{"id":3979,"date":"2017-01-19T14:56:40","date_gmt":"2017-01-19T12:56:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3979"},"modified":"2024-10-21T14:59:24","modified_gmt":"2024-10-21T12:59:24","slug":"lufte-e-pafundme-per-nje-fund-te-historise-per-te-ardhmen","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/lufte-e-pafundme-per-nje-fund-te-historise-per-te-ardhmen\/","title":{"rendered":"Luft\u00eb e pafundme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb fund t\u00eb historis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\u201cPolitika \u00ebsht\u00eb vazhdimi i luft\u00ebs me mjete t\u00eb tjera\u201d <\/span>[1]<\/a>\u00a0\u2013 thot\u00eb Michel Foucault gjat\u00eb analiz\u00ebs s\u00eb pushtetit n\u00eb nj\u00eb ligj\u00ebrat\u00eb n\u00eb College de France. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, konceptimi i paqes \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt i pavend. Nuk ka paqe. Ka vet\u00ebm luft\u00eb q\u00eb dallon n\u00eb mjete. Ky formulim i Foucault-s\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysje dhe jo nj\u00eb tautologji e asaj q\u00eb thoshte von Clausewitz se \u201cLufta s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7 vazhdimi i politik\u00ebs me mjete tjera\u201d. Politika \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb metod\u00eb lufte por jo e kund\u00ebrta, lufta nj\u00eb metod\u00eb politike. N\u00ebse nga ky pik\u00ebshikim dalim n\u00eb trojet ballkanike, duke u ndalur te Serbia e Kosova, v\u00ebrejm\u00eb se metodat e luft\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre kan\u00eb qen\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebta, vet\u00ebrr\u00ebnuese, t\u00eb paefektshme \u2013 krejt\u00ebsisht p\u00ebr interesa t\u00eb forcave t\u00eb brendshme. Dhe vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtilla edhe sot e k\u00ebsaj dite \u2013 sepse po t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat forca vijojn\u00eb t\u00eb fitojn\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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S\u00ebmundja e t\u00eb dyja shoq\u00ebrive \u00ebsht\u00eb konceptimi ciklik i historis\u00eb \u2013 si rrjedhoj\u00eb, nd\u00ebrtimi i s\u00eb ardhmes me an\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs. Bindja e gabuar se \u201chistoria q\u00eb nuk m\u00ebsohet do t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritet\u201d. E gjith\u00eb lufta historiografike e dy vendeve zhvillohet n\u00eb argumentimin se kush \u00ebsht\u00eb vend\u00ebsi e kush i ardhuri n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Por p\u00ebrbrenda shoq\u00ebrive lufta \u00ebsht\u00eb e mekur, p\u00ebrplasja e forcave \u00ebsht\u00eb e vog\u00ebl, p\u00ebrmbysja e ligj\u00ebrimeve dhe t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetave nuk ndodh. Progresist\u00ebt jan\u00eb n\u00eb humbje.<\/p>\n

Ajo q\u00eb kosovar\u00ebt ndjejn\u00eb kur iu kanoset rreziku i nj\u00eb ripushtimi a nj\u00eb lufte vras\u00ebse nga Serbia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mazohiz\u00ebm i turpsh\u00ebm. Si n\u00eb rastin e nj\u00eb qirjeje a nj\u00eb rrahjeje p\u00ebrul\u00ebse ku derdhen makthet e kompleksit t\u00eb inferioritetit. Por, po nj\u00ebjt\u00eb ndihen edhe serb\u00ebt. Shkaku i k\u00ebsaj q\u00ebndron n\u00eb kultivimin e nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrimi prej viktime, e nj\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebti t\u00eb vrar\u00eb mizorisht. Serb\u00ebt i vran\u00eb mbi 10 mij\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb m\u00eb 1999 por e mbajn\u00eb veten si viktima t\u00eb asaj ngjarjeje. Viktimizimi i shqiptar\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb po aq absurd.<\/p>\n

