{"id":3877,"date":"2019-06-05T14:32:57","date_gmt":"2019-06-05T12:32:57","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3877"},"modified":"2024-11-18T14:35:18","modified_gmt":"2024-11-18T12:35:18","slug":"a-ka-vend-per-idelogjite-politike-ne-boten-e-sotshme","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/uncategorized\/a-ka-vend-per-idelogjite-politike-ne-boten-e-sotshme\/","title":{"rendered":"A ka vend p\u00ebr idelogjit\u00eb politike n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e sotshme?"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-up\">\n<h3><\/h3>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-down\">\n<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>Zgjedhjet e fundit p\u00ebr parlamentin evropian me rezultatet e tyre t\u00eb fragmentuara n\u00eb var\u00ebsi t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb ndryshme, kan\u00eb ngritur shum\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje. Nj\u00eb prej tyre lidhet me rolin apo dometh\u00ebnien q\u00eb ka ideologjia politike n\u00eb prirjet e fundit t\u00eb sjelljes elektorale. Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr pretendimet m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb viteve t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb se b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb epok\u00eb postideologjike kjo q\u00eb po jetojm\u00eb, mir\u00ebpo bindja ime \u00ebsht\u00eb se rezultati elektoral flet faktikisht p\u00ebr nj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi e nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr debat p\u00ebrmbajtjesor ideologjik.<\/p>\n<p>Me r\u00ebnien e murit t\u00eb Berlinit tre dekada m\u00eb par\u00eb, ku u krijua p\u00ebrshtypja se liberalizmi tashm\u00eb kishte triumfuar dhe se debatet e m\u00ebdha ideologjike nuk kishin m\u00eb vend n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, pra q\u00eb pas d\u00ebshtimit dhe zhg\u00ebnjimit t\u00eb bllokut lindor komunist, dhe m\u00eb her\u00ebt pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb diktaturave t\u00eb djathta t\u00eb gadishullit iberik, n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre t\u00eb gjith\u00eb u dakorduan p\u00ebr ep\u00ebrsin\u00eb e liberalizmit. Pik\u00ebpyetjet q\u00eb jan\u00eb ngritur n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb periudh\u00eb p\u00ebr ideologjit\u00eb politike jan\u00eb t\u00eb shumta, e kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb qoft\u00eb me p\u00ebrputhshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre ideologjive me vendet nd\u00ebrtonin demokraci nga e para e qoft\u00eb me p\u00ebrputhshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e tyre me epok\u00ebn e re t\u00eb globalizmit dhe revolucionit t\u00eb teknologjis\u00eb s\u00eb informacionit q\u00eb po p\u00ebrjetojm\u00eb. P\u00ebr vite me radh\u00eb studiues e opinionist\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00eb kan\u00eb pretenduar se nuk kishte ngelur m\u00eb vend p\u00ebr ideologjit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha politike t\u00eb cilat kishin mbizot\u00ebruar jet\u00ebn intelektuale dhe aksionin politik prej iluminizmit, revolucionit industrial dhe atij francez.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr shkaktar\u00ebt e k\u00ebsaj tendence \u00ebsht\u00eb nevoja n\u00eb rritje p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur konsensus nd\u00ebrmjet politikan\u00ebve t\u00eb pal\u00ebve t\u00eb ndryshme gjat\u00eb qeverisjes. Pra partit\u00eb e krah\u00ebve t\u00eb ndryshme detyrohen t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb ujdi duke ndjekur nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb t\u00eb mesme; pra duke u zhvendosur drejt qendr\u00ebs, p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar mb\u00ebshtetjen e duhur masive q\u00eb nevojitet p\u00ebr reforma, nisma, q\u00ebndrime apo politikat e tyre prej krah\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb mbizot\u00ebron dimensionin pragmatik q\u00eb shmang konfliktet e m\u00ebdha ideore p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur n\u00eb kompromis.