{"id":3605,"date":"2017-06-28T10:29:16","date_gmt":"2017-06-28T08:29:16","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3605"},"modified":"2024-10-31T14:46:51","modified_gmt":"2024-10-31T12:46:51","slug":"tri-gjera-qe-duhet-te-marrin-fund-me-keto-zgjedhje","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/tri-gjera-qe-duhet-te-marrin-fund-me-keto-zgjedhje\/","title":{"rendered":"Tri gj\u00ebra q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb marrin fund me k\u00ebto zgjedhje"},"content":{"rendered":"
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K\u00ebto zgjedhje duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb kthyese p\u00ebr vendin. Momenti i certifikimit t\u00eb rezultateve nga KQZ, duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb momenti i marrjes fund t\u00eb tri gj\u00ebrave, q\u00eb kan\u00eb dominuar jet\u00ebn publike deri tash. M\u00eb posht\u00eb do t\u2019i listoj ato.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Bazuar n\u00eb rezultatet preliminare nga KQZ, shihet se qytetar\u00ebt votuan p\u00ebr ndryshime n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje. Kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se d\u00ebshira p\u00ebr ndryshime ka munguar n\u00eb zgjedhjet e m\u00ebhershme. Ka pasur p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr ndryshime n\u00eb zgjedhjet e kaluara. At\u00ebher\u00eb, te votuesit ekzistonte bindja m\u00eb e madhe se LDK do t\u00eb mund ta hiqte PDK-n\u00eb nga pushteti. Dhe, rrjedhimisht, LDK mori m\u00eb shum\u00eb vota se LVV n\u00eb ato zgjedhje. N\u00eb zgjedhjet e 2017-\u00ebs, mbizot\u00ebroi bindja te votuesit se LVV mund t\u00eb sjell\u00eb ndryshimet n\u00eb qeveri, dhe pam\u00eb rritje t\u00eb votave t\u00eb LVV-s\u00eb e r\u00ebnie t\u00eb votave t\u00eb LDK-s\u00eb. Poashtu, \u00ebsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb theksohet se edhe PDK pati r\u00ebnie t\u00eb konsiderueshme. Kjo gj\u00eb ka ndodhur p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb historin\u00eb e PDK-s\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrb\u00ebn moment t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm politik. Pra, n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebrejtur dob\u00ebsimi i vazhduesh\u00ebm i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb bastioneve partiake, e q\u00eb pati efekt m\u00eb t\u00eb madh te PDK.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, duhet theksuar se dhjet\u00ebra mij\u00ebra votues kan\u00eb ndryshuar m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e votimit p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb. Dhe kjo gj\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebn emancipim politik. Pra, kemi nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb madh t\u00eb votuesve q\u00eb p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb e kan\u00eb braktisur PDK-n\u00eb, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb ata n\u00eb bastionin e saj tradicional. Poashtu, kemi nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb madh t\u00eb votuesve q\u00eb p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb kan\u00eb votuar p\u00ebr LVV-n\u00eb, n\u00eb zona t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ndryshimi n\u00eb sjelljen votuese ka ndodhur si n\u00eb zona urbane ashtu edhe rurale, gj\u00eb q\u00eb e b\u00ebn at\u00eb m\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs dhe flet m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr procesin e emancipimit t\u00eb votuesve.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto ndryshime n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e votimit, dhe rezultati mjaft dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs n\u00ebnkuptojn\u00eb se votuesit jan\u00eb lodhur me format e vjetra t\u00eb \u00a0\u201cpolitikimit\u201d. Ngjash\u00ebm me Kosov\u00ebn, zgjedhje dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse pati edhe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri e Maqedoni. N\u00eb Maqedoni mori fund dominimi i VMRO-s\u00eb pas nj\u00eb dekade dhe ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shans p\u00ebr ndryshime. Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri votuesit i dhan\u00eb PS-s\u00eb mandate t\u00eb plota, q\u00eb i mund\u00ebson t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb reforma. P\u00ebrderisa tash vendi \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb v\u00ebzhgim t\u00eb negociatave p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb e re, subjektet politike duhet t\u00eb ken\u00eb parasysh se cilado q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebrja e qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb re, gj\u00ebrat nuk mund t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin model si deri tash. Jan\u00eb tri gj\u00ebra kryesore q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb marrin fund: politika klienteliste, administrata\u00a0e politizuar, dhe feudo-kapitalizmi neoliberal.<\/p>\n

