{"id":3309,"date":"2016-10-28T16:42:27","date_gmt":"2016-10-28T14:42:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3309"},"modified":"2024-12-16T16:48:55","modified_gmt":"2024-12-16T14:48:55","slug":"republika-dhe-tifozeria-diskursive","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/republika-dhe-tifozeria-diskursive\/","title":{"rendered":"Republika dhe tifoz\u00ebria diskursive"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Bajraktar\u00ebt e promovimit t\u00eb diskursit kinsenacionalist t\u00eb bashkimit klasik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb – n\u00eb mendimin tim, dhe, kjo s\u2019do shum\u00eb mend \u2013 po dalin t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me vet\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn e republik\u00ebs. Duke e par\u00eb republik\u00ebn si projekt t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm, i cili duhet zhb\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet bashkimi komb\u00ebtar i shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet, promovuesit e diskursi t\u00eb till\u00eb jan\u00eb pozicionuar \u2013 n\u00eb esenc\u00eb dhe n\u00eb funksion \u2013 kund\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb popullit shqiptar n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. K\u00ebt\u00eb diskurs\u00a0e kam quajtur t\u00eb sajuar<\/a>, meq\u00eb republika e Kosov\u00ebs, gjithnj\u00eb n\u00eb mendimin tim, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb jo-shqiptare dhe sidomos jo anti-shqiptare si\u00e7 m\u00ebtojn\u00eb t\u00eb na e b\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb rrym\u00eb brenda partis\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe opozitare, e q\u00eb po na shiten si nacionalist\u00eb.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Sot do e problematizoj se si krijohet ky diskurs dhe si p\u00ebrmes tij po krijohet nj\u00eb p\u00ebrshtypje e cunguar dhe e shtremb\u00ebruar e realitetit politik dhe interesit komb\u00ebtar. Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb elaboroj diskursin kund\u00ebr republik\u00ebs, \u00ebsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi primare q\u00eb t\u00eb potencoj munges\u00ebn e diskursin n\u00eb favor t\u00eb republik\u00ebs, pra diskursit republikan, narracionit zyrtar p\u00ebr shtetin, ekzistenc\u00ebn dhe q\u00ebllimin e tij.<\/p>\n

Fillimisht p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs s\u00eb ngadalt\u00eb t\u00eb tranzicionit politik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, prej autonomis\u00eb, te represioni, lufta, \u00e7lirimi, UNMIK-u e pavar\u00ebsia e shpallur nj\u00ebansh\u00ebm e cila po na njihet ngadal\u00eb, nuk ka qen\u00eb e leht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mbahet nj\u00eb kohezion i mendimit politik. Pos k\u00ebsaj, m\u00eb duhet ta them tro\u00e7, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se kemi pasur ndonj\u00eb elit\u00eb intelektuale e politike q\u00eb do t\u00eb mbante gjall\u00eb nj\u00eb mendim t\u00eb till\u00eb. K\u00ebsisoj, kasta politike e Kosov\u00ebs ka krijuar dhe form\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb diskurs t\u00eb \u00e7oroditur politik t\u00eb shtetit, identitetit, arsyes pse republika ekziston pik\u00eb s\u00eb pari.<\/p>\n

Mungesa e urt\u00ebsis\u00eb kolektive p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar natyr\u00ebn etnocentrike t\u00eb kombeve n\u00eb ballkan si dhe emocionin e mosp\u00ebrmbushjes s\u00eb q\u00ebllimit komb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb tranzicionit tep\u00ebr t\u00eb ngadalt\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb thuajse t\u00eb pamundsh\u00ebm promovimin e nj\u00eb diskursi republikan. P\u00ebrpjekjet e shum\u00eb njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb pen\u00ebs, k\u00ebsisoj, jan\u00eb refuzuar pa u diskutuar dhe pa u debatuar. Pos k\u00ebsaj, fajin e kemi ne tjer\u00ebt, q\u00eb nuk kemi shkruar. N\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshirjes n\u00eb debat, reflektor\u00ebt bien mbi 3-4 emra dhe t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt shnd\u00ebrrohen n\u00eb tifoz\u00eb, duke e shnd\u00ebrruar k\u00ebshtu gjith\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e debatit n\u00eb tifoz\u00ebri.<\/p>\n