<\/p>\n<p>Po ashtu, n\u00eb dekadat e fundit, \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb re nj\u00eb lloj profesionalizimi i politik\u00ebs q\u00eb lidhet edhe me nivelin e lart\u00eb t\u00eb ekspertiz\u00ebs q\u00eb k\u00ebrkohet nga jeta politike aktuale. K\u00ebshtu p\u00ebr shembull kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr fushata zgjedhore, partit\u00eb po p\u00ebrdorin gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb ekspertiz\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme duke pajtuar konsulent\u00eb apo kompani t\u00eb specializuara t\u00eb komunikimit politik e marketingut elektoral. Paralelisht me k\u00ebt\u00eb tendenc\u00eb, partit\u00eb evropiane po k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pak angazhim a p\u00ebrfshirje t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb fushata duke e fokusuar debatin kryesisht n\u00eb media elektronike dhe digjitale. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj shk\u00ebputje nga elektorati partit\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre tejet elitare, q\u00eb ngjajn\u00eb si koorporata ku \u00a0menaxher\u00ebt e nivelit t\u00eb lart\u00eb ndikohen pak ose aspak nga aksioner\u00ebt e vegj\u00ebl t\u00eb kompanis\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Partit\u00eb sot kan\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pak nevoj\u00ebn an\u00ebtar\u00ebve edhe p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket financimit. M\u00eb p\u00ebrpara kuotizacioni q\u00eb paguante an\u00ebtar\u00ebsia ishte vendimtare p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00ebn e partis\u00eb. Po ashtu nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr burim i mir\u00eb parash ka qen\u00eb blerja e gazet\u00ebs q\u00eb ka qen\u00eb organ zyrtar shtypi i partive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha tradicionale evropiane. Mir\u00ebpo tanim\u00eb kostoja e aktiviteteve politike \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb skajshme dhe kuotizacionet mund t\u00eb mbulojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb cop\u00ebz t\u00eb vock\u00ebl t\u00eb kostove q\u00eb ka partia. Shtypi i partis\u00eb mandej s\u2019ka m\u00eb asnj\u00eb pesh\u00eb sot n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e rrjeteve sociale. Fondet kryesore t\u00eb partive vijn\u00eb nga shteti, donator\u00ebt, bizneset dhe grupet e interesit.<\/p>\n<p>Po ashtu filloi t\u00eb flitej p\u00ebr nj\u00eb amerikanizim t\u00eb b\u00ebrjes s\u00eb politik\u00ebs duke u fokusuar m\u00eb pak tek idet\u00eb e vlerat e m\u00eb shum\u00eb tek imazhi e popullariteti i personaliteteve q\u00eb garonin dhe kishte fushata zgjedhore q\u00eb ngjanin gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb si gara presidenciale. T\u00eb ishe lider i famsh\u00ebm dhe karizmatik \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme sesa t\u00eb ishe lider i nj\u00eb partie me vizion e program t\u00eb qart\u00eb e cil\u00ebsor konkurres. N\u00eb t\u00eb tilla rrethana p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt u b\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb identifikimi i dallimeve \u00a0mes partive dhe platformave t\u00eb ndryshme elektorale q\u00eb ato propozonin<\/p>\n<p>K\u00ebto dhe faktor\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb partit\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ngjajn\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb nj\u00eblloj me nj\u00ebra tjetr\u00ebn pavar\u00ebsisht siglave q\u00eb mbajn\u00eb. Prandaj edhe u krijua nj\u00eb p\u00ebrshtypje e fort\u00eb tek shum\u00eb njoh\u00ebs t\u00eb fush\u00ebs se e kemi l\u00ebn\u00eb pas epok\u00ebn e ideologjive.<\/p>\n<p>Mir\u00ebpo rezultati i zgjedhjeve europarlamentare tregon t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn. K\u00ebt\u00eb gj\u00eb e d\u00ebshmon m\u00eb s\u00eb miri forcimi i partive ambientaliste t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrq\u00ebndruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb vetme. Numri i europarlamentar\u00ebve t\u00eb gjelb\u00ebrt shkoi n\u00eb 59 duke p\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb rritje me 17 deputet\u00eb krahasuar me zgjedhjet e vitit 2014. Ky rezultat tregon se qytetar\u00ebt vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm ndaj ideve, vet\u00ebm se kan\u00eb prioritete, aspirata e pasione t\u00eb tjera. Kjo \u201cval\u00eb ekologjike\u201d n\u00eb vota nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebrve\u00e7 se tendenca e votuesve tradicional\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb hedhin votat e tyre p\u00ebr partit\u00eb populiste moderne t\u00eb Gjelb\u00ebrta sesa partit\u00eb politike tradicionale t\u00eb qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb majt\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb vlen edhe p\u00ebr krahun e djatht\u00eb ku duket se grupimi i partive popullore evropiane EPP ka humbur 38 europarlamentar\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb partit\u00eb e reja me tendenca ekstremiste t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs jan\u00eb shtuar partit\u00eb ekstreme si ato t\u00eb Salvinit, Le Pen dhe Gauland. K\u00ebto parti jokonvencionale kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb sulme me krahmarrje ndaj partive tradicionale t\u00eb djathta t\u00eb EPP duke gllab\u00ebruar terrenin e l\u00ebn\u00eb zbrazur nga zhvendosja e tyre drejt qendr\u00ebs. K\u00ebto parti t\u00eb reja ekstreme kan\u00eb \u00a0ide t\u00eb qarta konkrete e t\u00eb prekshme q\u00eb prekin drejtp\u00ebrdrejt elektoratin e djatht\u00eb, i cili ndidhet disi i tradhtuar nga tretja apo zbehja e dimensionit ideologjik t\u00eb partive t\u00eb tyre tradicionale. Kjo zbraz\u00ebti e l\u00ebn\u00eb prej partive historike nuk rri n\u00eb vakuum por mbushet menj\u00ebher\u00eb nga l\u00ebvizjet e reja t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve dhe partit\u00eb e reja, t\u00eb cilat propozojn\u00eb alternativa jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatur n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn bashk\u00ebkohore dhe jo at\u00eb tradicionale t\u00eb ideologjis\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe, partit\u00eb tradicionale ose p\u00ebrshtaten ose zhduken, sikurse ndodhi me PASOK n\u00eb Greqi apo socialist\u00ebt e Franc\u00ebs. Nj\u00eb lloj seleksionimi natyrori darvinist q\u00eb eleminon nga loja partit\u00eb q\u00eb nuk i p\u00ebrshtaten ndryshimit t\u00eb koh\u00ebs. Mesazhi q\u00eb sjellin k\u00ebto zgjedhje \u00ebsht\u00eb se partit\u00eb q\u00eb nuk ia kan\u00eb dal\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb transformojn\u00eb, ri-interpretojn\u00eb apo p\u00ebrshtasin ideologjit\u00eb tradicionale ndaj k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb koh\u00ebs, me sa duket po dalin t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht nga loja. Pra nuk kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me bot\u00eb postideologjike por me vazhdim\u00ebsi t\u00eb ideologjis\u00eb, vet\u00ebm se p\u00ebrgjigjet e k\u00ebrkuara nga elektorati ndryshojn\u00eb nga ato q\u00eb k\u00ebrkoheshin \u00a0m\u00eb par\u00eb. Kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb partit\u00eb t\u00eb heqin dor\u00eb nga vlerat e tyre, sikurse \u00ebsht\u00eb tradita p\u00ebr konservator\u00ebt, liria p\u00ebr liberal\u00ebt apo barazia p\u00ebr socialist\u00ebt, por thjesht q\u00eb t&#8217;ia p\u00ebrshtasin ato vlera nevojave t\u00eb koh\u00ebs. Prandaj \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb e nevojshme q\u00eb partit\u00eb t\u00eb mos q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb u besnike, kok\u00ebforta politikave t\u00eb m\u00ebparshme por vlerat e tyre t\u2019i p\u00ebrkthejn\u00eb n\u00eb politika t\u00eb kontekstit aktual.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr ta shpjeguar m\u00eb qart\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr evoluim po p\u00ebrdor nj\u00eb rast konkret ilustrativ t\u00eb pag\u00ebs minimale dhe nj\u00eb nism\u00eb t\u00eb dit\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb p\u00ebr ta rritur at\u00eb. Nisma e Partis\u00eb Social-demokrate n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur pag\u00ebn minimale n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb tipike socialiste evropiane mir\u00ebpo faktikisht nuk ka kuptim n\u00eb kontekstin e Kosov\u00ebs. Ideja e pag\u00ebs minimale \u00ebsht\u00eb nisur m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb shekull m\u00eb par\u00eb fillimisht n\u00eb Zeland\u00eb t\u00eb Re e Australi p\u00ebr t\u00eb vijuar mandej n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Per\u00ebndimore dhe Amerik\u00eb t\u00eb Veriut n\u00eb vende me struktur\u00eb ekonomike krejt ndryshe nga tonat sot. B\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb epok\u00eb e p\u00ebr ekonomi industriale ku shumica ishin t\u00eb pun\u00ebsuar n\u00eb fabrika t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dhe ky detyrim synonte t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsonte kushtet e pun\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre q\u00eb asokohe ishin mizerab\u00ebl. Sh\u00ebrbente gjithashtu edhe si nj\u00eb valvul sigurise sociale pas k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit p\u00ebr p\u00ebrmbysje e dhun\u00eb q\u00eb po sillnin sindikatat gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb organizuara t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve t\u00eb panum\u00ebrt.