{"id":3629,"date":"2017-07-18T10:09:11","date_gmt":"2017-07-18T08:09:11","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3629"},"modified":"2025-01-16T13:15:53","modified_gmt":"2025-01-16T11:15:53","slug":"rreshqitje-numrash","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/opinion\/rreshqitje-numrash\/","title":{"rendered":"Rr\u00ebshqitje numrash"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Ecja rraskapit\u00ebse<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Jemi n\u00eb prag t\u00eb themelimit t\u00eb institucioneve nga subjekte q\u00eb garuan m\u00eb 11 qershor. Jan\u00eb disa mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb krijimit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb. U krijua apo jo, shkuam n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritura apo jo, edhe n\u00eb 2017 do t\u2019p\u00ebrballemi me nj\u00eb lloj tensioni polarizues. Duket sikur skena politike \u00ebsht\u00eb lodhur nga vetja, po aq sa edhe qytetar\u00ebt jan\u00eb t\u00eb lodhur me t\u00eb. T\u00eb lodhur meq\u00eb rrezikojm\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb t\u00eb qeverisemi t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzuar p\u00ebrbrenda, t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzuar p\u00ebrreth, t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzuar nga larg. Nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb ndryshe p\u00ebr aq koh\u00eb sa vazhdojm\u00eb t\u00eb flasim dhe ta mir\u00ebmbajm\u00eb standardin e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb qeverive t\u00eb ngritura mbi orteqe spekulimesh n\u00eb lidhje me numrat, legjitimitetin, p\u00ebrb\u00ebrjen, synimet. Lodhje madje edhe nga lodhja e lidershipit t\u00eb partive politike, nga ata q\u00eb edhe pse t\u00eb sfilitur politikisht, pas pak dit\u00ebsh, jav\u00ebsh a muajsh, do t\u00eb ndjehen t\u00eb vet\u00eb-k\u00ebnaqur q\u00eb ia dol\u00ebn \u2013 edhe \u2013 k\u00ebsaj radhe. Mbase t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, q\u00eb ia dol\u00ebn \u2013 edhe \u2013 nj\u00eb her\u00eb!<\/p>\n

N\u00eb demokracit\u00eb parlamentare qeverit\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me numra q\u00eb din\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhen hileqar. Rrjedhimisht p\u00ebr aq koh\u00eb sa nuk avancohet standardi i t\u00eb b\u00ebrit politik\u00eb, ata q\u00eb ngjiten shkall\u00ebve t\u00eb pushtetit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb, nuk mund t\u00eb shkelin sigurt n\u00eb shkall\u00ebzimin q\u00eb krijojn\u00eb numrat, pra mund t\u00eb luhaten ose rr\u00ebzohen n\u00eb rrug\u00ebtim. K\u00ebsisoj 41-shi mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb i fort\u00eb se 79-shi, 61-shi m\u00eb i dob\u00ebt se 59-shi, apo 81-shi m\u00eb i dob\u00ebt se 39-shi. Ndodh k\u00ebshtu sepse jo t\u00eb gjith\u00eb numrat jan\u00eb derivat i nj\u00eb konteksti autentik politik, dhe jo gjithher\u00eb numrat jan\u00eb n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb nj\u00eb destinacioni politik. N\u00eb rastin ton\u00eb numrat nuk pasqyrojn\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb qeverie, cilado qoft\u00eb ajo. P\u00ebrtej parimit universal t\u00eb numrave \u2018hileqar\u2019 t\u00eb demokracive parlamentare, e dallueshmja e realitetit ton\u00eb politik \u00ebsht\u00eb se kur numrat b\u00ebhen hileqar, ata b\u00ebhen edhe p\u00ebr faktin se jan\u00eb n\u00ebn-produkt i partive, aty k\u00ebtu hileqare. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb ardhjes s\u00eb bashku si rrug\u00ebtim politik q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb vlera, besime dhe synime p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen, te ne, numrat n\u00eb qeveri apo opozit\u00eb, n\u00eb krijimin apo rr\u00ebzimin e qeverive, jan\u00eb shpesh ekuacione puro matematike n\u00eb d\u00ebm t\u00eb bindjeve t\u00eb votuesve dhe pritjeve t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve nga lidershipi politik. Zgjedhjet ishin k\u00ebmban\u00eb p\u00ebr ndryshim, apo dh\u00ebnien fund k\u00ebsaj qasje t\u00eb kot\u00eb. Tani \u00ebsht\u00eb koha q\u00eb ata q\u00eb mbijetuan dhe nuk e pan\u00eb fundin sot, do t\u00eb duhej kuptuar q\u00eb nes\u00ebr mund t\u2019i kujtojm\u00eb si kamikaz\u00ebt e profileve t\u00eb tyre, ve\u00e7mas p\u00ebr faktin se turren apo kapen pas timonit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb. Kjo nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me numrat a krijimin e institucioneve, por me vendosjen e standardeve t\u00eb reja n\u00eb politik\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ecja ndryshe<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ecja sfilit\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo \u00e7far\u00eb po na prezantohet k\u00ebto dit\u00eb, por k\u00ebsaj ecje nuk duhet dh\u00ebn\u00eb rasti sot. Sidoqoft\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i shmangemi k\u00ebsaj ecje, k\u00ebrkohet pjekuri, sakrific\u00eb dhe vet\u00ebmohim. Para s\u00eb gjithash, n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb k\u00ebrkohet q\u00eb humb\u00ebsit e zgjedhjeve n\u00eb nivel indivudual, n\u00eb nivel subjekti a konstelacionesh, t\u00eb mos sillen si fitues, po ashtu k\u00ebrkohet q\u00eb humb\u00ebsit e m\u00ebdhenj t\u00eb l\u00ebshojn\u00eb pe, t\u00eb l\u00ebshojn\u00eb rrug\u00eb. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, pretenduesit e fitores, fitores s\u00eb madhe apo t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, shkofshin n\u00eb qeveri apo mbetshin n\u00eb opozit\u00eb, duhet ta kuptojn\u00eb q\u00eb jetojm\u00eb n\u00eb pluraliz\u00ebm, n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem politik parlamentar, dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb kultur\u00eb politike demokratike n\u00eb form\u00ebsim. Mandatet u jan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebr shtet, zhvillim, demokratizim dhe jo p\u00ebr fatin vetanak. P\u00ebr shtetin, heronjt\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb gjerat p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat nuk i\u2019u duhet as nuk k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahje, nd\u00ebrsa lider\u00ebt b\u00ebjn\u00eb vet\u00ebm gj\u00ebrat q\u00eb varen kryek\u00ebput nga p\u00ebrkrahja e vazhdueshme e secilit prej nesh. Meq\u00eb Kosova ka heronjt\u00eb e saj, asaj sot i duhen lider\u00eb q\u00eb ngrit\u00ebn mbi personalen, sepse para vetes\u00a0dhe caqeve t\u00eb tyre vetanake, lider\u00ebt e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb pritet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb interesat publike dhe qytetare n\u00eb politik\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebto rrethana, ve\u00e7mas me luhatjet q\u00eb kan\u00eb prodhuar rezultatet zgjedhore, ata q\u00eb duan t\u00eb konfirmohen dhe sillen si lider\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, duhet ta din\u00eb dhe ta pranojn\u00eb q\u00eb jemi n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb kur Kosova nuk guxon t\u00eb dinamizoj\u00eb nj\u00eb cik\u00ebl t\u00eb refuzimit t\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetave, jo atyre absolute, por atyre t\u00eb p\u00ebrditshme mbi t\u00eb cilat funksionin demokracia, sikurse rregullat e loj\u00ebs, vullneti i shumic\u00ebs, hap\u00ebsira p\u00ebr jo shumicat, nevoja p\u00ebr zgjidhje dhe jo p\u00ebr bllokada e rr\u00ebmuj\u00eb. Sot kemi nj\u00eb situat\u00eb kur kemi nj\u00eb fitues t\u00eb numrave, nj\u00eb fitues t\u00eb legjitimitetit, dhe nj\u00eb lojtar n\u00eb udh\u00ebkryq. Numrat pa legjitimitet nuk kan\u00eb vler\u00eb, legjitimiteti pa numra nuk vie n\u00eb jet\u00eb, p\u00ebrderisa lojtari n\u00eb udh\u00ebkryq duhet t\u2019i p\u00ebrmbahet kahjes politike konstruktive, asaj e cila do ta disiplinonte sken\u00ebn, dhe do t\u2019i shpolarizonte fituesit e numrave, a legjitimitetit.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb shteg p\u00ebr shtet<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00ebse nisemi nga fakti q\u00eb nj\u00eb qeveri e nd\u00ebrtuar mbi nj\u00eb klim\u00eb tensionesh, pasigurish, dhe presioni numrash, do t\u00eb merrej m\u00eb shum\u00eb me administrimin dhe menaxhimin p\u00ebrkrahjes ndaj saj, se sa me qeverisjen e vendit, at\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb e \u00e7muara q\u00eb do humbim \u00ebsht\u00eb koha q\u00eb nuk kthehet dot. Q\u00eb t\u00eb shmanget kjo, vendit i duhet nj\u00eb qeveri\/sje si rezultat i nj\u00eb procesi sipas t\u00eb cilit partit\u00eb politike dakordohen t\u00eb definojn\u00eb prioritetet dhe interesat e vendit, sikurse mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb liberalizimi, ushtria, dialogu, subjektiviteti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Asnj\u00eb shumic\u00eb qeveris\u00ebse nuk mund t\u2019u jap epilog k\u00ebtyre temave pa nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie normale dhe konstruktive me opozit\u00eb, dhe anasjelltas. N\u00eb k\u00ebto rrethana, m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm se sa fakti se kush i b\u00ebn\u00a0numrat, \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb shtyhet me ata numra n\u00eb qeveri e qeverisje. K\u00ebtu 61-shi, 73-shi, 81-shi e 90-shi, varen dhe determinohen nga klima politike, n\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn secili num\u00ebr mund t\u00eb reflektoj\u00eb kriz\u00eb.