{"id":3785,"date":"2018-12-17T11:37:22","date_gmt":"2018-12-17T09:37:22","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3785"},"modified":"2025-01-15T11:38:50","modified_gmt":"2025-01-15T09:38:50","slug":"kuvendi-jo-efikas-arene-e-perplasjeve-politike","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/kuvendi-jo-efikas-arene-e-perplasjeve-politike\/","title":{"rendered":"Kuvendi jo efikas, aren\u00eb e p\u00ebrplasjeve politike"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Ngufatja e Kuvendit<\/strong><\/p>\n

Tensionet politike t\u00eb akumuluara q\u00eb prej shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb shpesh Kuvendi m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u2019i ngjaj\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00ebbeteje t\u00eb konfliktit mes partive n\u00eb pushtet dhe opozit\u00ebs, sesa p\u00ebrmbushjes s\u00eb funksionit kushtetues. Vendimmarrja p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme mbetet e bllokuar, ngase asnj\u00ebri kamp politik nuk po arrin shumic\u00ebn e domosdoshme p\u00ebr t\u2019i shtyr\u00eb p\u00ebrpara \u00e7\u00ebshtjet me interes nacional.<\/p>\n

Kushtetuta e definon Kosov\u00ebn si Republik\u00eb Parlamentare, ku fuqia e pushtetit nuk mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb institucion apo individ t\u00eb vet\u00ebm. Por n\u00eb dekad\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar e kund\u00ebrta. Legjislaturat e pas pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb arritur ta ushtrojn\u00eb n\u00eb plotni funksionin e tyre, ve\u00e7mas rolin mbik\u00ebqyr\u00ebs dhe kontrollues ndaj institucioneve tjera.<\/p>\n

Degradimi i institucionit m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues ka prekur pik\u00ebn kritike n\u00eb dy legjislaturat e fundit. Pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb energjive e orientuan n\u00eb tema t\u00eb cilat e fut\u00ebn vendin n\u00eb kriz\u00eb politike. Nuk kan\u00eb munguar as skenat ku deputet\u00ebt t\u00ebrhiqen zvarr\u00eb nga salla, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb futjes s\u00eb gazit lotsjell\u00ebs brenda Kuvendit, si mjet kund\u00ebrshtimi i marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb demarkacionit me Malin e Zi dhe Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Asociacionit me Serbin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Jet\u00ebgjat\u00ebsia e koalicioneve qeveris\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb cenuar jo vet\u00ebm nga presioni i opozit\u00ebs por edhe nga vet\u00eb partner\u00ebt. P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, asnj\u00eb legjislatur\u00eb e pas pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb nuk ka mundur ta \u00e7oj\u00eb deri n\u00eb fund nj\u00eb mandat t\u00eb plot\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kalimi gradual i kompetencave nga nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebt tek vendor\u00ebt, pas shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb m\u00eb 17 shkurt 2008 shpesh \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrcjell\u00eb me paqart\u00ebsi. P\u00ebr kat\u00ebr vite radhazi Pavar\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrur nga Misioni Civil Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, q\u00eb mbante kompetenca t\u00eb shumta n\u00eb qeverisjen e vendit. \u00a0Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj periudhe, n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb u instalua edhe Misioni i Bashkimit Evropian p\u00ebr Sundim t\u00eb Ligjit- EULEX, si z\u00ebvend\u00ebsim i UNMIKU-ut. Ardhja e EULEX-it ishte arsyetuar me mosgatishm\u00ebrin\u00eb e institucioneve vendore q\u00eb t\u2019 i marrin levat e pushtetit, ve\u00e7mas ato q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me sundimin e rendit dhe ligjit. Por krahas k\u00ebtyre misioneve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, qarkullimi i elitave \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar t\u00eb jet\u00eb i ngadalt\u00eb, gj\u00eb q\u00eb ka reflektuar negativisht n\u00eb shtet-nd\u00ebrtim.<\/p>\n

