u00eb regjimeve autoritare dhe diktatoriale. N\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb si kjo, nga shumica e qytetar\u00ebve regjimi p\u00ebrjetohet si imponim nga sip\u00ebr, i cili mund t\u00eb ngjall\u00eb edhe rezistenc\u00eb nga qytetar\u00ebt por edhe shp\u00ebrthim popullor kund\u00ebr regjimit n\u00ebse krijohet situata (shih p.sh. rastin e \u201cpranver\u00ebs arabe\u201d). N\u00eb raste si kjo, mund t\u00eb themi se nj\u00eb regjim i till\u00eb q\u00eb mbijeton p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr mosmb\u00ebshtetjes popullore g\u00ebzon imunitet politik.<\/p>\n

Mir\u00ebpo n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs, problemi duket tjet\u00ebrfare. Po, \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb (mjerisht) se regjimi politik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb g\u00ebzon mb\u00ebshtetje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare (p\u00ebr shkaqe q\u00eb mund t\u2019i shtjelloj n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb rast tjet\u00ebr), kontrollon mjete materiale e organizative, kontrollon media, kontrollon gjykata e prokurori, pra g\u00ebzon nj\u00eb imunitet t\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm politik q\u00eb e lejon q\u00eb edhe skandalet si k\u00ebto t\u00eb fundit t\u2019i l\u00eb q\u00eb gradualisht t\u00eb ikin nga v\u00ebmendja e publikut dhe t\u00eb kalojn\u00eb n\u00eb harres\u00eb. Ajo q\u00eb habit n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb situat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb indiferenca e shum\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve kundrejt skandaleve t\u00eb tilla. Ato tashm\u00eb nuk b\u00ebjn\u00eb p\u00ebrshtypje. Nj\u00eb protest\u00eb e organizuar n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb me rastin e skandalit t\u00eb in\u00e7izimeve nxori n\u00eb rrug\u00eb vet\u00ebm disa mij\u00ebra vet\u00eb. \u00c7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb puna k\u00ebtu?<\/p>\n

Pyetja b\u00ebhet m\u00eb interesante kur merr parasysh gjendjen tep\u00ebr t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqur t\u00eb opinionit publik kosovar.\u00a0Sondazhi i rregullt i UNDP-s\u00eb \u201cPulsi Publik\u201d\u00a0<\/a>tregon p\u00ebr pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e fushave. N\u00eb prill 2016 (kur \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb sondazhi i fundit), mbi 70% t\u00eb t\u00eb anketuarve ishin t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqur me drejtimin politik t\u00eb vendit. Shumica (49%) ishin deklaruar q\u00eb nuk pajtohen me m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e zgjedhjes s\u00eb Hashim Tha\u00e7it president, nd\u00ebrsa vet\u00ebm 35% ishin dakord me procesin. Vet\u00ebm 18% ishin t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur me kryeministrin. N\u00eb nivele t\u00eb ngjashme t\u00eb ul\u00ebta q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb Kuvendi (17%), gjykatat (18%) dhe prokuroria (17%). N\u00eb nivel t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb bindjet p\u00ebr gjendjen ekonomike. Vet\u00ebm 23% kishin pik\u00ebpamje t\u00eb favorshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhurat e familjes s\u00eb tyre gjat\u00eb tre muajve t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm, kurse vet\u00ebm 14% e vler\u00ebsonin si t\u00eb favorshme gjendjen e tyre t\u00eb pun\u00ebsimit gjat\u00eb gjasht\u00eb muajve t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

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Krejt k\u00ebto tregojn\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb mjer\u00eb t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs, q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthehej n\u00eb nj\u00eb gatishm\u00ebri t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebr revolt\u00eb, sikur n\u00eb rastin e skandaleve si k\u00ebto t\u00eb fundit. Pse nuk ndodh kjo?<\/p>\n