Kombet ballkanike n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi vuajn\u00eb nga ngucjet mazohiste t\u00eb fantazis\u00eb. Prandaj, shum\u00eb leht\u00eb k\u00ebto kombe b\u00ebhen dhunuese e vras\u00ebse q\u00eb e mbajn\u00eb veten p\u00ebr viktima t\u00eb pafaj. T\u00eb pyetur nga Trocki m\u00eb 1912 se p\u00ebrse po i masakrojn\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt me t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kishin jetuar n\u00eb paqe p\u00ebr shum\u00eb koh\u00eb, serb\u00ebt ishin p\u00ebrgjigjur naivisht: \u201cnuk e dim\u00eb\u201d. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj si t\u00eb pyes\u00ebsh nj\u00eb t\u00eb dashuruar se p\u00ebrse e dashuron at\u00eb q\u00eb e dashuron. Ai\/ajo nuk e di. Schopenhaueri duke analizuar metafizik\u00ebn e dashuris\u00eb fliste p\u00ebr nj\u00ebfar\u00eb \u201cinstrumentalizimi t\u00eb individ\u00ebve p\u00ebr hesape t\u00eb species\u201d. Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb po flasim, megjith\u00ebse n\u00eb pyetje jan\u00eb hesapet e nj\u00eb force t\u00eb caktuar brenda nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie. Arsyeja e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb terrohet n\u00eb k\u00ebsi rastesh sepse katastrofa q\u00eb prodhohet n\u00eb imagjinat\u00eb, nga k\u00ebto forca fituese brenda shoq\u00ebrive, \u00ebsht\u00eb e tmerrshme. Dalja nga ky terr e nga k\u00ebto ndjesi b\u00ebhet vet\u00ebm kur kjo forc\u00eb del n\u00eb humbje dhe kur p\u00ebrpunohen mjete t\u00eb reja e hapen fronte t\u00eb reja lufte.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e trisht\u00eb t\u00eb shoh\u00ebsh nj\u00eb komb kaq t\u00eb ri si Kosova, n\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje kaq t\u00eb rehatuar, me kaq pak dinamik\u00eb zhvillimesh, ose me nj\u00eb rrjedh\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtill\u00eb zhvillimesh, me nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri kaq leht\u00eb t\u00eb mashtrueshme, n\u00eb nj\u00eb rrethan\u00eb ku raporti i forcave \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt i pabarabart\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Incidentet e fundit mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb jan\u00eb treguesi m\u00eb i mir\u00eb se kush po e fiton luft\u00ebn p\u00ebrbrenda dy shoq\u00ebrive tona. E kaluara \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb fitore nd\u00ebrsa ajo q\u00eb mund ta quajm\u00eb \u201chorizonti i ri i pafundm\u00eb\u201d, n\u00eb humbje. Vendet e vogla i frikohen pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtij horizonti t\u00eb ri q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon p\u00ebrcaktim, dhe p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen e mendojn\u00eb dhe e trajtojn\u00eb sikurse aztek\u00ebt fatkeq, si nj\u00eb rikthim ciklik t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs. Konceptimi i p\u00ebrcaktimit \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebrjashtuar. Ashtu edhe konceptimi i inovacionit. Nuk ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr gj\u00ebra t\u00eb reja, p\u00ebr definime t\u00eb reja. E vetmja gj\u00eb e nevojshme b\u00ebhet rikthimi i asaj q\u00eb ishte. N\u00eb rastin ton\u00eb, rikthimi i frikave t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta, i \u00ebndrrave t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta (Shqip\u00ebria e madhe si shembull), i konceptimeve t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, brohoritma e famshme e tifozeris\u00eb kuq-e-zi \u201cO sa mir\u00eb me qen\u00eb shqiptar\u201d mund t\u00eb kuptohet si nj\u00eb shfryrje p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pap\u00ebrcaktueshm\u00ebri, si nj\u00eb k\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi p\u00ebr dembelin\u00eb q\u00eb e mban n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb rikthim t\u00eb bukur e t\u00eb lumtur n\u00eb t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn. E nes\u00ebrmja mbetet k\u00ebshtu peng i s\u00eb djeshmes.<\/p>\n

Mjafton t\u00eb thuhet q\u00eb zbulimi i Amerik\u00ebs u b\u00eb nga nj\u00eb komb shum\u00eb i madh si Spanja. Dhe pik\u00ebrisht Spanja, e fitoi luft\u00ebn ndaj aztek\u00ebve (ani pse kishte shum\u00eb m\u00eb pak trupa) sepse ishte e aft\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfytyronte di\u00e7ka t\u00eb pandodhur m\u00eb par\u00eb, di\u00e7ka trishtuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb re (sepse \u00e7do gj\u00eb e re \u00ebsht\u00eb e trishtueshme). Nd\u00ebrsa aztek\u00ebt dhe Montezuma si mbret i tyre mbeten rob\u00ebr t\u00eb besimit se gjith\u00e7ka q\u00eb po ndodhte, ishte nj\u00eb rikthim i asaj q\u00eb kishte ndodhur. Spanjoll\u00ebt u p\u00ebrfytyruan paraprakisht si fitues e zot\u00ebr, sepse k\u00ebshtu i m\u00ebsonte historiografia azteke.<\/p>\n