Pushteti joformal<\/strong><\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebse definohet si Republik\u00eb Parlamentare,\u00a0 Kosova vuajtur edhe nga \u201cpushteti jo formal\u201d.<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 evidentohet n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, publikuar nga \u201cDemokraci p\u00ebr Zhvillim\u201d (D4D), pushteti i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb duart e strukturave joformale q\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqen nga partit\u00eb politike.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb p\u00ebrgjimet e regjistruara mes viteve 2010-2016, ku krye personazhe jan\u00eb eksponent\u00eb t\u00eb PDK-s, parti q\u00eb kjo ka qeverisur prej 2007-\u00ebs, vendimet ky\u00e7e, duke filluar prej caktimit t\u00eb politikave e deri te em\u00ebrimi i zyrtar\u00ebve t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit, b\u00ebhen nga strukturat joformale partiake. Politikan\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb PDK-s\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb presidentin aktual t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, Hashim Tha\u00e7in, kryetarin e Kuvendit dhe kryetarin e PDK-s\u00eb Kadri Veseli, ishin gjithashtu pjes\u00eb e \u201cAfer\u00ebs Pronto\u201d. Nd\u00ebrkaq institucionet e shtetit, sikurse Kuvendi, vet\u00ebm i v\u00ebrtetuan dhe legjitimuan ato vendime.<\/p>\n

Shkalla deri ku arrin nj\u00eb pushtet i till\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruhet p\u00ebrmes elaborimit t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs kushtetuese t\u00eb vitit 2014. N\u00eb analiz\u00eb, p\u00ebrshkruhet se si kriza ishte m\u00eb shum\u00eb si rezultat i etjes p\u00ebr pushtet e m\u00eb pak i dispozitave t\u00eb paqarta kushtetuese. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, aty argumentohet se vendimi i Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese e ka vendosur Kosov\u00ebn diku n\u00eb mes t\u00eb modeleve \u2018pozitive\u2019 dhe \u2018negative\u2019 t\u00eb demokracive parlamentare, duke e komplikuar edhe m\u00eb tej procesin e formimit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, analiza e pushtetit tregon brisht\u00ebsin\u00eb e aspekteve themelore t\u00eb shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb karshi akter\u00ebve t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm joformal.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrhyrjet n\u00eb gjyq\u00ebsor<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ndarja e pushteteve \u00ebsht\u00eb e garantuar me Kushtetut\u00eb. Por nuk kan\u00eb munguar rastet kur Kuvendi ka shfaqur hapur tendenca p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrje n\u00eb pun\u00ebn e gjyq\u00ebsorit. Rasti m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00eb, i kund\u00ebrshtuar gjer\u00ebsisht ka qen\u00eb diskutimi i vendimit t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs s\u00eb Apelit p\u00ebr rastin, \u201cDrenica 1 dhe 2\u201d, q\u00eb ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb t\u00eb grupit parlamentar t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Demokratike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti i par\u00eb dhe i vet\u00ebm ku Kuvendi hapur dhe drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb i nd\u00ebrhyn gjyq\u00ebsorit. Praktika t\u00eb tilla kan\u00eb ndodhur edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn n\u00eb raste t\u00eb ngjashme si debati parlamentar\u00eb p\u00ebr rastin, \u201cKi\u00e7ina\u201d. K\u00ebto seanca m\u00eb tep\u00ebr u kan\u00eb sh\u00ebrbyer deputet\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb shfaqur patriotiz\u00ebm dhe shk\u00ebmbyer akuza p\u00ebr tradhti e dezertim nga lufta e U\u00c7K-s\u00eb.\u00a0 Trajtimi dhe debati politik i vendimeve t\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb pushtetit gjyq\u00ebsor \u00ebsht\u00eb kritikuar edhe n\u00eb raportet e Komisionit Evropian p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, duke e cil\u00ebsuar k\u00ebt\u00eb nj\u00eb praktik\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e vendit.<\/p>\n