Fajin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh, natyrisht, e ka elita politike q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet. Duke qen\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrlyer deri n\u00eb qaf\u00eb, t\u00eb implikuar deri n\u00eb fyt dhe t\u00eb shantazhuar si e do rasti, kasta qeveris\u00ebse e udh\u00ebhequr prej PDK-s\u00eb dhe LDK-s\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb \u2018guxuar\u2019 t\u00eb ken\u00eb q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb qart\u00eb karshi k\u00ebtij realiteti t\u00eb ri politik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Pra, nuk kan\u00eb pasur haber se si ta perceptojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb realitet dhe t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb program t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb shtetit, program q\u00eb do t\u2019i b\u00ebnte qytetar\u00ebt e k\u00ebsaj republike t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr arsyet e ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb saj. Kosova, pra, s\u2019ka narracion politik. Narracionet q\u00eb partit\u00eb politike kan\u00eb krijuar p\u00ebr vete jan\u00eb shpesh n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb duhet ta them se si hulumtues shkencor nuk jam adhurues i narracioneve, meq\u00eb krijimi i tyre nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pos ushtrim i fuqis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb interpretuar ngjarjet historike p\u00ebrmes kronologjis\u00eb apo logjik\u00ebs shkak-pasoj\u00eb. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj, nuk mund t\u00eb injorohet fakti se jan\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebto interpretime q\u00eb krijojn\u00eb kuptime (ani pse t\u00eb shtremb\u00ebruara) dhe k\u00ebsisoj secili individ, bashk\u00ebsi shoq\u00ebrore \u2013 prej familjes e deri te shteti e aleancat nd\u00ebrshtet\u00ebrore \u2013 ka nj\u00eb narracion q\u00eb i jep kuptim ekzistenc\u00ebs, n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs krijohet vizioni dhe q\u00ebllimi i k\u00ebsaj ekzistence. Kosova nuk ka narracion t\u00eb till\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Narracioni yn\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga elemente t\u00eb shumta, zakonisht t\u00eb pand\u00ebrlidhura, e her\u00eb-her\u00eb edhe t\u00eb keqnd\u00ebrlidhura apo krejt\u00ebsisht kontradiktore. Elita jon\u00eb politike, duke qen\u00eb t\u00eb angazhuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb torf\u00eb prej betejash n\u00eb stilin feudal, duke e simuluar demokracin\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb luft\u00eb princash p\u00ebr pushtet, ka qen\u00eb e paaft\u00eb dhe e padenj\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj narracione qoft\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr veten e tyre. Si z\u00ebvend\u00ebsim parahistorik ndaj k\u00ebsaj mungese, n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb shp\u00ebrtheu simbolika dhe lufta e flamujve. Simbolika \u00ebsht\u00eb tem\u00eb q\u00eb duhet trajtuar tjet\u00ebr her\u00eb, ndaras, por \u00ebsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb kuptohet q\u00eb simbolika pa narracion ka shkaktuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb ndarje e tifoz\u00ebri rasti, sesa material idesh p\u00ebr debat, e l\u00ebre m\u00eb material ngjit\u00ebs p\u00ebr form\u00ebsim t\u00eb ideve kolektive.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebsisoj, p\u00ebr shembull, vepra e Ibrahim Rugov\u00ebs t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e pretendon si figur\u00eb LDK-ja dhe ajo e Adem Jasharit q\u00eb pretendohet nga PDK-ja dhe partit\u00eb e tjera t\u00eb luft\u00ebs, asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhur mes vete n\u00eb asnj\u00eb form\u00eb. Partit\u00eb politike i kan\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur mitet dhe simbolik\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb kinsenarracion p\u00ebr vete, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb gjysmak dhe totalisht i pakuptimt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kjo pakuptim\u00ebsi m\u00eb s\u00eb miri hetohet n\u00eb lidhjen e koalicioneve qeveris\u00ebse mes \u2018krahut t\u00eb luft\u00ebs\u2019 dhe \u2018krahut t\u00eb paqes\u2019 n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat, si p\u00ebr beter, figurat m\u00eb t\u00eb shquara t\u00eb historis\u00eb moderne vendosen artificialisht pran\u00eb nj\u00ebri tjetrit, pa nd\u00ebrlidhje. Tabloja e gjer\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj pamjeje \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb e tmerrshme, sepse partit\u00eb politike as q\u00eb lodhen p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb narracion t\u00eb till\u00eb, pra, nuk kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb, qeverisin ndaras. Elita politike e Kosov\u00ebs s\u00eb pavarur, pra, sundon pa nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb form\u00ebsuar konceptin e asaj q\u00eb e sundojn\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb, kjo kast\u00eb politike asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb guxuar ta promovoj\u00eb Republik\u00ebn si nj\u00eb projekt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb, por e ka mbajtur diskursin n\u00eb nivel t\u00eb ambiguitetit duke mos u pozicionuar asnj\u00ebher\u00eb qart\u00eb dhe duke e p\u00ebrdorur bashk\u00ebsin\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ve\u00e7 si shfaj\u00ebsues kujdestar p\u00ebr mospun\u00ebn e tyre. Nd\u00ebrlidhja e vlerave liberale q\u00eb reflektojn\u00eb fund e krye n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00eb me p\u00ebrpjekjen e popullit shqiptar t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs drejt liris\u00eb dhe pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb thuajse nuk ekziston.<\/p>\n