Ligj\u00ebrimet prapakthyese jan\u00eb si kurrher\u00eb t\u00eb z\u00ebshme n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb koh\u00eb. Klisheja se \u201chistoria q\u00eb nuk m\u00ebsohet do t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritet\u201d po shkruhet prej shum\u00eb njer\u00ebzve p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar se duhet t\u2019i kthehemi t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebs (m\u00ebsimi \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7 nj\u00eb alibi sepse ajo q\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptohet nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb proces reflektiv e kritik). Fakti q\u00eb PDK-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb partia e par\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb pavar\u00ebsisht skandaleve, fakti q\u00eb i gjith\u00eb ligj\u00ebrimi i saj i dikursh\u00ebm i trash\u00ebguar nga LPK-ja (e majta primitive dhe bashkimi komb\u00ebtar me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb) ka fituar artikulues mjaft t\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtuar (Vet\u00ebvendosje), fakti q\u00eb edhe n\u00eb partit\u00eb e tjera ka mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebs ose z\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebs t\u00eb po k\u00ebtij ligj\u00ebrimi (AAK e ka ngritur \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e demarkacionit) tregon p\u00ebr \u2018n\u00eb-fitoren\u2019 e k\u00ebtij konceptimi ciklik t\u00eb historis\u00eb. Kosova po ec\u00eb tepara duke shikuar prapa. Dhe prandaj, i gjith\u00eb ai p\u00ebrparim \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb historiomorfim. Pra, p\u00ebrcaktimet b\u00ebhen nga element\u00ebt e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs ton\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Dhe, \u00ebsht\u00eb e leht\u00ebkuptueshme se forcat prapakthyese ligj\u00ebrimore e th\u00ebrrasin n\u00eb ndihm\u00eb armikun e madh, Serbin\u00eb. Forca e saj shpaloset p\u00ebrmes ngucjes s\u00eb fantazive tona t\u00eb inferioritetit, t\u00eb nj\u00eb dhune a qirjeje p\u00ebrul\u00ebse. T\u00eb nj\u00eb riviktimizimi t\u00eb padinjitetsh\u00ebm. Dhe k\u00ebsisoj, rafinon edhe mendjet jokritike t\u00eb turmave. Ishte e leht\u00ebkuptueshme se t\u00eb dhunuarat e t\u00eb dhunuarit seksual t\u00eb 1999-\u00ebs do t\u00eb merrnin nj\u00eb trajtim t\u00eb heshtur meqen\u00ebse ata jan\u00eb lloji i pad\u00ebshiruesh\u00ebm i viktim\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Por, e keqja ose e mira e gjith\u00eb k\u00ebsaj lufte \u00ebsht\u00eb se forcat nuk fitojn\u00eb apo nuk humbin kurr\u00eb. Lufta nuk mbaron. Nuk ka flamur t\u00eb bardh\u00eb. Ato jan\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb luft\u00eb q\u00eb nuk rresht. Edhe n\u00ebse e humb\u00eb \u00e7do betej\u00eb. Prandaj, ose jan\u00eb n\u00eb fitore ose n\u00eb humbje. Por jo, t\u00eb fituar ose t\u00eb mundur.<\/p>\n

Rezultati se fryma liberale, multietnike, progresive (me gjith\u00eb paradokset q\u00eb ndryhen n\u00eb t\u00eb) \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb humbje tregohet edhe nga gjith\u00eb ajo q\u00eb thuhet, mund t\u00eb thuhet ose thjesht q\u00eb ndjell kurreshtje n\u00eb parlamentin e Kosov\u00ebs. \u00cbsht\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim termi i sovranitetit, territorit, ndarjes e mbrojtjes territoriale, asociacionit t\u00eb komunave serbe, demarkacionit me Malin e Zi, n\u00ebnshtrimit, presionit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, tradhtis\u00eb komb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb parlament ka nj\u00eb teatralitet rr\u00ebqeth\u00ebs ku aktor\u00ebt e forc\u00ebs n\u00eb-fitore b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb pamundur\u00ebn t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin simbole, provokime, t\u00eb ngucin ndjesit\u00eb e spektator\u00ebve. Qytetar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs mbeten t\u00eb gozhduar para televizor\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

