{"id":3595,"date":"2017-06-10T11:49:20","date_gmt":"2017-06-10T09:49:20","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3595"},"modified":"2024-11-19T12:06:35","modified_gmt":"2024-11-19T10:06:35","slug":"programet-politike-2017-njohja-me-luften-ideologjike","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/programet-politike-2017-njohja-me-luften-ideologjike\/","title":{"rendered":"Programet politike 2017: Njohja me luft\u00ebn ideologjike"},"content":{"rendered":"

K\u00ebto zgjedhje kan\u00eb sjellur nj\u00eb risi kryesore n\u00eb politik\u00eb. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb lufta ideologjike mes partive. Fokusimi i partive n\u00eb ekonomi i ka ekspozuar q\u00ebndrimet ideologjike t\u00eb tyre. Mir\u00ebpo jo gjithmon\u00eb ndarjet ideologjike jan\u00eb t\u00eb qarta n\u00eb programet zgjedhore, si\u00e7 do t\u00eb shohim n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shkrim.<\/span><\/p>\n

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Koalicionet ideologjike<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Koalicionet q\u00eb u krijuan para zgjedhjeve mund t\u00eb konsiderohen q\u00eb kan\u00eb konsistenc\u00eb\u00a0ideologjike, edhe n\u00ebse nuk jan\u00eb nisur me at\u00eb q\u00ebllim. Nuk mnud t\u00eb themi se ishte\u00a0ideologjia ajo q\u00eb e shtyri AKR-n\u00eb e IQA-n t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb te LDK dhe ta formojn\u00eb\u00a0koalicionin LAA+ (me disa parti t\u00eb vogla). Gjithashtu, ideologjia nuk e nxiti PDK-n\u00eb ta\u00a0formalizoj\u00eb koalicionin parazgjedhor me AAK-n\u00eb e NpK-n\u00eb (PAN+, me parti t\u00eb vogla).\u00a0N\u00eb t\u00eb dy rastet ishin pragu zgjedhor dhe d\u00ebshira p\u00ebr t\u00eb dal\u00eb i pari n\u00eb zgjedhje ajo q\u00eb nxiti koalicionet.<\/span><\/p>\n

PAN+: Klientelist\u00ebt e djatht\u00eb<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, tash kemi koalicionet m\u00eb t\u00eb natyrshme n\u00eb aspektin ideologjik. Kjo edhe\u00a0pse klientelizmi si fenomen (q\u00eb pengon ideologjin\u00eb) mbetet shum\u00eb i fort\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00ebn\u00a0ton\u00eb. Mund t\u00eb themi se n\u00eb an\u00ebn e klientelizmit kemi PAN+, me elemente edhe t\u00eb\u00a0klientelizmit edhe t\u00eb ideologjis\u00eb, pak m\u00eb posht\u00eb aty af\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb LAA+, dhe si subjekt\u00a0ku dominon p\u00ebrcaktimi ideologjik kemi LVV-n\u00eb. Tri partit\u00eb kryesore t\u00eb PAN+ p\u00ebr nga\u00a0natyra jan\u00eb m\u00eb klienteliste, pra edhe n\u00ebse trumpetojn\u00eb ndonj\u00eb ideologji, nuk m\u00ebrziten\u00a0fort p\u00ebr zbatimin e saj. Gjithashtu, t\u00eb trija kan\u00eb shprehur konfuzion sa i p\u00ebrket ideologjive. Ato kan\u00eb nd\u00ebrruar ideologjit\u00eb e pretenduara me koh\u00eb. PDK nga parti \u201ce\u00a0majt\u00eb\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb \u201ce djatht\u00eb\u201d, AAK nga parti \u201ce qendr\u00ebs\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb \u201ce djatht\u00eb\u201d, kurse\u00a0NpK deklarohet si \u201csocialdemokrate\u201d, mir\u00ebpo nuk ka p\u00ebrkushtim ndaj\u00a0socialdemokracis\u00eb. K\u00ebto parti duke qen\u00eb n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie klientelist\u00eb me faktor\u00eb\u00a0nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb kan\u00eb praktikuar politika t\u00eb djatha duke imituar shtetet e huaja, edhe\u00a0n\u00ebse nuk kan\u00eb besuar n\u00eb to.<\/span><\/p>\n