Politika klienteliste<\/strong><\/p>\n

Fenomeni q\u00eb lidhet edhe me ato dy m\u00eb posht\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb politika klienteliste. Klientelizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb sistem politik q\u00eb mbizot\u00ebron n\u00eb vendet n\u00eb zhvillim. Ai bazohet n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mes klientit dhe patronit, q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton shk\u00ebmbim t\u00eb lojalitetit politik me t\u00eb mira materiale ose sociale: para, mallra, tender\u00eb, ose vend pune. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast votuesit jan\u00eb klient\u00eb t\u00eb patron\u00ebve\/politikan\u00ebve. Dhe \u00e7do patron ka klientel\u00ebn e vet, n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb ket\u00eb pasuesit e vet q\u00eb e votojn\u00eb at\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb politikave t\u00eb propozuara. Pra ka dallim mes \u201ckontrat\u00ebs sociale\u201d ku votuesit b\u00ebjn\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje me qeveris\u00ebsit p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb sistemin politik, duke votuar e paguar tatim, me iden\u00eb se qeveris\u00ebsit ofrojn\u00eb sh\u00ebrbime (zhvillim ekonomik, arsim, sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsi etj) dhe n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr klientelizmit, ku votuesit shk\u00ebmbejn\u00eb vot\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb menj\u00ebhershme (para, mall) ose me shpres\u00eb s\u00eb gjetjes\/ruajtjes s\u00eb vendit t\u00eb pun\u00ebs. Tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb i njohur fenomeni i asfaltimit t\u00eb rrug\u00ebve para zgjedhjeve, si form\u00eb e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e politik\u00ebs klienteliste. Por ka edhe raporte p\u00ebr forma t\u00eb tjera si: blerja e votave me ushqim ose mbushje telefonike. Gjithashtu ka edhe presion mbi punonj\u00ebsit, si n\u00eb sektorin publik dhe at\u00eb privat, p\u00ebr t\u00eb votuar p\u00ebr parti e kandidat\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb matur klientelizmin e nj\u00eb partie \u00ebsht\u00eb krahasimi i votave t\u00eb marra nga lideri me votat e partis\u00eb (dhe me votat e kandidatit t\u00eb dyt\u00eb pas tij dhe kandidat\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb). N\u00ebse ky dallim \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb i madh, at\u00ebher\u00eb kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb m\u00eb parti klienteliste. Sipas nj\u00eb kalkulimi q\u00eb kam b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb her\u00ebt, partit\u00eb m\u00eb klienteliste ishin PDK, AAK, e LDK.<\/p>\n

Administrata e politizuar<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr fenomen q\u00eb lidhet ngusht\u00eb me at\u00eb t\u00eb parin, e q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb marr\u00eb fund menj\u00ebher\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb politizimi i administrat\u00ebs. Politika ka futur hund\u00ebt n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha institucionet e shtetit. Nj\u00eb shprehje q\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb shpesh \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201ckapja e shtetit\u201d. Kjo gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e d\u00ebmshme sepse i b\u00ebn institucionet joefektive. Administrata publike \u00ebsht\u00eb e ngadalshme, e mbingarkuar me vende pune dhe ka korrupsion. Institucionet e sh\u00ebrbimeve publike (arsimi, sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsia) nuk jan\u00eb efektive n\u00eb ofrimin e k\u00ebtyre sh\u00ebrbimeve, dhe kjo v\u00ebrehet n\u00eb nivelin e dob\u00ebt t\u00eb arsimit e sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb vend. Institucionet e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb nuk japin drejt\u00ebsi p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ndikimit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs. Dhe institucionet e pavarura, n\u00eb fakt nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb pavarura dhe nuk mund ta kryejn\u00eb pun\u00ebn e tyre.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb studimin tim t\u00eb doktoratur\u00ebs kam gjetur q\u00eb nd\u00ebhyrja politike \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja kryesore p\u00ebr joefektivitetin e institucioneve. Gjithashtu gjat\u00eb krahasimit, kam par\u00eb se institucioni q\u00eb ka m\u00eb pak nd\u00ebrhyrje politike dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb meritoktraci (q\u00eb mund t\u00eb instalohet me metoda t\u00eb ndryshme) \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb efektiv (i kryen detyrat m\u00eb shum\u00eb) dhe m\u00eb eficient (shpenzon m\u00eb pak). Na duhet nj\u00eb projekt madhor q\u00eb t\u2019i reformojm\u00eb institucionet e shtetit, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ofrojm\u00eb sh\u00ebrbime m\u00eb t\u00eb mira p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt duke i zvog\u00ebluar shpenzimet e kota. Kjo gj\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur. M\u00ebsimet e marra nga shtetet e tjera por edhe studimet e institucioneve t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta brenda vendit mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb shteg p\u00ebr reforma.<\/p>\n