Se ligj\u00ebrimi i neopdk-ist\u00ebve t\u00eb Vet\u00ebvendosjes k\u00ebrkon ngucjen e ndjesive t\u00eb kosovar\u00ebve tregon edhe p\u00ebrdorimi i fjal\u00ebve serbe gjat\u00eb retorik\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre. \u201cZajednica\u201d ishte epigraf i gjith\u00eb ligj\u00ebrimit (dhe veprimtaris\u00eb) politik t\u00eb saj n\u00eb kat\u00ebr-pes\u00eb vitet e fundit. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, sesa n\u00eb-humbje ose sesa i dob\u00ebt, i shp\u00ebrfillur, jo kurreshtjendjell\u00ebs e joprovokues \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrimi progresiv (po e fusim k\u00ebtu edhe zhvillimin ekonomik, liberalizmin, zhvillimin kulturor e sportiv) tregon moskalimi i pragut zgjedhor prej AKR-s\u00eb (Pacolli duhet ta ket\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb se motoja e kampanj\u00ebs s\u00eb Trump-it ishte \u201cB\u00ebje Amerik\u00ebn t\u00eb madhe, P\u00cbRS\u00cbRI\u201d), d\u00ebshtimi i FER-it, rrudhja e LDK-s\u00eb, riformimi intelektual i Shpend Ahmetit, Dukagjin Goranit dhe disa njer\u00ebzve tjer\u00eb me prapavij\u00eb progresiste. \u00cbsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se pa P\u00cbRS\u00cbRI-n\u00eb e Trumpit, nuk mund t\u2019i fitosh zgjedhjet as n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Ilir Deda nuk pranoi t\u00eb cic\u00ebronte PDK-n\u00eb e retushuar t\u00eb Vet\u00ebvendosjes, nuk pranoi t\u00eb b\u00ebhej nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr gur\u00ebt e atij murit (si\u00e7 pranuan t\u00eb tjer\u00eb), por tash p\u00ebr tash ai \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb-humbje. Edhe n\u00ebse merr pjes\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhje, do t\u00eb jet\u00eb i humbur. Por lufta vazhdon dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb e ashp\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

Mosliberalizimi i vizave ka nj\u00eb shkak n\u00eb dukje t\u00eb \u00e7uditsh\u00ebm: demarkacionin. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb tregues se BE-ja ka interes t\u00eb forcoj\u00eb projektin e internacionalizmit liberal n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Demarkacioni e rrezaton tematik\u00ebn e nj\u00eb pushteti destruktiv, prapakthyes. Po nj\u00ebjt\u00eb edhe Asociacioni. Prandaj, as nuk pranohet e as nuk mb\u00ebshteten nga nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse i rikthehemi t\u00eb pakap\u00ebrcyeshmit George Berkeley marrim vesh se dhuna fizike \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb p\u00ebrjetim subjektiv. Pra, n\u00ebse dikujt i teket t\u00eb na rrah\u00eb, ai nuk na jep tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7 ndjesis\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb rrahje. Ky q\u00ebndrim q\u00eb degdiset n\u00eb solipsiz\u00ebm, pavar\u00ebsisht n\u00ebse e besojm\u00eb ose jo, na m\u00ebson r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e provokimit t\u00eb ndjesive tona. Kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me luft\u00eb pra, edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebto momente. Sepse ndjesit\u00eb tona nuk rreshtin s\u00eb provokuari dhe nuk kan\u00eb dallim nga ato q\u00eb mund t\u2019i quajm\u00eb si p\u00ebrjetime fizike, dhun\u00eb seksuale, plag\u00eb, sakatime apo edhe vrasje. Nuk ka paqe. Reshtje t\u00eb luft\u00ebs. Duhet ta p\u00ebrjashtojm\u00eb si koncept. Dhe po ashtu, \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb shkulim nga vetja d\u00ebshir\u00ebn p\u00ebr rehati.<\/p>\n