Nuk kan\u00eb munguar as vendimet kontradiktore t\u00eb Kuvendit, si pasoj\u00eb e presioneve politike. Brenda nj\u00eb muaji deputet\u00ebt e PDK-s, kishin ndryshuar bindje rreth Gjykat\u00ebs Speciale. Fillimisht votuan kund\u00ebr themelimit t\u00eb saj, por q\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb ndryshuan q\u00ebndrim dhe votuan pro Tribunalit i cili do t\u2019i gjykoj\u00eb krimet e supozuara t\u00eb U\u00c7K-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkaq fundvitin e kaluar, partit\u00eb q\u00eb aktualisht jan\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet, t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur nga presidenti Tha\u00e7i, kryeministri Haradinaj e kryeparlamentari cyt\u00ebn nj\u00eb nism\u00eb nga Kuvendi p\u00ebr paralizimin e Speciales. Por pas presionit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit me izolim, lider\u00ebt u zmbraps\u00ebn nga kjo m\u00ebsymje.<\/p>\n

Mungesa e rolit mbik\u00ebqyr\u00ebs<\/strong><\/p>\n

Mungesa e raportimit dhe llogaridh\u00ebnies si dhe fragmentimi institucional, vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb paraqesin problem p\u00ebr mbik\u00ebqyrjen q\u00eb Kuvendi duhet ta b\u00ebj\u00eb ndaj institucioneve tjera.<\/p>\n

Mos ushtrimi i kontrollit mbi qeverin\u00eb,\u00a0 d\u00ebshtimi p\u00ebr t\u2019i zgjedhur an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e bordeve n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb meritave, miratimi i ligjeve n\u00eb procedur\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtuar dhe pa debat- jan\u00eb disa prej mang\u00ebsive t\u00eb institucionet m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebs, q\u00eb evidentohen n\u00eb Raportin e p\u00ebrvitsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Komisionit Evropian. Si shqet\u00ebsuese p\u00ebrmendet mungesa e shpesht\u00eb e deputet\u00ebve n\u00eb seancat plenare si dhe polarizimi i vazhduesh\u00ebm politik.\u00a0 Kuvendit i mungon fuqia dhe kapaciteti p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrur efektivisht 32 agjencit\u00eb t\u00eb cilat i raportojn\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, organi ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebs ka d\u00ebshtuar t\u2019i zgjedh\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e bordeve profesionale p\u00ebr disa institucione t\u00eb pavarura, brenda afatit dhe n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb meritave. Em\u00ebrimi i an\u00ebtar\u00ebve, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 q\u00eb ka shum\u00eb t\u00eb meta n\u00eb respektimin e afateve, b\u00ebhet sipas preferencave partiake.<\/p>\n

As dob\u00ebsit\u00eb e shumta t\u00eb konstatuara n\u00eb raportet e Zyr\u00ebs Komb\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb Auditorit, Kuvendi nuk i ka adresuar si duhet, p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndikuar n\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimin e performanc\u00ebs s\u00eb institucioneve q\u00eb i ka n\u00ebn ombrell\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kuvendi ka d\u00ebshtuar ta luaj\u00eb rolin e vet mbik\u00ebqyr\u00ebs, edhe kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr dialogun e zhvilluar n\u00eb Bruksel. Deputet\u00ebt shpesh jan\u00eb shfaqur t\u00eb painformuar p\u00ebr marr\u00ebveshjet e arritura n\u00eb negociatat mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. Kjo ka ndodhur edhe pse Kuvendi me dy rezolutat e miratuara n\u00eb vitin 2011 dhe 2012 e kishte autorizuar qeverin\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb negocioj\u00eb n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, por t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb t\u00eb jap\u00eb llogari para deputet\u00ebve. Pas secil\u00ebs marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb arritur, asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb prezantuar dokumentacioni p\u00ebrcjell\u00ebs, duke e l\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebshtu t\u00eb painformuar Kuvendin.<\/p>\n

Partit\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet e opozita edhe tani gjenden larg konsensusit sa i p\u00ebrket faz\u00ebs p\u00ebrfundimtare t\u00eb dialogut me Serbin\u00eb, e paralajm\u00ebruar t\u00eb nis\u00eb s\u00eb shpejti. Mungesa e nj\u00eb Platforme t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, ku do t\u00eb theksohej roli i Kuvendit p\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00ebdo marr\u00ebveshje q\u00eb mund t\u00eb mb\u00ebrrihet, ka ngritur shqet\u00ebsime p\u00ebr d\u00ebmin q\u00eb mund t\u2019i b\u00ebhet shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb nga ky proces.<\/p>\n

