{"id":3514,"date":"2018-06-13T14:51:28","date_gmt":"2018-06-13T12:51:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3514"},"modified":"2025-02-06T14:58:07","modified_gmt":"2025-02-06T12:58:07","slug":"liria-e-shprehjes-ne-epoken-e-filtrit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/liria-e-shprehjes-ne-epoken-e-filtrit\/","title":{"rendered":"Liria e shprehjes n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e filtrit"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-up\">\n<h3><\/h3>\n<p>N\u00eb nj\u00eb demokraci, te drejtat e shumic\u00ebs nuk mund t\u00eb vihen n\u00eb d\u00ebm t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb pakic\u00ebs. N\u00eb epok\u00ebn e algoritmeve, qeveria, m\u00eb shum\u00eb se kurr\u00eb, duhet t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb mbrojtjen e z\u00ebrave t\u00eb cenuesh\u00ebm, madje edhe t\u00eb gaboj\u00eb n\u00eb favor t\u00eb viktimave nganj\u00ebher\u00eb.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-down\">\n<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>OXFORD \u2013 Dekreti i Gjermanis\u00eb p\u00ebr Rrjetet Sociale &#8211; sipas t\u00eb cilit platformat e mediave sociale si Facebook e Youtube, mund t\u00eb gjobiten deri n\u00eb 80 milion\u00eb euro p\u00ebr \u00e7do postim &#8220;qart\u00ebsisht ilegal&#8221; brenda 24 or\u00ebve nga pranimi i njoftimit &#8211; ka qen\u00eb kund\u00ebrth\u00ebn\u00ebs q\u00eb nga fillimi. Pas hyri plot\u00ebsisht n\u00eb fuqi n\u00eb janar, kishte reagime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, ku kritik\u00ebt nga i gjith\u00eb spektri politik thoshin se ky akt nxiste censur\u00eb. Qeveria po dor\u00ebzohej kundrejt interesave private, protestonin kritik\u00ebt.<\/p>\n<p>At\u00ebher\u00eb, a \u00ebsht\u00eb ky fillimi i fundit t\u00eb liris\u00eb s\u00eb shprehjes n\u00eb Gjermani?<\/p>\n<p>Patjet\u00ebr q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb. Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz (apo NetzDG) gjermane \u00ebsht\u00eb rregullorja m\u00eb e rrept\u00eb e llojit t\u00eb vet n\u00eb Europ\u00eb e cila po b\u00ebhet \u00e7doher\u00eb e m\u00eb e shum\u00eb hal\u00eb n\u00eb sy e kompanive t\u00eb fuqishme amerikane t\u00eb mediave sociale. Dhe kritik\u00ebt kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb n\u00eb disa pika kur flasim p\u00ebr dob\u00ebsit\u00eb e ligjit. Por mund\u00ebsit\u00eb p\u00ebr shprehje t\u00eb lir\u00eb do t\u00eb mbesin t\u00eb bollshme, edhe n\u00ebse disa postime fshihen gabimisht.<\/p>\n<p>E v\u00ebrteta \u00ebsht\u00eb se ligji d\u00ebrgon nj\u00eb porosi t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme: demokracit\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb heshtin derisa qytetar\u00ebt e tyre i ekspozohen gjuh\u00ebs dhe imazheve t\u00eb urrejtjes dhe t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs &#8211; p\u00ebrmbajtje q\u00eb, si\u00e7 e dim\u00eb, mund t\u00eb nxis\u00eb urrejtje dhe dhun\u00eb reale. Refuzimi p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e publikut, sidomos m\u00eb t\u00eb cenueshmit, nga p\u00ebrmbajtja e rrezikshme n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb &#8220;liris\u00eb s\u00eb shprehjes&#8221;, n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb u sh\u00ebrben atyre q\u00eb tashm\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb privilegjuar, duke filluar me kompanit\u00eb e fuqishme t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb n\u00eb ball\u00eb t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjes s\u00eb informacioneve.<\/p>\n<p>Gjuha gjithmon\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb filtruar. N\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb demokratike, secili ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb shprehet brenda kufijve t\u00eb ligjit, por askujt asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk i \u00ebsht\u00eb garantuar audienca. P\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur ndikim, qytetar\u00ebve gjithmon\u00eb iu \u00ebsht\u00eb dashur t&#8217;i drejtohen &#8211; apo t&#8217;i shmangen &#8211; &#8220;rojtar\u00ebve&#8221; t\u00eb cil\u00ebt vendosin se cilat kauza dhe ide jan\u00eb relevante dhe t\u00eb vlefshme p\u00ebr t&#8217;u d\u00ebgjuar, qoft\u00eb p\u00ebrmes mediave, institucioneve politike, apo p\u00ebrmes protestave.<\/p>\n<p>Po kjo vlen edhe sot e k\u00ebsaj dite, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 faktit se rojtar\u00ebt jan\u00eb algoritmet t\u00eb cilat automatikisht i filtrojn\u00eb dhe i rangojn\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha kontributet. Gjithsesi, algoritmet mund t\u00eb programohen sido q\u00eb duan kompanit\u00eb, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se ato mund t&#8217;i japin theks cil\u00ebsive t\u00eb cilat i ndajn\u00eb gazetar\u00ebt profesionist\u00eb: kredibiliteti, inteligjenca e koherenca.