{"id":3519,"date":"2017-03-17T12:58:25","date_gmt":"2017-03-17T10:58:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3519"},"modified":"2024-11-15T12:55:57","modified_gmt":"2024-11-15T10:55:57","slug":"keqkuptimet-mbi-ushtrine-dhe-siguria-nacionale-e-kosoves","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/keqkuptimet-mbi-ushtrine-dhe-siguria-nacionale-e-kosoves\/","title":{"rendered":"Keqkuptimet mbi ushtrin\u00eb dhe siguria nacionale e Kosov\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-up\">\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">Koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit, pas \u2018provokimeve\u2019 t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb dhe val\u00ebs s\u00eb pasiguris\u00eb e tensionit q\u00eb ka kapluar politik\u00ebn e rajonit, d\u00ebgjohen z\u00ebra t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm q\u00eb theksojn\u00eb urgjenc\u00ebn e themelimit t\u00eb ushtris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, si kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigje ndaj k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve t\u00eb jashtme. \u00cbsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar gati n\u00eb \u201crefren\u201d garancia q\u00eb sipas k\u00ebtyre z\u00ebrave, do t\u2019i jepte ushtria, pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe integritetit territorial t\u00eb vendit kundrejt \u00e7far\u00ebdo ndryshimi apo ndikimi t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm. Formimi i Ushtris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb koh\u00eb trumpetohet nga tabor\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme, vjen edhe si inercion i zhvillimeve t\u00eb jashtme. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebtyre, kjo ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb krijohet nj\u00eb lloj p\u00ebrshtypje ose imagjinate brenda opinionit t\u00eb gjer\u00eb (me apo pa dashje) p\u00ebr Ushtrin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs si nj\u00eb lloj monstrumi a la \u201cking-kong-ian\u201d q\u00eb do t\u00eb zhdukte t\u00eb gjith\u00eb \u201c\u00e7akejt\u00eb\u201d e \u201chienat\u201d q\u00eb sillen p\u00ebrreth, me kapacitete t\u00eb tilla, t\u00eb afta p\u00ebr t\u2019ju kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigjur \u00e7far\u00ebdo agresioni, nga cilido armik i rajonit, dhe e cila do t\u00eb zhb\u00ebnte automatikisht nevoj\u00ebn e KFOR-it, deri tani garantues i paqes dhe siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-down\">\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">Ky k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim \u2018hamend\u00ebsues\u2019 p\u00ebrve\u00e7 se p\u00ebrshkohet nga naiviteti, \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe reaksionar n\u00eb vetvete. Teoria e realizmit (dominante) n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb e vetmja q\u00eb legjitimon p\u00ebrdorimin e forc\u00ebs p\u00ebr ruajtjen e siguris\u00eb s\u00eb shteteve, sugjeron q\u00eb n\u00eb rastet kur nj\u00eb shtet k\u00ebrc\u00ebnohet nga jasht\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb, n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb siguris\u00eb s\u00eb tij, ai (shteti) duhet t\u00eb synoj\u00eb balanc\u00ebn e fuqis\u00eb n\u00eb raport me armikun. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, i bie q\u00eb ne si Kosov\u00eb, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 krijimit t\u00eb ushtris\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb synonim balancimin e fuqis\u00eb ushtarake me Serbin\u00eb. Kufizimet e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt jan\u00eb t\u00eb shumta dhe nisin q\u00eb nga raportet e zhdrejta t\u00eb numrit t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb e madh\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb territorit me shtetin armik e deri tek pamund\u00ebsit\u00eb financiare nga gjendja e stagnuar e zhvillimit ekonomik (do t\u00eb duhej mbi 1\/3 e buxhetit total p\u00ebr ushtrin\u00eb). N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr aktualizimi i nevoj\u00ebs urgjente p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur forcat e armatosura n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb koh\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb reaksionar sepse vjen pas disa ngjarjeve q\u00eb ngrit\u00ebn tension dhe frik\u00eb dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rezultat i nj\u00eb procesi gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs e t\u00eb mir\u00eb menduar disavje\u00e7ar (afatizuar), e as t\u00eb koordinuar me aleat\u00ebt tan\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">Siguria nacionale \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga shqet\u00ebsimet m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha q\u00eb tentohet t\u00eb theksohet s\u00eb fundmi, por jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Koncepti i siguris\u00eb nacionale (shtet\u00ebrore) \u00ebsht\u00eb sa i diskutuesh\u00ebm aq edhe problematik. P\u00ebrkufizimi m\u00eb i pranuesh\u00ebm n\u00ebp\u00ebr qarqet e teoricien\u00ebve t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e sheh sigurin\u00eb komb\u00ebtare si munges\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo frike nga sulmi, rrezikimi i interesave ose k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi i shtetit tjet\u00ebr ose shteteve tjera. Nj\u00eb gjendje e till\u00eb edhe pse \u00ebsht\u00eb subjektive na sugjeron ta konceptojm\u00eb sigurin\u00eb n\u00eb raport afirmativ kundrejt pasiguris\u00eb e frik\u00ebs. N\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb saj, mund t\u00eb themi se gjat\u00eb pjes\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs ka pasur nj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb relative sigurie tek pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e popullsis\u00eb. Garant p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb ka qen\u00eb dhe vazhdon t\u00eb jet\u00eb KFOR-i, p\u00ebrmes mandatit q\u00eb ia jep rezoluta 1244, i cili s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb dukur t\u00eb jet\u00eb i sfiduar nga jasht\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb, madje edhe tani kur po flasim p\u00ebr tensione, k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime e pasiguri, pavar\u00ebsisht se ky mision (KFOR-i) \u00ebsht\u00eb neutral karshi statusit ton\u00eb si shtet.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">Gjithsesi, kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se ne duhet t\u00eb flem\u00eb t\u00eb qet\u00eb dhe t\u00eb mos diskutojm\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt. Nj\u00eb nga t\u00eb mirat e periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb pas-pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, jan\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht debatet mbi at\u00eb se si duhet t\u00eb veproj\u00eb Kosova n\u00eb aren\u00ebn e jashtme dhe \u00e7far\u00eb rrug\u00ebsh duhen ndjekur p\u00ebr arritjen e interesave nacionale. Mir\u00ebpo, k\u00ebto debate shpeshher\u00eb rrezikojn\u00eb t\u00eb rr\u00ebshqasin n\u00eb shprehje d\u00ebshirash apo keqinterpretime.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">S\u00eb pari, duhet ta kemi parasysh q\u00eb Kosova, n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha parametrave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb, konsiderohet shtet i vog\u00ebl. Shtetet e vogla n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, mbijetes\u00ebn fizike dhe atributet themelore t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb e prosperitetit material, nuk kan\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u2019i arrijn\u00eb p\u00ebrmes fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb hekurt (hard power), prandaj preferojn\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb but\u00eb (soft power). Fuqia e but\u00eb, sipas Joseph Nye, p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga tri elemente: kultura e nj\u00eb shteti (n\u00eb vendet ku ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb atraktive p\u00ebr t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt), vlerat e tij politike (n\u00eb \u00e7ka ai vend q\u00ebndron, sa i p\u00ebrket sistemit politik dhe t\u00eb vlerave) dhe politika e tij e jashtme (aty ku ai shtet shihet si legjitim dhe ka autoritet moral). P\u00ebrtej k\u00ebtyre, shtetet e vogla, n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb kapaciteteve e rrjedhimisht mund\u00ebsive t\u00eb imponimit t\u00eb agjendave t\u00eb tyre, aktivitetin e jasht\u00ebm e koncentrojn\u00eb n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e normave juridike nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe pjes\u00ebmarrjen dhe p\u00ebrfshirjen n\u00eb aleancat shum\u00eb pal\u00ebshe, me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb ruajtjes s\u00eb subjektivitetit e bashk\u00eb me t\u00eb edhe t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb barabarta me akter\u00ebt tjer\u00eb, kryesisht n\u00eb raport me shtetet m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">Evoluimi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve midis shteteve ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb konceptet e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb hekurt apo t\u00eb but\u00eb t\u00eb mos shihen t\u00eb ndara me thik\u00eb, sidomos n\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin nga shtetet e vogla. J. Nye ka nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e kombinimit t\u00eb dy formave t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar at\u00eb q\u00eb njihet si fuqi e men\u00e7ur apo e zgjuar (smart power). Kjo ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb disa shtete t\u00eb vogla, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb kapaciteteve t\u00eb vogla ushtarake, t\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin ushtrit\u00eb e tyre, p\u00ebrmes koalicioneve apo organizatave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, n\u00eb misione t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta, qofshin ato me q\u00ebllime ushtarake apo humanitare. Nd\u00ebrlidhja e k\u00ebtyre misioneve m\u00eb pastaj me aktivitetin diplomatik (fuqia e but\u00eb) ka ndihmuar n\u00eb shtyrjen p\u00ebrpara t\u00eb agjendave nacionale dhe respektimin e atyre shteteve n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. E t\u00ebra kjo edhe si rrjedhoj\u00eb \u2018arsyetizimit\u2019 t\u00eb funksionit t\u00eb forcave ushtarake.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, krijimi i Ushtris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, nuk duhet t\u00eb shihet vet\u00ebm prej ekskluzivitetit t\u00eb mbrojtjes s\u00eb territorit. E tashmja dhe e ardhmja e nj\u00eb force t\u00eb armatosur t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs duhet par\u00eb brenda \u2018ombrell\u00ebs\u2019 shum\u00ebpal\u00ebshe NATO, si rrug\u00eb e vetme e siguris\u00eb nacionale e nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht edhe avancimit t\u00eb interesave shtet\u00ebrore. Prandaj nuk mund dhe nuk b\u00ebn t\u00eb mendohet procesi i shnd\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb FSK-s\u00eb n\u00eb ushtri duke neglizhuar NATO-n dhe aleat\u00ebt tan\u00eb brenda saj. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb dobi t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb vogla, e n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast edhe shtetit ton\u00eb, q\u00eb platformat e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve q\u00eb lidhen drejtp\u00ebrs\u00ebdrejti me atributet kryesore t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb b\u00ebhen me konsensus nacional dhe gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshirje. Iniciativat n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, qofshin partiake, qofshin individuale t\u00eb cil\u00ebsdo parti apo lider p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat nuk krijohet pajtim i gjithmbarsh\u00ebm nuk shkojn\u00eb n\u00eb dobi t\u00eb interesave shtet\u00ebrore.<\/span><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit, pas \u2018provokimeve\u2019 t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb dhe val\u00ebs s\u00eb pasiguris\u00eb e tensionit q\u00eb ka kapluar politik\u00ebn e rajonit, d\u00ebgjohen z\u00ebra t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm q\u00eb theksojn\u00eb urgjenc\u00ebn e themelimit t\u00eb ushtris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, si kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigje ndaj k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve t\u00eb jashtme. \u00cbsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar gati n\u00eb \u201crefren\u201d garancia q\u00eb sipas k\u00ebtyre z\u00ebrave, do t\u2019i jepte ushtria, pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe integritetit [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":149,"featured_media":10282,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[664],"ppma_author":[177],"class_list":["post-3519","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kosovo"],"authors":[{"term_id":177,"user_id":149,"is_guest":0,"slug":"lirim-krasniqi","display_name":"Lirim Krasniqi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-9-3.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-9-3.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Krasniqi","first_name":"Lirim","description":"Lirim Krasniqi \u00ebsht\u00eb Analist i politikave dhe Menaxher i projekteve n\u00eb Organizat\u00ebn joqeveritare GERMIN, organizat\u00eb kjo q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtet parimet dhe idealet e saj n\u00eb besimin se diaspora luan rol t\u00eb gjer\u00eb dhe proaktiv n\u00eb zhvillimin pozitiv t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb Ballkanit per\u00ebndimor, aty ku jetojn\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3519","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/149"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3519"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3519\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10384,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3519\/revisions\/10384"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10282"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3519"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3519"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3519"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3519"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}