Feudo-kapitalizmi neoliberal<\/strong><\/p>\n

Fenomeni i tret\u00eb, q\u00eb lidhet me dy t\u00eb parat, \u00ebsht\u00eb feudo-kapitalizmi neoliberal. Lexesi mund t\u00eb mendoj\u00eb \u201c\u00e7ka qenka kjo bish\u00eb q\u00eb paska jetuar mes nesh t\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb koh\u00eb e nuk e paskemi ditur\u201d? Sa i p\u00ebrket asaj se pse nuk e kemi ditur, arsyeja \u00ebsht\u00eb se kemi qen\u00eb t\u00eb zhytur n\u00eb t\u00eb si peshku n\u00eb uj\u00eb dhe nuk e kemi problematizuar si shoq\u00ebri (pavar\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrpjekjeve individuale), ashtu si\u00e7 peshqit nuk e v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pyetje ujin rreth tyre. Sa i p\u00ebrket asaj se \u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb, le t\u00eb fillojm\u00eb me fjal\u00ebt, pra \u201cfeudo\u201d, \u201ckapitalizmi\u201d dhe \u201cneoliberal. Feudalizmi ishte sistem i organizimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb mesjet\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebr baz\u00eb kishte \u201cfeudin\u201d ose nj\u00eb cop\u00eb tok\u00eb. Pronari i k\u00ebsaj toke kishte obligime ndaj aristokrat\u00ebve n\u00eb nivel m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb se ai (p\u00ebr tatime, p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkuar n\u00eb luft\u00eb etj). E n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr pronari ishte p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs p\u00ebr fshatar\u00ebt q\u00eb e punonin tok\u00ebn e tij. Pra si sistem ishte i ngjash\u00ebm me klientelizmin.<\/p>\n

Kurse, kapitalizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb ideologji q\u00eb thot\u00eb se n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet shoq\u00ebrore-ekonomike duhet t\u00eb dominoj\u00eb kapitali. N\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb per\u00ebndimore, kapitalizmi ishte ai q\u00eb e z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoi feudalizmin si sistem shoq\u00ebror. Mir\u00ebpo n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri tjera (ku b\u00ebjm\u00eb pjes\u00eb edhe ne), instalimi i kapitalizmit kishte qen\u00eb i pjessh\u00ebm ose erdhi pas nj\u00eb faze t\u00eb komunizmit. Kjo n\u00ebnkupton se mbeturinat e feudalizmit ende ekzistojn\u00eb. Termin \u201cfeudo-kapitaliz\u00ebm\u201d e kishte p\u00ebrdorur Ukshin Hoti p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u00a0etiketuar llojin e kapitalizmit q\u00eb po instalohej te ne n\u00eb vitet e 1990-ta. Nj\u00eb term tjet\u00ebr, i ngjash\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb kapitalizmi klientelist. Mir\u00ebpo, un\u00eb mendoj se termi \u201ckapitaliz\u00ebm klientelist\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i duhur p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb nivele m\u00eb t\u00eb avancuara t\u00eb kapitalizmit, kurse p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb si e jona mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim termin \u201cfeudo-kapitaliz\u00ebm\u201d. Ky lloj kapitalizmi pra \u00ebsht\u00eb ai \u00e7far\u00eb ne kemi, e q\u00eb mori form\u00eb q\u00eb nga vitet e 1990-ta, ku disa persona, t\u00eb lidhur me pushtetin (n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb Millosheviqit n\u00eb Serbi), u pasuruan shum\u00eb dhe u b\u00ebn\u00eb \u201ckapitalist\u00ebt\u201d kryesor\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kurse termi \u201cneoliberal\u201d i referohet llojit t\u00eb kapitalizmit q\u00eb dominon n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e q\u00eb p\u00ebrmes ndikimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar \u00ebsht\u00eb imponuar tek ne. \u201cLiberal\u201d ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me tregtin\u00eb e lir\u00eb mes shteteve, dhe ishte ideologjia dominante e shekullit XIX, deri n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. Pra \u201cneo\u201d do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb version t\u00eb ri t\u00eb liberalizmit q\u00eb mori hov n\u00eb vitet 1970 e 1980, pas disa dekadash t\u00eb Kejnzianismit (nj\u00eb lloj tjet\u00ebr i kapitalizmit). Disa nga tiparet kryesore t\u00eb neoliberalizmit jan\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjet e tregtis\u00eb s\u00eb lir\u00eb (si CEFTA), specializimi i vendeve n\u00eb zhvillim n\u00eb sektorin e bujq\u00ebsis\u00eb, dhe lidhja e duarve t\u00eb shtetit q\u00eb mos t\u00eb intervenoj\u00eb n\u00eb ekonomi.<\/p>\n