<\/p>\n<p>Por platformat sociale t\u00eb dit\u00ebve tona kan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb gjasa ta prioritizojn\u00eb potencialin p\u00ebr t\u00eb hyrat nga reklama mbi t\u00eb gjitha. Andaj, m\u00eb t\u00eb z\u00ebshm\u00ebve r\u00ebndom u jepet megafoni, derisa z\u00ebrat m\u00eb pak polarizues, m\u00eb pak t\u00eb privilegjuar shuhen, edhe n\u00ebse ata ofrojn\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrime t\u00eb men\u00e7ura e t\u00eb nuancuara t\u00eb cilat v\u00ebrtet i pasurojn\u00eb diskutimet publike.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00ebse algoritmi nuk e kryen pun\u00ebn e heshtjes s\u00eb z\u00ebrave m\u00eb pak t\u00eb privilegjuar, \u201ctroll\u00ebt\u201d digjital r\u00ebndom e marrin p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb rol, duke p\u00ebrdorur gjuh\u00eb urrejt\u00ebse e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuese drejt kujtdo q\u00eb ata zgjedhin. Grat\u00eb dhe pakicat kan\u00eb n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti gjasa t\u00eb b\u00ebhen viktima t\u00eb ngacmimeve online, por sh\u00ebnjest\u00ebr mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb secili. Bllogeri gjerman, Richard Gutjah, p\u00ebr shembull u b\u00eb objekt i teorive konspirative dhe cak i keqtrajtimit t\u00eb hatash\u00ebm pasi ishte i pranish\u00ebm n\u00eb dy sulme terroriste brenda dy jav\u00ebsh.<\/p>\n<p>Viktimat e keqtrajtimeve online shpeshher\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjen me vet\u00ebcensur\u00eb dhe shum\u00eb prej tyre, me sensin e tyre t\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar t\u00eb siguris\u00eb dhe dinjitetit, largohen vet\u00eb nga mediat sociale.\u00a0 N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt, duke ofruar mbrojtje automatike n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb &#8220;liris\u00eb s\u00eb shprehjes&#8221; shtetet n\u00eb fakt e privilegjojn\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn e urrejtjes. Por pse t\u00eb drejtat e viktim\u00ebs duhet t\u00eb n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsohen kundrejt t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb ngacmuesve t\u00eb tyre?<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb nj\u00eb demokraci, te drejtat e shumic\u00ebs nuk mund t\u00eb vihen n\u00eb d\u00ebm t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb pakic\u00ebs. N\u00eb epok\u00ebn e algoritmeve, qeveria, m\u00eb shum\u00eb se kurr\u00eb, duhet t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb mbrojtjen e z\u00ebrave t\u00eb cenuesh\u00ebm, madje edhe t\u00eb gaboj\u00eb n\u00eb favor t\u00eb viktimave nganj\u00ebher\u00eb. N\u00ebse njer\u00ebzit tashm\u00eb t\u00eb cenuar pushtohen nga bandat e ekstremist\u00ebve dhe t\u00eb agresor\u00ebve, \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt e kuptueshme q\u00eb ata t\u00eb frik\u00ebsohen t\u00eb flasin. N\u00ebse kjo ndodh, e pati &#8220;liria e shprehjes&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p>Jo t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kritik\u00ebt e NetzDG-s\u00eb e kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vler\u00ebsim: disa pajtohen se liria e shprehjes s\u00eb t\u00eb cenuar\u00ebve nuk ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr mbrojtje shtes\u00eb. Por ata thon\u00eb se mbrojtja e nevojshme tanim\u00eb ekziston. Tekefundit, fyerjet e r\u00ebnda, nxitjet e urrejtjes dhe dhuna jan\u00eb t\u00eb ndaluara, dhe kryesit mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrndiqen. Presidenti i Franc\u00ebs, Emmanuel Macron, p\u00ebr shembull, favorizon p\u00ebrqendrimin n\u00eb fuqizimin e aft\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb sistemit gjyq\u00ebsor p\u00ebr t&#8217;u marr\u00eb me gjjuh\u00ebn e urrejtjes dhe me keqinformimin.<\/p>\n<p>Por, n\u00eb epok\u00ebn digjitale, shpejt\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb vendimtarja. Teknologjia \u00ebsht\u00eb instante, dhe postimet online mund t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndahen gjithandej brenda disa \u00e7asteve. Institucionet demokratike nuk l\u00ebvizin aq shpejt &#8211; madje shum\u00eb ngadal\u00eb q\u00eb policia dhe gjykatat t\u00eb jen\u00eb efikase sa i p\u00ebrket luft\u00ebs kund\u00ebr troll\u00ebve dhe urrejtjes online. Dhe shum\u00eb viktima nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb pozit\u00eb t\u00eb angazhojn\u00eb avokat\u00eb super t\u00eb kualifikuar, si\u00e7 ka b\u00ebr\u00eb Gutjahr-i. Mb\u00ebshtetja vet\u00ebm n\u00eb institucionet e nd\u00ebrlikuara t\u00eb shtetit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb strategji efikase p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e liris\u00eb s\u00eb shprehjes n\u00eb rrjetet e komunikimit digjital t\u00eb dit\u00ebve tona.