Ekziston nj\u00eb luft\u00ebtar interesant i k\u00ebsaj lufte n\u00eb-humbje progresiste dhe emri i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb Ibrahim Rugova. Rugova ishte nj\u00eb pseudopacifist p\u00ebr shkak se l\u00ebvizja e tij politike ishte n\u00eb momente mjaft dinamike dhe mjaft e fort\u00eb. Pushteti i tij politik ishte shum\u00eb i madh, po aq sa humbja e tij. Madje, Rugova shtroi nj\u00eb politik\u00eb krejt t\u00eb re dhe jo-ciklike kur mbante q\u00ebndrim hezitues e gati-refuzues ndaj piskam\u00ebs gjithshoq\u00ebrore p\u00ebr luft\u00eb me mjete ushtarake. Por, faktet tregojn\u00eb se ai ishte i humbur madje edhe n\u00eb kampin e tij. Nuk e kishte asnj\u00eb bashk\u00ebmendimtar. Ngjash\u00ebm me Hamletin, q\u00eb i vet\u00ebm hezitonte dhe p\u00ebr pak sa nuk refuzoi t\u00eb kryente detyrimin e tij shoq\u00ebror q\u00eb madje i kishte konstruktuar edhe nj\u00eb fantazm\u00eb (fantazma e babait t\u00eb tij nuk shihet vet\u00ebm prej tij): t\u00eb kryente hakmarrjen p\u00ebr baban\u00eb e vrar\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Hamleti \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb personazh i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm sepse shtron ngurrimin dhe hezitimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb duhej b\u00ebr\u00eb. P\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushur ciklin. Ai arrin t\u00eb konceptoj\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb nuk kishte ndodhur m\u00eb par\u00eb: dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, edhe ta dinte se baban\u00eb ia kishte vrar\u00eb xhaxhai edhe t\u00eb mos b\u00ebnte asgj\u00eb. Rugova, po ashtu mund t\u00eb konceptonte at\u00eb q\u00eb nuk kishte ndodhur m\u00eb par\u00eb: nj\u00eb \u00e7lirim p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb lufte me metoda joushtarake. Demonstratat e vitit 1981, p\u00ebr shembull, demonstrojn\u00eb se ligj\u00ebrimi q\u00eb iu mvesh LPK-s\u00eb (paraprij\u00ebse U\u00c7K-s\u00eb dhe PDK-s\u00eb) ishte dominues n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb. Por Rugova ishte humb\u00ebs n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e armatosur t\u00eb 1999-s\u00eb, ishte humb\u00ebs n\u00eb fitoret e partis\u00eb s\u00eb tij, ishte humb\u00ebs n\u00eb pozicionin e tij prej presidenti. Kjo humbje reflektohet edhe n\u00eb refuzimin e tij k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb nderuar e vizituar varrin e heroit t\u00eb shpallur t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj shoq\u00ebrie, Adem Jasharit.<\/p>\n

Fakti q\u00eb mbishkrimin \u201cKosova \u00ebsht\u00eb Serbi\u201d e kemi t\u00eb regjistruar si nj\u00eb provokim dhe jo si nj\u00eb primitivitet q\u00eb duhet shp\u00ebrfillur n\u00eb mendjet tona, zbulon dob\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs, zbulon orientimin e saj kah e kaluara. Frika nga e reja e pakonceptueshme, nga madh\u00ebsia e pafundme e nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme t\u00eb pazbuluar, mbulohet, heshtet e ndrydhet p\u00ebrmes kultivimit t\u00eb ndjesive t\u00eb thella mazohiste a inferioriste. Prandaj klisheja bajate p\u00ebrs\u00ebritet pafund: \u201chistoria (pjesa e keqe e saj) q\u00eb nuk m\u00ebsohet p\u00ebrs\u00ebritet\u201d. Por n\u00eb rast se m\u00ebsohet (q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton mimetizimin), kjo nuk n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb ecje tepara. P\u00ebrkundrazi, kjo n\u00ebnkupton revidimin e humbjes s\u00eb kaluar, ndreqjen e nj\u00eb gabimi n\u00eb nivel taktik. K\u00ebsisoj, n\u00ebse m\u00ebsojm\u00eb aspektet taktike t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtarit ne fitojm\u00eb dhe mbahemi n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn luft\u00eb duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb ligj\u00ebrimit prapakthyes.<\/p>\n