Besoj se jan\u00eb dy arsye pse nuk shohim revolt\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe. Arsyeja e par\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me natyr\u00ebn e skandalit. N\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb forme, si\u00e7 e ceka edhe m\u00eb sip\u00ebr, in\u00e7izimet e bisedave private n\u00eb mes t\u00eb protagonist\u00ebve t\u00eb pushtetit, nd\u00ebrsa mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb o zbavit\u00ebse, o tmerruese p\u00ebr nga p\u00ebrmbajtja (var\u00ebsisht si shihen), nuk zbulojn\u00eb asgj\u00eb t\u00eb re. Sondazhi i UNDP-s\u00eb tregon se mbi 80% t\u00eb kosovar\u00ebve besojn\u00eb se pun\u00ebsimi n\u00eb sektorin publik b\u00ebhet mbi baza jo-meritore. Se p\u00ebr marrjen e ndonj\u00eb pozite brenda ndonj\u00eb organizate publike ose n\u00eb administrat\u00eb duhet t\u00eb kalosh p\u00ebrmes ndonj\u00eb \u201ckunkursi\u201d partiak, ky perceptim dominon tash e sa koh\u00eb. Shumica e qytetar\u00ebve nuk skandalizohen nga zbulimi i fakteve q\u00eb vet\u00ebm e v\u00ebrtetojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb perceptim.<\/p>\n

Arsyeja dyt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb brengos\u00ebse dhe ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me besimin e qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb vet\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr ndryshim. Mendoj se ky \u00ebsht\u00eb problemi m\u00eb kritik i cili nuk po adresohet sa duhet nga t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqurit dhe ata q\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb regjimin, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe opozit\u00ebn. T\u2019i kthehemi edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb sondazheve. Ato japin nj\u00eb tablo interesante dhe kund\u00ebrth\u00ebn\u00ebse p\u00ebr disponimin e qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb lidhje me mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e ndryshimeve politike. P\u00ebrderisa pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb e madhe, gatishm\u00ebria p\u00ebr t\u00eb protestuar \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e ul\u00ebt. N\u00eb prill, vet\u00ebm \u00e7ereku i t\u00eb anketuarve ishin t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb dalin n\u00eb protesta. Ishte ky niveli m\u00eb i ul\u00ebt n\u00eb dy vitet e fundit (p.sh., n\u00eb n\u00ebntor t\u00eb 2010-\u00ebs gatishm\u00ebria p\u00ebr protesta ishte 60%). R\u00ebnia m\u00eb e madhe sh\u00ebnohet n\u00eb mes t\u00eb shtatorit 2015 dhe prillit 2016. Kjo tregon p\u00ebr nj\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebrim gradual por t\u00eb sigurt t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs n\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb protestat t\u00eb sjellin ndonj\u00eb ndryshim. Me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb, kemi nj\u00eb hendek midis pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe gatishm\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr ta synuar ndryshimin e gjendjes p\u00ebrmes protestave.<\/p>\n

Por nuk p\u00ebrfundon paradoksi me kaq. P\u00ebrderisa me nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqur por jo t\u00eb gatshme p\u00ebr protesta, deri n\u00eb 73% t\u00eb t\u00eb anketuarve jan\u00eb n\u00eb rregull me protestat q\u00eb opozita i organizon kund\u00ebr qeveris\u00eb. Me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb, qytetari mesatar (n\u00eb kuptimin statistikor te fjal\u00ebs) \u00ebsht\u00eb ky: i pak\u00ebnaqur, jo i gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb protestoj\u00eb, por dakord me protestat q\u00eb i organizon opozita. A \u00ebsht\u00eb ky qytetar i till\u00eb q\u00eb pret q\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt t\u2019ia rregullojn\u00eb vendin p\u00ebr t\u00eb?<\/p>\n

