{"id":3501,"date":"2017-02-19T14:51:30","date_gmt":"2017-02-19T12:51:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3501"},"modified":"2025-02-06T14:59:34","modified_gmt":"2025-02-06T12:59:34","slug":"politika-e-frikes-pjesa-ii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/opinion\/politika-e-frikes-pjesa-ii\/","title":{"rendered":"Politika e Frik\u00ebs (Pjesa II)"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-up\">\n<h3><\/h3>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-down\">\n<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/sbunker.net\/op-ed\/88669\/politika-e-frikes-pjesa-i\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><em>Pjesa e par\u00eb<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Strategjit\u00eb diskursive t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimit t\u00eb viktim\u00ebs dhe xhelatit, demonizimit apo flijimit t\u00eb tjetrit dhe konstruktimit t\u00eb teorive t\u00eb komplotit, p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb veglat e nevojshme t\u00eb retorik\u00ebs populiste. Ky diskurs imponon nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb dikotomike t\u00eb mendimit dhe\/apo gjykimit si: i miri dhe i keqi, miqt\u00eb dhe armiqt\u00eb, ne dhe ata, etj, duke \u00e7uar n\u00eb polarizim t\u00eb grupeve shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb dy ekstreme, mund\u00ebsisht homogjene dhe antagoniste. Polarizimi i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, n\u00eb fakt, \u00ebsht\u00eb parakushti i zhdukjes s\u00eb shum\u00ebdimensionalitetit dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve komplekse q\u00eb ka ajo.<\/p>\n<p>Kompleksiteti i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb venitet dhe polarizimi thellohet p\u00ebrmes krijimit t\u00eb situatave t\u00eb paqarta, ose th\u00ebn\u00eb figurativisht t\u00eb mjegullta politike n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb publiku, n\u00eb munges\u00eb informacioni t\u00eb besoj\u00eb \u00a0n\u00eb versionin q\u00eb i servohet nga politikan\u00ebt, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast populist\u00ebt. Shkaktimi i krizave apo thellimi i atyre aktuale, dramatizimi i tragjedive si dhe improvizimi i skandaleve\/ngjarjeve jan\u00eb veprime jo t\u00eb rast\u00ebsishme t\u00eb cilat krijojn\u00eb gjendje tensioni dhe prekin ndjenjat e pasiguris\u00eb dhe frik\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Studiuesi David Altheide, n\u00eb librin e tij\u00a0<em>Duke krijuar frik\u00ebn<\/em>\u00a0thekson se: \u201c<em>N\u00eb nj\u00eb moment frika shfaq kuad\u00ebr (struktur\u00eb) mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn zhvillohen identitetet dhe pjes\u00ebmarrja n\u00eb jet\u00ebn sociale<\/em>\u201d. N\u00eb momentin kur frika aktivizon reagimet tribale t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve, populist\u00ebt t\u00eb cil\u00ebt shfaqen si bajraktar\u00eb t\u00eb kombeve dhe rojtar\u00eb t\u00eb tyre ndaj k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve t\u00eb jashtme, shihen si t\u00eb duhurit p\u00ebr t\u2019u votuar ose mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb koh\u00eb zgjedhjesh, krizash legjitimiteti, nevojash p\u00ebr rritjen e masave t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, apo nisjes s\u00eb ndonj\u00eb lufte. Reagimi nga pozicioni i frik\u00ebs dhe pasiguris\u00eb vret aft\u00ebsit\u00eb reflektuese dhe shnd\u00ebrron njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb mas\u00eb homogjene reaksionar\u00ebsh q\u00eb \u2018symbyllurazi\u2019 ndjek populist\u00ebt.<\/p>\n<p>\u00cbsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme q\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebso situatash t\u00eb mund t\u00eb shohim k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet reale p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb t\u00eb cilat, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn dy, jan\u00eb tejet shqet\u00ebsuese.<\/p>\n<p>1. Deliberalizimi q\u00eb u b\u00ebhet pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve\/grupeve shoq\u00ebrore dhe natyra jodemokratike e elektoratit ose mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsve t\u00eb lartp\u00ebrmendur<\/p>\n<p>2. Shmangia nga problemet reale shoq\u00ebrore q\u00eb prekin mir\u00ebqenien, lirin\u00eb, paqen, integrimin, drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb etj.<\/p>\n<p>Nga e para, votuesit e nxitur nga nj\u00eb politik\u00eb frike e injektuar nga populizmi nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebhen nga grupe individ\u00ebsh t\u00eb lir\u00eb e plural\u00eb q\u00eb nga momenti kur rreshtohen n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb anonime reaguesish n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb instinkteve e emocioneve. Nj\u00eb mas\u00eb e till\u00eb ndikon n\u00eb depolitizimin e individit dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht de-humanizimin e tij. Hannah Arendt, p\u00ebrmes koncepteve t\u00eb \u201clindshm\u00ebris\u00eb\u201d dhe pluralizmit tentonte t\u00eb theksonte se politika ia njeh potencialin e pafund \u00e7do jete njer\u00ebzore n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti. Sipas Arendt, njeriu \u2018vdes\u2019 kur b\u00ebhet mas\u00eb, dhe b\u00ebhet mas\u00eb kur de-politizohet. Kur ajo flet p\u00ebr \u201cp\u00ebrgatitjen e kufomave t\u00eb gjalla\u201d tek\u00a0<em>Origjinat e totalitarizmit,<\/em>\u00a0thekson se \u201cn<em>\u00eb kampet e p\u00ebrqendrimit, rezultati i vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u2019u arritur ishte \u2018dominimi i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm\u2019 \u00a0p\u00ebrmes \u00a0shkat\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb \u2018unikes\u2019 dhe \u2018individualitetit\u2019 t\u00eb qenieve njer\u00ebzore<\/em>.