Ky mospozicionim dhe kjo munges\u00eb fiqiri politik ka krijuar moskuptime, apo t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn ka d\u00ebshtuar n\u00eb krijimin e kuptimeve se \u00e7ka do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb jesh sot qytetar i k\u00ebsaj republike. Mungesa e lidhjes son\u00eb me republik\u00ebn sot, me simbolik\u00ebn e saj dhe me vlerat e saj t\u00eb cilat nuk i kuptojm\u00eb, nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb aq shum\u00eb me kund\u00ebr diskursin kinsenacionalist, sa ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me munges\u00ebn e diskursit dhe narracionit ekzistencial republikan.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fush\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00eblleshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb diskurs politik q\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhet me t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, mitizohet dhe u jep kuptim gj\u00ebrave, qoft\u00eb ky kuptim i kalkuluar p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime politike, \u00ebsht\u00eb mbjell\u00eb dhe po p\u00ebrpunohet nj\u00eb diskurs kinsenacionalist, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin ve\u00e7se kam shkruar se \u00ebsht\u00eb i sajuar. N\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb narracionit republikan, diskursi kinsenacionalist po na shitet si \u2018rruga e drejt\u00eb\u2019. P\u00ebr t\u2019u kthyer n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rrug\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, propaganduesit e k\u00ebtij diskursi e thjesht\u00ebsojn\u00eb kombin, interesin komb\u00ebtar, gjith\u00e7ka sa i\u00a0 p\u00ebrket vet\u00ebdijes politike kolektive nd\u00ebr shqiptar\u00eb, n\u00eb fundamentin e identitetit shqiptar.<\/p>\n

Ky diskurs, pra, \u00ebsht\u00eb diskurs fundamentalist, meq\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb identiteti komb\u00ebtar zvog\u00eblohet n\u00eb nivel t\u00eb brutales, pra, n\u00eb nivelin m\u00eb fundamental t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm, ku shqiptarja zhvishet nga gjith\u00eb form\u00ebsimi i saj n\u00ebp\u00ebr shekuj dhe definohet si di\u00e7ka e kund\u00ebrt me tjetrin. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, tjetri natyrisht \u00ebsht\u00eb serbi dhe koncepti i t\u00eb qenit shqiptar, sipas k\u00ebtij diskursi, shpesh po margjinalizohet n\u00eb t\u00eb mos qenit serb, apo, n\u00eb t\u00eb qenit anti-serb.<\/p>\n