Pra kur ra komunizmi, ajo q\u00eb e z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoi at\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb feudo-kapitalizmi neoliberal. Sa i p\u00ebrket rezultateve t\u00eb k\u00ebtij sistemi, nuk kam nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb flas shum\u00eb sepse flasin statistikat dhe p\u00ebrvojat e njer\u00ebzve. Papun\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb problem kronik me qindra mij\u00ebra t\u00eb papun\u00eb, kurse papun\u00ebsia e t\u00eb rinjve \u00ebsht\u00eb shokuese. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb ambient t\u00eb pashpres\u00eb, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb befasi q\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb rinj bien pre e radikalizmit.<\/p>\n

Prandaj \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme t\u2019i japim fund k\u00ebtij sistemi q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb treguar i suksesh\u00ebm. Me Institutin Ballkanik t\u00eb Politikave (IPOL) disa her\u00eb kemi b\u00ebr\u00eb thirrje p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur konceptin e \u201cshtetit zhvillimor\u201d p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrballur me sfidat tona. Investimi n\u00eb ekonomi, arsim e sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb i nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr ta nxjerr\u00eb vendin nga kriza kronike.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb pothuajse \u00e7do sondazh, t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb 10 vitet e fundit, qytetar\u00ebt deklarojn\u00eb se problemet m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha jan\u00eb papun\u00ebsia, varf\u00ebria dhe korrupsioni. Prandaj, prioritet i qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb ardhshme duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb zgjidhja e atyre tri problemeve: papun\u00ebsis\u00eb, varf\u00ebris\u00eb dhe korrupsionit. Me vazhdimin e politikave t\u00eb deritashme ekonomike nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet kjo.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

K\u00ebto zgjedhje duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb kthyese p\u00ebr vendin. Momenti i certifikimit t\u00eb rezultateve nga KQZ, duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb momenti i marrjes fund t\u00eb tri gj\u00ebrave, q\u00eb kan\u00eb dominuar jet\u00ebn publike deri tash. M\u00eb posht\u00eb do t\u2019i listoj ato. Bazuar n\u00eb rezultatet preliminare nga KQZ, shihet se qytetar\u00ebt votuan p\u00ebr ndryshime n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje. […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":19,"featured_media":9045,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[458,664,548],"ppma_author":[29],"class_list":["post-3605","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-election","tag-kosovo","tag-politics"],"authors":[{"term_id":29,"user_id":19,"is_guest":0,"slug":"seb-bytyci","display_name":"Seb Byty\u00e7i","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1668771566235.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1668771566235.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Byty\u00e7i","first_name":"Seb","description":"Dr. Seb Bytyci ka p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse n\u00eb hulumtim shkencor dhe m\u00ebsimdh\u00ebnie p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy dekada, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb angazhime me University of London\/LSE, University of York, University of Winchester, William College, IPOL Institute, si dhe Police Federation of England and Wales. Ai ka qen\u00eb gjithashtu i p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb avokim praktik dhe ka bashk\u00ebpunuar me organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare si OKB, UNDP dhe OSBE.\r\n\r\nSeb ka doktoratur\u00eb (PhD) nga University of York; nj\u00eb Master n\u00eb Administrat\u00eb Publike (MPA) n\u00eb Analiz\u00eb Politikash dhe \u00c7\u00ebshtje Krahasuese & Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nga Indiana University (Bloomington), si dhe nj\u00eb MES n\u00eb Integrim Evropian dhe Rajonaliz\u00ebm nga University of Graz\/EIPA\/EURAC.\r\n\r\nHulumtimi i tij i doktoratur\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb fokusuar n\u00eb institucionet n\u00eb vende n\u00eb tranzicion, nd\u00ebrsa fushat e tij t\u00eb interesit p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e institucioneve efektive dhe lidershipin, \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e BE-s\u00eb dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, zgjidhjen e konflikteve, shtetin zhvillimor dhe proceset e transformimit shoq\u00ebror."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3605","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/19"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3605"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3605\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9335,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3605\/revisions\/9335"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9045"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3605"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3605"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3605"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3605"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}