LAA+: T\u00eb djatht\u00ebt klientelist\u00eb<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

LDK ka nj\u00eb tradit\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimit ideologjik (t\u00eb djatht\u00eb), mir\u00ebpo nuk i mungon as\u00a0klientelizmi. Dihet se kjo parti ka qen\u00eb dhe mbetet praktiuese e pun\u00ebsimeve partiake\u00a0p\u00ebr shembull. AKR \u00ebsht\u00eb e ngjashme, dhe mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb liberale sa i p\u00ebrket\u00a0ekonomis\u00eb. Edhe IQA \u00ebsht\u00eb e p\u00ebrcaktuar ideologjikisht si e djatht\u00eb. Ky koalicion n\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn kan\u00eb praktikuar politika t\u00eb djathta, dhe jo pa besuar n\u00eb to.<\/span><\/p>\n

LVV: T\u00eb majt\u00ebt nacionalist\u00eb<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

LVV, n\u00eb krahasim me blloqet tjera, ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtim dhe definim ideologjik.\u00a0N\u00eb spektrin majtas-djathtas, n\u00eb an\u00ebn e djatht\u00eb gjenden PAN+ dhe LAA+, kurse n\u00eb\u00a0an\u00ebn e majt\u00eb kemi LVV-n\u00eb. Gjithashtu LVV e kombinon majtizmin me nacionaliz\u00ebm.\u00a0Pra \u00ebsht\u00eb e rrall\u00eb, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt, edhe n\u00eb aren\u00ebn Europiane, sepse zakonisht, t\u00eb\u00a0djatht\u00ebt e kan\u00eb nacionalizmin si ideologji. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kombinim, LVV i gjason m\u00eb shum\u00eb\u00a0Partis\u00eb Nacionale Skoceze (SNP), se sa ndonj\u00eb partie tradicionale t\u00eb majt\u00eb n\u00eb\u00a0Europ\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Islamizmi<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb ideologji tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb po rritet n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb islamizmi. N\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje jan\u00eb, s\u00eb\u00a0paku, tri parti islamiste q\u00eb garojn\u00eb: Fjala, e vetme; Partia e Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb (PD), n\u00eb\u00a0PAN+, dhe L\u00ebvizja p\u00ebr Drejt\u00ebsi (LD) n\u00eb LAA+. Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia me ideologjin\u00eb islamiste\u00a0si te PAN+ edhe te LAA+ mbetet t\u00eb shihet, por zakonisht ideologjit\u00eb e bazuara n\u00eb fe\u00a0jan\u00eb t\u00eb djathta, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb koalicionet me PDK e LDK jan\u00eb t\u00eb natyrshme n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb\u00a0aspekt. Partia e Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb (PD) tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb partner i rregullt i PDK-s\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb\u00a0tep\u00ebr edhe AKR pjes\u00ebrisht e ka p\u00ebrqafuar islamizmin. Prania e k\u00ebtyre partive n\u00eb\u00a0koalicione mund t\u00eb mos u\u00a0shkoj\u00eb p\u00ebr shtati disa votuesve laicist\u00eb. Dhe LDK, ashtu si\u00a0PDK, do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb arsyetoj\u00eb p\u00ebrfshirjen e rrymave islamiste n\u00eb koalicion sepse ka\u00a0t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb edhe me vet\u00eb natyr\u00ebn e shtetit. LAA+ e ka n\u00eb list\u00eb familjaren e kreut t\u00eb\u00a0Bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb Islame\u00a0t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs (BIK), dhe duhet t\u00eb sqaroj\u00eb se \u00e7ka n\u00ebnkupton\u00a0kjo p\u00ebr konceptin e ndarjes s\u00eb shtetit nga feja.\u00a0Kjo pyetje \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb relevante\u00a0k\u00ebto dit\u00eb pas shpalljes se b\u00ebr\u00eb nga BIK-u n\u00eb Ka\u00e7anik p\u00ebr vdekjen e terroristit\u00a0nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, LM, q\u00eb ngjalli kritika kund\u00ebr BIK-ut. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, LVV \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0akuzuar p\u00ebr islamiz\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb q\u00ebndrimit t\u00eb saj se duhet t\u00eb lejohet bartja e shamis\u00eb n\u00eb shkolla (te vajzat mbi mosh\u00ebn 16 vje\u00e7are). Ky q\u00ebndrim \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyetuar\u00a0nga lejimi i tash\u00ebm me ligj p\u00ebr t\u2019u martuar n\u00eb mosh\u00ebn 16 vje\u00e7are, dhe si duket vie\u00a0nga progresizmi i LVV; ngjash\u00ebm ata promovojn\u00eb edhe t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vot\u00ebs p\u00ebr 16\u00a0vje\u00e7ar\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Programet<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