<\/p>\n<p>Mir\u00ebpo konteksti kohor dhe rrethanor i asaj pjese t\u00eb bot\u00ebs nuk p\u00ebrshtatet me kontekstin e Kosov\u00ebs sot. \u00c7far\u00eb kuptimi ka q\u00eb shteti t\u00eb vendos\u00eb detyrim p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pag\u00eb minimale specifike n\u00eb nj\u00eb treg pune ku shumica d\u00ebrmuese e t\u00eb pun\u00ebsuarve n\u00eb sektorin privat u p\u00ebrkasin bizneseve familjare ose jan\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00ebpun\u00ebsuar. Pra \u00ebsht\u00eb qesharake q\u00eb t\u00eb detyrosh dik\u00eb q\u00eb ka nj\u00eb biznes t\u00eb vog\u00ebl q\u00eb t\u00eb paguaj\u00eb veten m\u00eb shum\u00eb apo s\u00eb paku sip\u00ebr dyshemes\u00eb prej 250 eurosh q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb miratuar. P\u00ebr hir t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb se sot ka vende t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian q\u00eb kan\u00eb shtete t\u00eb konsoliduara t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies sociale t\u00eb cilat nuk kan\u00eb fare pag\u00eb minimale. K\u00ebshtu Norvegjia, Suedia, Finlanda, Danimarka, Gjermania, Austria, Italia dhe Qipro nuk kan\u00eb fare pag\u00eb minimale edhe pse konsiderohen goxha socialiste si shtete.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo tregon se kjo politik\u00eb e PSD-s\u00eb, e rritjes s\u00eb pag\u00ebs minimale, \u00ebsht\u00eb propozuar vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t&#8217;u dukur si parti tradicionale social-demokrate se n\u00eb fakt nuk ka ndonj\u00eb impakt t\u00eb p\u00ebrfillsh\u00ebm n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri. Num\u00ebrohen me gishtat e dor\u00ebs ato kompani n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb disa qindra pun\u00ebtor\u00eb e p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebt mund t\u00eb kishte nodnj\u00eb kuptim ky detyrim. P\u00ebr shtetin nuk ka vler\u00eb se ashtu k\u00ebshtu shteti i Kosov\u00ebs, p\u00ebr arsye politikash elektorale dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb bler\u00eb paqe sociale, i ka punonj\u00ebsit e vet\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebpaguarit n\u00eb rajon, me rroga q\u00eb jan\u00eb mesatarisht 120 euro t\u00eb larta se ekuivalenti n\u00eb sekorin privat. E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb mund t\u00eb thuhet edhe p\u00ebr taks\u00ebn progresive q\u00eb u fut nga Partia Socialiste n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri \u00a0kur erdhi n\u00eb 2013 ishte nj\u00eb taks\u00eb kund\u00ebr ndershm\u00ebris\u00eb e kund\u00ebr suksesit. \u00c7far\u00eb kuptimi kishte ajo taks\u00eb progresive, rishp\u00ebrndarje n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri n\u00eb kushtet kur t\u00eb taksat e mbledhura n\u00eb vend prej t\u00eb ardhurave personle z\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb porcion t\u00eb vog\u00ebl t\u00eb tatimeve q\u00eb mbledh shteti dhe kryesisht prek rrog\u00ebt e njer\u00ebzve m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebkualifikuar n\u00eb vend. Tanim\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb kaluar 6 vjet me at\u00eb taks\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb par\u00eb tashm\u00eb q\u00eb nuk ka asnj\u00eb efekt dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs n\u00eb leht\u00ebsimin e pabarazis\u00eb n\u00eb vend dhe n\u00eb shtimin e taksave t\u00eb mbledhura nga shteti.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00ebto dy raste t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb politikave t\u00eb vjetra tradicionale t\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00ebs evropiane nga k\u00ebto dy parti t\u00eb majta shqiptare sot vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t&#8217;u dukur t\u00eb majta, jan\u00eb d\u00ebshmi konkrete t\u00eb paaft\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ecur n\u00eb hap me k\u00ebrkesat e koh\u00ebs s\u00eb kontekstit shqiptar. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb nuk marrin asnj\u00eb mundim p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofruar zgjidhje p\u00ebr shqet\u00ebsimet aktuale, por thjesht ua b\u00ebjn\u00eb copy-paste politikave t\u00eb aplikuara n\u00eb per\u00ebndim n\u00eb koh\u00eb e rrethana t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb ndryshme. E nj\u00ebjta gje mund te thuhet deri diku edhe p\u00ebr partit\u00eb e djathta n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. N\u00ebse partit\u00eb shqiptare nuk m\u00ebsojn\u00eb nga p\u00ebsimet e partive konvencionale evropiane do e p\u00ebsojn\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj e do t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysen nga parti t\u00eb reja jokonvencionale me oferta ideologjike e politika t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatshme p\u00ebr shijet bindjet dhe nevojat reale aktuale t\u00eb elektoratit. P\u00ebrfundimisht leksioni i nxjerr\u00eb prej k\u00ebtyre zgjedhjeve \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb hequr dor\u00eb nga ideologjia, por p\u00ebrkundrazi, jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebmendsh\u00ebm ndaj ideve si asnj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, e n\u00ebse nuk ka ide konkrete e aktuale p\u00ebr t&#8217;iu ofruar, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7udi q\u00eb votuesi evropian t\u00eb eksploroj\u00eb nj\u00eb parti t\u00eb re t\u00eb paprovuar m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Zgjedhjet e fundit p\u00ebr parlamentin evropian me rezultatet e tyre t\u00eb fragmentuara n\u00eb var\u00ebsi t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb ndryshme, kan\u00eb ngritur shum\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje. Nj\u00eb prej tyre lidhet me rolin apo dometh\u00ebnien q\u00eb ka ideologjia politike n\u00eb prirjet e fundit t\u00eb sjelljes elektorale. Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr pretendimet m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb viteve t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb se b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":373,"featured_media":10471,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[1886,868],"ppma_author":[367],"class_list":["post-3877","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-ideologjite","tag-politika"],"authors":[{"term_id":367,"user_id":373,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adri-nurellari","display_name":"Adri Nurellari","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Nurellari","first_name":"Adri","description":"Adri Nurellari \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, k\u00ebshilltar dhe kolumnist i angazhuar kryesisht n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs dhe medias. Ai ka vijuar studimet universitare n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe ato pasuniversitare n\u00eb Cambridge, London School of Economics dhe University College London. Adri \u00ebsht\u00eb ish-k\u00ebshilltar i kryeministrit Sali Berisha dhe ish-sekretar i PDIU-s\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ka punuar si pedagog n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb. Ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar si analist dhe konsulent nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb prej vitit 2013 punon si k\u00ebshilltar i Hashim Tha\u00e7it."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3877","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/373"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3877"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3877\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10472,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3877\/revisions\/10472"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10471"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3877"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3877"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3877"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3877"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}