Kuvendi, nd\u00ebr institucionet m\u00eb t\u00eb izoluara<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kuvendi i Kosov\u00ebs vazhdon t\u00eb jet\u00eb nd\u00ebr institucionet m\u00eb t\u00eb izoluara edhe kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin e tij n\u00eb organizata rajonale, evropiane dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Nj\u00eb studim i Komisionit Evropian p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunimin nd\u00ebrparlamentar n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Juglindore dhe Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, ka evidentuar pengesa sa i p\u00ebrket an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb Kuvendit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb mekanizmat evropian\u00eb. N\u00eb vitin 2002 Parlamenti Evropian vendosi q\u00eb t\u00eb inicioj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie joformale nd\u00ebr-parlamentare n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn. Nd\u00ebrkaq marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet zyrtare me Kuvendin e Kosov\u00ebs kan\u00eb filluar vet\u00ebm n\u00eb maj 2008, tre muaj pas shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kosova deri m\u00eb tani \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebse m\u00eb t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb plota n\u00eb dy iniciativa- n\u00eb Procesin e Bashk\u00ebpunimit t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore\u00a0 (SEECP) dhe Konferenca e Kryetar\u00ebve t\u00eb Parlamentit t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor (CSP\u00cbB). Statusin e v\u00ebzhguesit, Kuvendi i Kosov\u00ebs e ka n\u00eb dy iniciativa- Asamblen\u00eb parlamentare t\u00eb NATO-s dhe Rrjetin e Komisioneve Parlamentare p\u00ebr Ekonomi, Financa dhe Integrim Evropian t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor (NPC). Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb mysafire n\u00eb tri nisma- Konferenc\u00ebn e Komisioneve Parlamentare t\u00eb Integrimit Evropian n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb Procesit t\u00eb Stabilizim Asociimit (COSAP), Asamblen\u00eb Parlamentare t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs (PACE) dhe Forumin Parlamentar t\u00eb Cetinjes (CPF). Por, Kosova mbetet jasht\u00eb shum\u00eb nismave tjera t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme.<\/p>\n