Po dhe jo. Po, n\u00eb kuptimin ordiner q\u00eb shumica nuk jan\u00eb kund\u00ebr q\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt t\u00eb provojn\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb ndryshime me protesta, por ata nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm q\u00eb vet\u00eb t\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb to. Jo, sepse kjo gjoja d\u00ebshir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb ndryshimin, n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb shpreh nj\u00eb hendek midis pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe besimit n\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e ndryshimit. Qytetari mesatar d\u00ebshiron ndryshim, por nuk ka besim se ky ndryshim mund t\u00eb arrihet. Ja edhe nj\u00eb mat\u00ebs p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb: shumica (42%) thot\u00eb se nuk beson se mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhen ndryshime p\u00ebrmes vot\u00ebs. Por vet\u00ebm 20% shprehnin se nuk do t\u00eb votojn\u00eb fare, kurse shumica (42%) k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme. Hendeku na shfaqet s\u00ebrish: nuk besoj se vota sjell ndryshim, ama do t\u00eb votoj dhe madje as nuk dua t\u00eb pres deri m\u00eb 2018! K\u00ebt\u00eb do t\u00eb quaja \u201chendeku i shpres\u00ebs\u201d \u2013 d\u00ebshira p\u00ebr ndryshime \u00ebsht\u00eb e madhe, por mungon besimi (mbase edhe vet\u00eb-besimi) se ky ndryshim mund t\u00eb arrihet.<\/p>\n

Kjo na \u00e7on te thelbi i problemit. Sfida n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb mungesa e fakteve p\u00ebr skandale, keqb\u00ebrje, korrupsion, d\u00ebshtime politike e ekonomike, keqqeverisje, zhvatje, mashtrim t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve, dhunim e shtypje. Qytetar\u00ebt nuk do t\u00eb mobilizohen duke i skandalizuar ata \u2013 skandalizimi i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm ka arritur n\u00eb shkall\u00ebn e nj\u00eb topitjeje morale. Qytetari i Kosov\u00ebs nuk ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb bindet se sa e keqe \u00ebsht\u00eb gjendja. Ai k\u00ebt\u00eb tashm\u00eb e din, dhe e din shum\u00eb mir\u00eb. Sfida n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb mbushja e hendekut midis d\u00ebshir\u00ebs s\u00eb shumic\u00ebs q\u00eb gj\u00ebrat t\u2019i shohin duke shkuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb kah tjet\u00ebr, me besimin n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e tyre se ky ndryshim mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet. Qytetari i Kosov\u00ebs k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb dikush t\u2019i jap\u00eb shpres\u00eb dhe besim. Dhe kjo k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb qasje tjet\u00ebr, dhe nj\u00eb dialog tjet\u00ebr, nd\u00ebr ata q\u00eb e duan ndryshimin, opozit\u00eb e t\u00eb pavarur.<\/p>\n

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Publikimi i in\u00e7izimeve t\u00eb bisedave telefonike t\u00eb \u201cshefit\u201d Adem Grabovci teksa \u201ckryen pun\u00eb\u201d p\u00ebr regjimin e PDK-s\u00eb gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb shkuara na dha edhe nj\u00eb pamje t\u00eb sh\u00ebmtuar nga brenda se si funksionin regjimi klientelist i PDK-s\u00eb. D\u00ebgjuam p\u00ebr konkurse (ose \u201ckunkurse\u201d) t\u00eb kurdisura, p\u00ebrzgjedhje militant\u00ebsh partiak\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr borde t\u00eb agjensive e nd\u00ebrmarrjeve publike, \u201cluajtje […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":49,"featured_media":11263,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[11,868,1658],"ppma_author":[59],"class_list":["post-3250","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kosova","tag-politika","tag-sondazhet"],"authors":[{"term_id":59,"user_id":49,"is_guest":0,"slug":"besnik-pula","display_name":"Besnik Pula","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1516241920287.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1516241920287.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Pula","first_name":"Besnik","description":"Besnik Pula specializon n\u00eb Ekonomi Politike dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb profesor-asistent n\u00eb Departamentin e Shkenc\u00ebs Politike n\u00eb Universitetin Virginia Tech n\u00eb ShBA. Besniku ka doktoruar n\u00eb Sociologji n\u00eb Universitetin e Mi\u00e7igenit. Shkruan kryesisht p\u00ebr politikat zhvillimore, \u00e7\u00ebshtjet sociale dhe ekonomike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3250","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/49"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3250"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3250\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11264,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3250\/revisions\/11264"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11263"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3250"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3250"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3250"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3250"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}