PAN+, fatkeq\u00ebsisht, nuk ka botuar nj\u00eb dokument ku sqarohet programi ose manifesti\u00a0zgjedhor i tyre. Faqet e internetit t\u00eb partive nuk ndihmojn\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt. PDK si\u00a0duket nuk ka p\u00ebr momentin faqe funksionale. AAK ka faqe t\u00eb freskuar me ngjarje t\u00eb\u00a0fushat\u00ebs, mir\u00ebpo programi q\u00eb gjendet aty \u00ebsht\u00eb i vitit 2010. Krejt \u00e7ka mund t\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebrdoret jan\u00eb deklaratat e tyre n\u00eb aktivitete t\u00eb fushat\u00ebs ose debate zgjedhore. N\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi fokusi i tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb te \u201c\u00e7\u00ebshtjet e m\u00ebdha\u201d q\u00eb e presin qeverin\u00eb e re, kurse\u00a0sa i p\u00ebrket ekonomis\u00eb kryesisht ofrojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb nga e njejta gj\u00eb q\u00eb kemi par\u00eb deri\u00a0tash. Fokusi mbetet te bujq\u00ebsia n\u00eb krahasim me sektor\u00ebt tjer\u00eb, edhe pse ka pas\u00eb\u00a0deklarata p\u00ebr sektorin e industris\u00eb. Nj\u00eb gj\u00eb q\u00eb vlen\u00eb t\u00eb theksohet \u00ebsht\u00eb deklarata p\u00ebr\u00a0shtesa t\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebve. Pra n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi nuk ka program t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiluar q\u00eb mund t\u00eb\u00a0analizohet.<\/span><\/p>\n

LAA+ ka botuar nj\u00eb program t\u00eb quajtur Kontrata me Kosov\u00ebn. Aty ka disa synime e\u00a0shpresa dhe disa politika konkrete q\u00eb ofrohen. N\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi edhe aty ofrohet\u00a0vazhdim i politikave t\u00eb ngjashme me ato t\u00eb zbatuara deri tash. Fokusi mbetet te\u00a0bujq\u00ebsia, sa i p\u00ebrket ekonomis\u00eb. Dy gj\u00ebra q\u00eb ia vlen\u00eb t\u00eb theksohen jan\u00eb pako fiskale e re q\u00eb do t\u00eb eliminonte tatimin doganor p\u00ebr l\u00ebnd\u00eb t\u00eb para; dhe pushimi i paguari\u00a0lehonis\u00eb p\u00ebr 12 muaj edhe p\u00ebr gra q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie pune. K\u00ebto dy\u00a0politika do t\u00eb kishin efekt, sado t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, n\u00eb ekonomi dhe gjendjen sociale\u00a0respektivisht.<\/span><\/p>\n

LVV ka publikuar nj\u00eb program me 40 pika q\u00eb e quan Prioritetet e Republik\u00ebs. Aty\u00a0paraqiten disa politika konkrete, por disa nga pikat jan\u00eb n\u00eb form\u00ebn d\u00ebshirore edhe te\u00a0LVV. Fokusi m\u00eb shum\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb te prodhimi vendor, edhe pse bujq\u00ebsia theksohet po\u00a0ashtu. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr programi p\u00ebrmban nj\u00eb list\u00eb t\u00eb politikave sociale si\u00e7 jan\u00eb shtesat\u00a0p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00eb, ushqimi falas p\u00ebr nx\u00ebn\u00ebs etj. Ia vlen t\u00eb theksohen propozimet p\u00ebr Fondin\u00a0Sovran (p\u00ebr zhvillim), tatim progresiv, banimi social e sigurime sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsore.Pra kryesisht kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb ndarje mes PAN, LAA n\u00eb nj\u00eb an\u00eb dhe LVV n\u00eb\u00a0an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr. PAN dhe LAA pak a shum\u00eb ofrojn\u00eb politika t\u00eb ngjashme me ato q\u00eb jan\u00eb\u00a0zbatuar deri tash, me fokus n\u00eb bujq\u00ebsi e infrastruktur\u00eb. LVV n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr ofron nj\u00eb\u00a0ndryshim ku fokusi m\u00eb i madh \u00ebsht\u00eb te industria\/prodhimi dhe shteti social.<\/span><\/p>\n