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb shum\u00eb se asnj\u00ebher\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb e domosdoshme q\u00eb lidershipi i partive politike t\u00eb ulet dhe t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb agjend\u00eb nacionale rreth disa temave. Krijimit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb dhe institucioneve duhet t\u2019i paraprij\u00eb apo ta shoq\u00ebroj\u00eb dakordimi rreth agjendes, parimeve, hapave dhe hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs kohore, t\u00eb cilat partit\u00eb, blloqet politike, pajtohen se do t\u2019i ndjekin pavar\u00ebsisht se a jan\u00eb n\u00eb qeveri apo opozit\u00eb. Ikja nga kjo qasje p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e vendit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj yryshi pas pushtetit. N\u00ebse asgj\u00eb, blloqet minimalisht duhet t\u00eb pajtohen q\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb lejojn\u00eb list\u00ebn serbe q\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim me vot\u00ebn, ta negocioj\u00eb apo tregtoj\u00eb pozit\u00ebn e saj n\u00eb institucione dhe n\u00eb temat e m\u00ebdha. Pastaj qeverin\u00eb le ta b\u00ebj\u00eb kush t\u00eb mundet, kur t\u00eb mundet, me k\u00eb t\u00eb doj\u00eb. N\u00ebse kjo nuk ndodh, lodhja dhe kusht\u00ebzimi \u00ebsht\u00eb fati yn\u00eb, dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebt do t\u00eb shihen n\u00eb sken\u00eb. K\u00ebsisoj legjitimiteti i zgjedhjeve dhe i nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie a shteti funksional, n\u00eb \u00e7ka betohemi e pretendojm\u00eb, do t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb p\u00ebr uthulla edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb, p\u00ebrderisa elektorati i partive politike do t\u00eb bashk\u00ebudhtoj\u00eb me qeveri dhe institucione rr\u00ebshqit\u00ebse mbi numra rr\u00ebshqit\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ecja rraskapit\u00ebse Jemi n\u00eb prag t\u00eb themelimit t\u00eb institucioneve nga subjekte q\u00eb garuan m\u00eb 11 qershor. Jan\u00eb disa mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb krijimit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb. U krijua apo jo, shkuam n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritura apo jo, edhe n\u00eb 2017 do t\u2019p\u00ebrballemi me nj\u00eb lloj tensioni polarizues. Duket sikur skena politike \u00ebsht\u00eb lodhur nga vetja, po aq sa […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":611,"featured_media":12008,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[664,548],"ppma_author":[2321],"class_list":["post-3629","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-kosovo","tag-politics"],"authors":[{"term_id":2321,"user_id":611,"is_guest":0,"slug":"fatmir-haxholli","display_name":"Fatmir Haxholli","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/5jpZmgp__400x400.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/5jpZmgp__400x400.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Haxholli","first_name":"Fatmir","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3629","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/611"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3629"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3629\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12125,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3629\/revisions\/12125"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12008"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3629"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3629"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3629"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3629"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}