President\u00ebt e krizave<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kuvendi, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 qeveris\u00eb e zgjedh edhe presidentin e vendit. Kjo ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb posti i shefit t\u00eb shtetit, i cili sipas kushtetut\u00ebs p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson unitetin e popullit, t\u00eb jet\u00eb pjes\u00eb e pazareve politike. \u00a0P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, jan\u00eb prodhuar president\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt u rr\u00ebzuan me vendim t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese apo t\u00eb till\u00eb q\u00eb zgjidhen n\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme. Brenda tet\u00eb muajsh institucioni m\u00eb i lart\u00eb, i thirrur p\u00ebr ta interpretuar kushtetut\u00ebn, kishte marr\u00eb dy vendime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr sistemin politik dhe juridik t\u00eb vendit. Rasti i par\u00eb kishte t\u00eb b\u00ebnte me Aktgjykimin e dat\u00ebs 22 shtator 2010, ku u konstatua se Fatmir Sejdiu kishte shkelur seriozisht Kushtetut\u00ebn duke mbajtur t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb postin e presidentit dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb kryetarit t\u00eb Lidhjes Demokratike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Vendimi i kushtetueses u pasua me dor\u00ebheqjen Sejdiut nga posti i Presidentit t\u00eb vendit, dhe m\u00eb pas edhe me daljen e partis\u00eb s\u00eb tij nga koalicioni qeveris\u00ebs. P\u00ebr nj\u00eb nat\u00eb kishte t\u00ebrhequr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ministrat e LDK-s nga koalicioni, duke shkaktuar kriz\u00eb institucionale dhe duke quar vendin n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme parlamentare. Rasti i dyt\u00eb kur Gjykata Kushtetuese rr\u00ebzoi presidentin \u00ebsht\u00eb me Behgjet Pacollin, ku me aktgjykimin e dat\u00ebs 30 mars 2011 pati vler\u00ebsuar si antikushtetues vendimin e Kuvendit p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e tij. Ky vendim b\u00ebri q\u00eb institucionin m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb vendit \u2013 Kuvendin, ta konfirmoj si shkel\u00ebs t\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs. P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, pas vet\u00ebm 35 dit\u00ebve n\u00eb krye t\u00eb presidenc\u00ebs, Pacolli ofroi dor\u00ebheqjen, duke rrezikuar p\u00ebrs\u00ebri nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme institucionale. Por ajo u evitua pas marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb tre lider\u00ebve politik Tha\u00e7i-Mustafa-Pacolli, p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e presidentit dhe zotimin p\u00ebr reform\u00ebn kushtetuese dhe legjislacionin zgjedhor. Kuvendi kishte zgjedhur presidente Atifete Jahjag\u00ebn, e cila doli nga zarfi i ish-ambasadorit amerikan, Christopher Dell. Por reformat e premtuara nuk u kryen kurr\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Legjislatura e kaluar do t\u00eb mbahet mend p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e presidentit n\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme dhe n\u00ebn tymin e gazit lotsjell\u00ebs. Opozita kishte tentuar q\u00eb v\u00ebnien e Tha\u00e7it n\u00eb krye t\u00eb presidenc\u00ebs p\u00ebrve\u00e7 protest\u00ebs brenda e jasht\u00eb kuvendit, ta kund\u00ebrshtoj\u00eb edhe me gaz lotsjell\u00ebs. Procesi maratonik, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 q\u00eb ishte shoq\u00ebruar me gaz lotsjell\u00ebs n\u00eb sall\u00ebn plenare nga e cila deputet\u00eb opozitar\u00eb ishin nxjerr\u00eb zvarr\u00eb nga Policia, jasht\u00eb Kuvendit ishte shoq\u00ebruar edhe me p\u00ebrleshje midis policis\u00eb e mij\u00ebra protestuesve. Tha\u00e7i kishte arritur t\u00eb konfirmohet President Shteti tek n\u00eb raundin e tret\u00eb t\u00eb votimit. N\u00eb t\u00eb parin siguroi vet\u00ebm 50 vota, duke thyer k\u00ebshtu nj\u00eb rekord t\u00eb zi, ngaq\u00eb prej pasluft\u00ebs e k\u00ebtej, nuk kishte marr\u00eb ndonj\u00eb president kaq pak mb\u00ebshtetje n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb rreth votimi.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Ngufatja e Kuvendit Tensionet politike t\u00eb akumuluara q\u00eb prej shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb shpesh Kuvendi m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u2019i ngjaj\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00ebbeteje t\u00eb konfliktit mes partive n\u00eb pushtet dhe opozit\u00ebs, sesa p\u00ebrmbushjes s\u00eb funksionit kushtetues. Vendimmarrja p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme mbetet e bllokuar, ngase asnj\u00ebri kamp politik nuk po arrin shumic\u00ebn e domosdoshme p\u00ebr […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":400,"featured_media":11994,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[2309,868,1355],"ppma_author":[631],"class_list":["post-3785","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kuvendi","tag-politika","tag-pushteti"],"authors":[{"term_id":631,"user_id":400,"is_guest":0,"slug":"fitim-gashi","display_name":"Fitim Gashi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/auto_ALB05130-min1677680979-150x150-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/auto_ALB05130-min1677680979-150x150-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Gashi","first_name":"Fitim","description":"Fitim Gashi \u00ebsht\u00eb gazetar me p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb n\u00eb \"KOHA Group\" q\u00eb nga viti 2013, duke mbuluar \u00e7\u00ebshtjet politike, sociale dhe t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Gashi ka 16 vite p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb n\u00eb gazetari, kurse m\u00eb par\u00eb ka punuar edhe n\u00eb \u201cKosova Sot\u201d, \u201cTribuna\u201d, \u201cLajm\u201d. P\u00ebr pun\u00ebn e tij, Gashi \u00ebsht\u00eb vler\u00ebsuar me disa \u00e7mime nga organizata vendore dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Gjithashtu ka marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb programe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr promovimin dhe avancimin e gazetaris\u00eb profesionale. Gashi ka nj\u00eb diplom\u00eb Master n\u00eb Shkenca Politike dhe Administrat\u00eb Publike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3785","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/400"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3785"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3785\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11995,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3785\/revisions\/11995"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11994"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3785"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3785"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3785"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3785"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}