Gjithashtu LVV ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb elemente t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb ligjit n\u00eb programin e saj. Si\u00a0LVV ashtu edhe LAA premtojn\u00eb nj\u00eb ligj anti-mafia q\u00eb do t\u00eb luftonte korrupcionin dhe\u00a0krimin e organizuar.T\u00eb tri blloqet e ndjejn\u00eb presionin e nevoj\u00ebs p\u00ebr politika populiste, rrjedhimisht edhe\u00a0dy blloqet e djathta kan\u00eb p\u00ebrmendur politika t\u00eb tilla si\u00e7 jan\u00eb shtesat dhe pushimi i\u00a0lehonis\u00eb. Politika t\u00eb tilla priten nga parti t\u00eb majta por jo edhe nga ato q\u00eb deklarohen\u00a0t\u00eb djathta. LVV n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr premton nj\u00eb list\u00eb t\u00eb politikave q\u00eb do t\u00eb themelonin\u00a0shtetin social.Pra si\u00e7 shihet jo t\u00eb gjitha politikat e premtuara bien n\u00eb kall\u00ebpe t\u00eb qarta ideologjike.\u00a0Edhe te LVV ka politika q\u00eb do t\u00eb konsideroheshin t\u00eb djathta. P\u00ebr shembull propozimi\u00a0p\u00ebr qart\u00ebsimin e pronave kadastrale do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb politike e djatht\u00eb neoliberale, dhe\u00a0dikush do t\u00eb befasohej po ta shihte at\u00eb te nj\u00eb parti e majt\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo kjo tregon se\u00a0problemet nuk mund t\u00eb zgjidhen me dogma t\u00eb ngurta ideologjike por me politika q\u00eb\u00a0bazohen n\u00eb nevojat e koh\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

A \u00ebsht\u00eb i mir\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimi ideologjik?<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