Sot kur shqiptarja \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kompleks idesh e vlerash politike duke shndritur n\u00eb multidimensionalitetin dhe kompleksitetin e saj \u2013 kur shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb rajon e n\u00eb bot\u00eb jan\u00eb duke e par\u00eb dit\u00ebn e tyre historike \u2013 ta reduktosh at\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb nivel fundamental nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pos banalitet. Dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb risi se nacionalizmi shpesh shfaqet si banalitet, sepse qasja fundamentale n\u00eb interpretimin e identitetit dhe interesave komb\u00ebtare e banalizon at\u00eb. Thjesht\u00ebsia, pra, vet banaliteti, e zhb\u00ebn shqiptaren nga t\u00eb gjitha t\u00eb arriturat e saj deri sot \u2013 p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu edhe vet republik\u00ebn \u2013 duke b\u00ebr\u00eb kinse ndiqet nj\u00eb interes m\u00eb madhor. Dhe k\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron efekti i rreziksh\u00ebm i k\u00ebtij simulimi diskursiv, i cili n\u00eb kombinim me munges\u00ebn e \u2018konkurrenc\u00ebs\u2019 b\u00ebhet edhe m\u00eb i rreziksh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrmes k\u00ebsaj strategjie diskursive t\u00eb tejthjesht\u00ebsuar, e gjith\u00eb republika, si e arritura sublime e popullit shqiptar, po atakohet si jo-shqiptare, e madje edhe si anti-shqiptare. Dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb arsye preliminare pse po e quaj kinsenacionalist, pra, sepse, shfaqet si nacionalist ve\u00e7 n\u00eb brutalitetin e fundamentit t\u00eb nacionalizmit, duke d\u00ebshtuar k\u00ebshtu skajsh\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb marr parasysh natyr\u00ebn komplekse t\u00eb identitetit n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur jetojm\u00eb. S\u00eb k\u00ebtejmi, ky diskurs nuk merr p\u00ebr baz\u00eb faktin e pamohuesh\u00ebm se interesi komb\u00ebtar ka evoluar s\u00eb bashku me gjith\u00eb kompleksitetin e identietit komb\u00ebtar. \u00cbsht\u00eb kinsenacionalist, sidomos, p\u00ebr shkak se nuk shtyhet nga interesi komb\u00ebtar, por m\u00eb shum\u00eb shtyhet nga interesi grupor n\u00eb nj\u00eb luft\u00eb p\u00ebr fuqi politike. Dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb kinsenacionalist p\u00ebrfundimisht sepse del t\u00eb jet\u00eb kund\u00ebr vet\u00eb republik\u00ebs, ekzistenc\u00ebn e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs, si\u00e7 do argumentoj n\u00eb shkrimin e radh\u00ebs ,e konsideroj interes nacional p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt, kudo q\u00eb jan\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb mes t\u00eb nj\u00eb diskursi t\u00eb \u00e7oroditur pro-republik\u00ebs, dhe nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr kinsenacionalist q\u00eb n\u00eb fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebr saj, nga qytetar\u00ebt nuk pritet t\u00eb kontribuojn\u00eb fare – nga ta pritet vet\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb tifo p\u00ebr nj\u00ebrin kamp apo tjetrin. Zgjerimi i k\u00ebtij debati q\u00eb po ndodh\u00eb k\u00ebtyre dit\u00ebve, besoj un\u00eb, do t\u00eb jet\u00eb alternativa m\u00eb e mir\u00eb ndaj k\u00ebsaj tifoz\u00ebrie q\u00eb deri tani ka sjell\u00eb pak ide e shum\u00eb emocion. Vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes \u00e7montimit mund ta shohim sharlatanizmin q\u00eb fshihet prapa k\u00ebtyre dy diskurseve, q\u00eb ani pse vendosen n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn publike sikur te jen\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim funksional me nj\u00ebri tjetrin, n\u00eb esenc\u00eb jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm. Madje, n\u00ebse e kornizojm\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimin n\u00eb luft\u00ebn politike p\u00ebr pushtet, na del se edhe funksionin e kan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb, meq\u00eb promovuesit e tyre e d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gj\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Lexoni edhe:<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

Agon Maliqi:\u00a0Ndeshjet e ideve q\u00eb i japin kuptim liris\u00eb dhe republik\u00ebs<\/a><\/p>\n

Krenar Gashi:\u00a0Jam shqiptar e kosovar<\/a><\/p>\n

Jusuf Tha\u00e7i:\u00a0Kosovarizmi jo-shqiptar vs. Kosovarizmi brendashqiptar<\/a><\/p>\n

Armend Mazreku:\u00a0Kombi, komb\u00ebtarja dhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesja<\/a><\/p>\n

Abit Hoxha:\u00a0Komb\u00ebtarja apo P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesja<\/a><\/p>\n

Dritan Dragusha:\u00a0Posht\u00eb fitoret e popullit\u00a0<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Bajraktar\u00ebt e promovimit t\u00eb diskursit kinsenacionalist t\u00eb bashkimit klasik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb – n\u00eb mendimin tim, dhe, kjo s\u2019do shum\u00eb mend \u2013 po dalin t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me vet\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn e republik\u00ebs. Duke e par\u00eb republik\u00ebn si projekt t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm, i cili duhet zhb\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet bashkimi komb\u00ebtar i shqiptar\u00ebve […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":277,"featured_media":11185,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[972,1878,2060],"ppma_author":[275],"class_list":["post-3309","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kosove","tag-shqiperi","tag-tifozeria"],"authors":[{"term_id":275,"user_id":277,"is_guest":0,"slug":"krenar-gashi","display_name":"Krenar Gashi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1562950980845.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1562950980845.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Gashi","first_name":"Krenar","description":"Krenar Gashi \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues i shkenc\u00ebs sociale, aktualisht doktorant n\u00eb shkenc\u00eb politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Gentit n\u00eb Belgjik\u00eb. Fokus i studimeve t\u00eb tij jan\u00eb diskursi, pushteti dhe demokracia, mir\u00ebpo si ish aktivist dhe ekspert i medias, ai poashtu kontribuon n\u00eb studimet e medias dhe kritik\u00ebn e sfer\u00ebs publike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3309","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/277"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3309"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3309\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11186,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3309\/revisions\/11186"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11185"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3309"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3309"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3309"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3309"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}