<\/p>\n<p>Gjuha e urrejtjes dhe format e tjera t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjes s\u00eb rrezikshme dhe ilegale duhen sulmuar n\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb, ekziston nevoja p\u00ebr njohuri t\u00eb shtuara n\u00eb lidhje me mediat nga ana e konsumator\u00ebve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb m\u00ebsohen nga mosha e hershme n\u00eb lidhje me pasojat reale t\u00eb gjuh\u00ebs s\u00eb urrejtjes online. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr &#8211; dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb NetzDG-ja m\u00ebton t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb &#8211; platformat e mediave sociale duhet t\u00eb sigurohen q\u00eb produktet e tyre jan\u00eb t\u00eb sajuara asisoji q\u00eb t\u00eb nxisin shfryt\u00ebzim t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegjsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n<p>Por kjo nuk arrihet leht\u00eb. P\u00ebrkundrazi, kjo k\u00ebrkon rishqyrtim thelb\u00ebsor t\u00eb modeleve biznesore t\u00eb cilat e leht\u00ebsojn\u00eb dhe madje e shp\u00ebrblejn\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn e urrejtjes. Kompanive nuk duhet t&#8217;u lejohet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb nga p\u00ebrmbajtja d\u00ebmprur\u00ebse, derisa heqin dor\u00eb nga p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia e pasojave. Ato, n\u00eb fakt, duhet t&#8217;i rishikojn\u00eb algoritmet e tyre n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb m\u00eb efikase dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrpikt\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pah p\u00ebrmbajtje t\u00eb cilat njeriu duhet t&#8217;i monitoroj\u00eb dhe t&#8217;i vler\u00ebsoj\u00eb, duke potencuar nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb vendimet e tyre biznesore vet\u00ebdijen p\u00ebr p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb e tyre n\u00eb luft\u00ebn p\u00ebr liri t\u00eb nj\u00ebmendt\u00eb t\u00eb shprehjes.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me logjik\u00ebn e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb t\u00eb biznesit, pra t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrjes s\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo veprimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb maksimizuar profitin dhe vler\u00ebn e aksionar\u00ebve. Por, padyshim, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e mira p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb. Qeveria gjermane b\u00ebri mir\u00eb q\u00eb i shtyu kompanit\u00eb n\u00eb drejtimin e duhur.<\/p>\n<p>______<\/p>\n<p>Artikulli origjinal nga Project Syndicate<\/p>\n<p><em>Alexandra Borchardt \u00ebsht\u00eb drejtoresh\u00eb e Zhvillimit Strategjik pran\u00eb Institutit t\u00eb Reutersit p\u00ebr Studime t\u00eb\u00a0Gazetaris\u00eb.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>N\u00eb nj\u00eb demokraci, te drejtat e shumic\u00ebs nuk mund t\u00eb vihen n\u00eb d\u00ebm t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb pakic\u00ebs. N\u00eb epok\u00ebn e algoritmeve, qeveria, m\u00eb shum\u00eb se kurr\u00eb, duhet t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb mbrojtjen e z\u00ebrave t\u00eb cenuesh\u00ebm, madje edhe t\u00eb gaboj\u00eb n\u00eb favor t\u00eb viktimave nganj\u00ebher\u00eb. OXFORD \u2013 Dekreti i Gjermanis\u00eb p\u00ebr Rrjetet Sociale &#8211; sipas t\u00eb [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":649,"featured_media":12416,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[2464,2045],"ppma_author":[2463],"class_list":["post-3514","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-epoka-e-filtrit","tag-liria-e-shprehjes"],"authors":[{"term_id":2463,"user_id":649,"is_guest":0,"slug":"aleksandra-borchardt","display_name":"Aleksandra Borchardt","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/fbd096556971535528d86624b1ee2e26d4b30c371569e8365ac1506d62f1b271?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"Borchardt","first_name":"Aleksandra","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3514","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/649"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3514"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3514\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12417,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3514\/revisions\/12417"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12416"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3514"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3514"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3514"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3514"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}