E mira e krijimit t\u00eb blloqeve ideologjike \u00ebsht\u00eb se b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb kristalizim i pozicioneve\u00a0sidomos p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje ekonomike dhe zvog\u00eblohet hutia te votuesit. Partit\u00eb duhet t\u00eb\u00a0detyrohen t\u2019i sqarojn\u00eb ideologjit\u00eb dhe politikat e tyre, dhe sa p\u00ebrputhen ato me\u00a0partner\u00ebt e koalicionit. K\u00ebshtu votuesi ka mund\u00ebsi ta d\u00ebnoj\u00eb hipokrizin\u00eb n\u00ebse e sheh.Shembulli i zgjedhjeve t\u00eb 8 qershorit 2017 n\u00eb Britani t\u00eb Madhe, ku Laburist\u00ebt rrit\u00ebn\u00a0duksh\u00ebm numrin e votave me nj\u00eb platform\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb, tregoi se p\u00ebrcaktimi i qart\u00eb\u00a0ideologjik mund t\u00eb shp\u00ebrblehet nga votuesit.Nj\u00eb an\u00eb e keqe e tyre mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb paqart\u00ebsia rreth p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb lider\u00ebve\u00a0individual\u00eb p\u00ebr d\u00ebshtimet e partis\u00eb. Pra tash kemi disa lider\u00eb brenda nj\u00eb liste n\u00ebp\u00ebr\u00a0koalicione, ku t\u00eb gjith\u00eb paraqiten si karizmatik\u00eb. Te PAN+, kjo ka ndikuar q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb\u00a0edhe fushata t\u00eb ndara. Pastaj, n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje, kemi kandidat\u00eb p\u00ebr kryeministra q\u00eb\u00a0dallojn\u00eb nga kryetar\u00ebt e partive. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se kush do ta merr p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb rast humbjeje, i pari i list\u00ebs, kryetari i partis\u00eb, apo kandidati p\u00ebr kryeminist\u00ebr?Se p\u00ebrcaktimi ideologjik shp\u00ebrblehet mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb si d\u00ebshmi fati i partive t\u00eb reja. Mosp\u00ebrcaktimi i qart\u00eb, si te p\u00ebrvoja e ORA-s dhe FER-it, ka gjasa t\u00eb rezultoj\u00eb n\u00eb d\u00ebshtim. P\u00ebrvoja e LVV-s\u00eb dhe PD-s\u00eb, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, tregon se mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb rritje\u00a0graduale me p\u00ebrcaktim t\u00eb qart\u00eb. PAN+ ka qen\u00eb blloku q\u00eb ka vazhduar m\u00eb shum\u00eb me zakonin e vjet\u00ebr duke k\u00ebrkuar\u00a0vot\u00ebn m\u00eb shum\u00eb bazuar te individ\u00ebt se sa te ideologjia. Ky fokus te individ\u00ebt \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0edhe nj\u00eb prej arsyeve pse partit\u00eb synojn\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb aderime, duke\u00a0menduar se aderimi i individ\u00ebve t\u00eb njohur i ndihmon partis\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb aderimet jan\u00eb form\u00eb e klientelizmit, dhe pak jan\u00eb rastet kur aderimi b\u00ebhet p\u00ebr shkak\u00a0t\u00eb p\u00ebrputhjeve ideologjike.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

K\u00ebto zgjedhje kan\u00eb sjellur nj\u00eb risi kryesore n\u00eb politik\u00eb. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb lufta ideologjike mes partive. Fokusimi i partive n\u00eb ekonomi i ka ekspozuar q\u00ebndrimet ideologjike t\u00eb tyre. Mir\u00ebpo jo gjithmon\u00eb ndarjet ideologjike jan\u00eb t\u00eb qarta n\u00eb programet zgjedhore, si\u00e7 do t\u00eb shohim n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shkrim. Koalicionet ideologjike Koalicionet q\u00eb u krijuan para zgjedhjeve mund t\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":19,"featured_media":10474,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[998,1887,1646],"ppma_author":[29],"class_list":["post-3595","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-politike","tag-programet-politike","tag-sistemet-politike"],"authors":[{"term_id":29,"user_id":19,"is_guest":0,"slug":"seb-bytyci","display_name":"Seb Byty\u00e7i","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1668771566235.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1668771566235.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Byty\u00e7i","first_name":"Seb","description":"Dr. Seb Bytyci ka p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse n\u00eb hulumtim shkencor dhe m\u00ebsimdh\u00ebnie p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy dekada, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb angazhime me University of London\/LSE, University of York, University of Winchester, William College, IPOL Institute, si dhe Police Federation of England and Wales. Ai ka qen\u00eb gjithashtu i p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb avokim praktik dhe ka bashk\u00ebpunuar me organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare si OKB, UNDP dhe OSBE.\r\n\r\nSeb ka doktoratur\u00eb (PhD) nga University of York; nj\u00eb Master n\u00eb Administrat\u00eb Publike (MPA) n\u00eb Analiz\u00eb Politikash dhe \u00c7\u00ebshtje Krahasuese & Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nga Indiana University (Bloomington), si dhe nj\u00eb MES n\u00eb Integrim Evropian dhe Rajonaliz\u00ebm nga University of Graz\/EIPA\/EURAC.\r\n\r\nHulumtimi i tij i doktoratur\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb fokusuar n\u00eb institucionet n\u00eb vende n\u00eb tranzicion, nd\u00ebrsa fushat e tij t\u00eb interesit p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e institucioneve efektive dhe lidershipin, \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e BE-s\u00eb dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, zgjidhjen e konflikteve, shtetin zhvillimor dhe proceset e transformimit shoq\u00ebror."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3595","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/19"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3595"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3595\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10473,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3595\/revisions\/10473"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10474"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3595"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3595"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3595"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3595"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}