\u201d Ndoshta populizmi i theksuar aktual nuk mund t\u00eb krahasohet me totalitarizmat e shekullit t\u00eb XX, por p\u00ebrb\u00ebn sinjal t\u00eb nj\u00eb rr\u00ebshqitjeje potenciale n\u00eb t\u00eb. Kostoja e besimit t\u00eb demagog\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb dor\u00ebzimi i liris\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, politika e frik\u00ebs l\u00eb n\u00ebn hije problemet reale me t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrballen qytetar\u00ebt e nj\u00eb vendi e si rrjedhoj\u00eb edhe zgjidhjet p\u00ebr to. Populist\u00ebt duke p\u00ebrdorur frik\u00ebn, n\u00eb shum\u00eb raste mbulojn\u00eb edhe munges\u00ebn e alternativave p\u00ebr problemet e v\u00ebrteta. Ata fokusohen n\u00eb theksimin e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve t\u00eb jashtme dhe atyre q\u00eb kan\u00eb lejuar dob\u00ebsimin e kombit\/shtetit, por jo edhe n\u00eb adresimin e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsive t\u00eb brendshme dhe ofrimin e zgjidhjeve. Madje, edhe n\u00ebse japin \u2018alternativa\u2019, ato kan\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim, n\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn e rasteve, faktorizimin e tyre e jo zgjidhjet afatgjate e t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme.<\/p>\n<p>Shembuj t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb frik\u00ebs kemi pafund, gjithandej n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb mund ta personifikojm\u00eb populizmin, si\u00e7 mund t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb edhe \u2018mes nesh\u2019, n\u00eb rajonin e trazuar t\u00eb Ballkanit. Madje, nd\u00ebr kombet e Ballkanit kemi lider\u00eb q\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb saj\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb frik\u00ebs dhe nxitjes s\u00eb urrjetjes nd\u00ebretnike tentojn\u00eb t\u00eb arrijn\u00eb apo mbajn\u00eb pushtetin. T\u00eb frik\u00ebsuar, ballkanasit jan\u00eb ata q\u00eb me vite t\u00eb t\u00ebra paguajn\u00eb koston m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb nj\u00eb politike t\u00eb till\u00eb, duke jetuar n\u00eb rajonin m\u00eb t\u00eb pazhvilluar t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs. Shum\u00eb shpesh, vullneti i qytetar\u00ebve p\u00ebr ndryshim dhe zhvillim \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00a0devijuar nga populist\u00ebt n\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr siguri e stabilitet.<\/p>\n<p>Se frika \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e gjendjes njer\u00ebzore \u00ebsht\u00eb e natyrshme, por ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu edhe armikja m\u00eb e madhe e arsyes. Dhe n\u00ebse dikush vuan munges\u00ebn e arsyes, ata jan\u00eb ballkanasit.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb politik\u00eb q\u00eb mposht frik\u00ebn ndoshta s\u2019duhet pritur nga politikan\u00ebt, edhe pse ata mund t\u00eb ndjellin shpres\u00eb n\u00eb vend t\u00eb frik\u00ebs. Arendt sugjeronte si antitez\u00eb, p\u00ebrbrend\u00ebsimin e politik\u00ebs si gjendje e \u2018natyrshme\u2019 njer\u00ebzore q\u00eb njeh dhe thekson potencialin e lirin\u00eb e gjithsecilit dhe mund\u00ebson reflektimin n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb arsyes. Historia na m\u00ebson se n\u00eb \u00e7do rast kur \u2018frika ka udh\u00ebhequr\u2019, pasojat kan\u00eb qen\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruese. Prandaj \u00ebsht\u00eb kruciale n\u00eb k\u00ebto koh\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb disa her\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb vlerash q\u00ebndrojm\u00eb e k\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesim.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Pjesa e par\u00eb Strategjit\u00eb diskursive t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimit t\u00eb viktim\u00ebs dhe xhelatit, demonizimit apo flijimit t\u00eb tjetrit dhe konstruktimit t\u00eb teorive t\u00eb komplotit, p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb veglat e nevojshme t\u00eb retorik\u00ebs populiste. Ky diskurs imponon nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb dikotomike t\u00eb mendimit dhe\/apo gjykimit si: i miri dhe i keqi, miqt\u00eb dhe armiqt\u00eb, ne dhe ata, etj, duke \u00e7uar n\u00eb [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":149,"featured_media":12419,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[1791,868],"ppma_author":[177],"class_list":["post-3501","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-frika","tag-politika"],"authors":[{"term_id":177,"user_id":149,"is_guest":0,"slug":"lirim-krasniqi","display_name":"Lirim Krasniqi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-9-3.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-9-3.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Krasniqi","first_name":"Lirim","description":"Lirim Krasniqi \u00ebsht\u00eb Analist i politikave dhe Menaxher i projekteve n\u00eb Organizat\u00ebn joqeveritare GERMIN, organizat\u00eb kjo q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtet parimet dhe idealet e saj n\u00eb besimin se diaspora luan rol t\u00eb gjer\u00eb dhe proaktiv n\u00eb zhvillimin pozitiv t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb Ballkanit per\u00ebndimor, aty ku jetojn\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3501","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/149"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3501"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3501\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12420,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3501\/revisions\/12420"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12419"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3501"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3501"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3501"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3501"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}