M\u00ebsimi i historis\u00eb ishte synim edhe nga mbreti i aztek\u00ebve, Montezuma. K\u00ebtu q\u00ebndronte nj\u00ebherit pushteti i tij si mbret i aztek\u00ebve, por po ashtu n\u00eb nj\u00eb trajt\u00eb t\u00eb pad\u00ebftuar edhe disfata nga e reja e pakonceptueshme, spanjoll\u00ebt. Montezuma, thot\u00eb Todorov, ishte hezitues p\u00ebr luft\u00ebn ndaj spanjoll\u00ebve. Megjithat\u00eb ai e lidh\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00ebndrim me fen\u00eb e tij. \u00cbsht\u00eb e leht\u00ebkuptueshme se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e lidhur edhe me pushtetin e tij mes aztek\u00ebve megjith\u00ebse Todorov nuk e thot\u00eb. N\u00ebse do t\u00eb pranonte realitetin se spanjoll\u00ebt ishin di\u00e7ka krejt e re dhe do t\u00eb mobilizonte ushtrin\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb konceptimi historik i aztek\u00ebve do t\u00eb prishej, do t\u00eb th\u00ebrrmoheshin themelet e fes\u00eb s\u00eb tyre, dhe p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb Montezuma do ta gjente veten si nj\u00eb heretik, si nj\u00eb cic\u00ebrues i nj\u00eb ligj\u00ebrimi t\u00eb pamundur.<\/p>\n

Do t\u00eb ishte mir\u00eb q\u00eb kosovar\u00ebt t\u00eb mos i kushtonin asnj\u00ebfar\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsie klithjes s\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimisht nga do serb\u00eb prapambet\u00ebs \u201cKosova \u00ebsht\u00eb Serbi\u201d. Fundja, reagimet e k\u00ebndejme krenare e emocionale se \u201cKosova nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb Serbi\u201d apo edhe m\u00eb keq \u201cKosova \u00ebsht\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri\u201d nuk japin asnj\u00eb efekt. Krejt e kund\u00ebrta n\u00eb fakt, i japin faktoritet pohimit t\u00eb serb\u00ebve sepse jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb e t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin ligj\u00ebrim. Provokueshm\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb shenj\u00eb komunikimi. T\u00eb ndihesh i provokuar n\u00ebnkupton t\u00eb komunikosh me provokuesin. T\u00eb kuptohesh me t\u00eb. Pra, provokueshm\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb komunikim mes ligj\u00ebrimeve prapakthyese.<\/p>\n

Por, edhe vet paefektshm\u00ebria e tradhton t\u00eb provokuarin shqiptar. Ajo q\u00eb kryen pun\u00eb n\u00eb mbrojtjen dhe zhvillimin e nj\u00eb kombi, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm politika e zgjuar q\u00eb e p\u00ebrdor\u00eb forc\u00ebn e armatosur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shenjuese, p\u00ebr t\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb mesazhe. Armata m\u00eb e fort\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb, ajo e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara, e ka pasur efikasitetin e saj m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb jo n\u00eb fushat e demonstrimit t\u00eb asaj force, Vietnam, Irak apo Afganistan, por n\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin e saj dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs, n\u00eb tavolina diplomat\u00ebsh. Bombat atomike ta z\u00ebm\u00eb, e kan\u00eb shp\u00ebtuar bot\u00ebn nga luft\u00ebra t\u00eb reja bot\u00ebrore e rajonale shkat\u00ebrrimtare vet\u00ebm duke ndjell\u00eb frik\u00ebn dhe duke prodhuar imagjinat\u00ebn t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ve\u00e7 e kemi p\u00ebr efektet e saj. Kosova duhet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb forc\u00ebn e armatosur por jo p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar e p\u00ebr ta shkat\u00ebrruar me nj\u00eb shtet tjet\u00ebr, ashtu si\u00e7 n\u00eb fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e mundshme t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb, por p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrdorur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shenjuese n\u00eb forcimin e pozit\u00ebs n\u00eb rajon.<\/p>\n

Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb ka p\u00ebrpara vetes nj\u00eb fat t\u00eb pap\u00ebrcaktuar qysh m\u00eb par\u00eb. Kosovar\u00ebt jan\u00eb nj\u00eb komb i ri, n\u00eb formim e p\u00ebrcaktim t\u00eb vetvetes. E ardhmja e saj nuk duhet t\u00eb vizatohet sipas t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs. E ardhmja e saj duhet t\u00eb konceptohet si krejt e re, e ndryshme, e panjohur. Dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, e gjith\u00eb ajo q\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb zhvillim dhe forcim i k\u00ebtij shteti. Shtensionimi i raporteve nd\u00ebretnike \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb hap i domosdosh\u00ebm. \u00c7do veprim i politikan\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb serb\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs ka qen\u00eb i nxitur dhe kontrolluar nga politikan\u00ebt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nuk e di n\u00ebse kjo ide e pareferenc\u00eb n\u00eb historin\u00eb ton\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur. Nuk dua t\u00eb besoj te parashikimi i s\u00eb ardhmes (parashikuesit e s\u00eb ardhmes n\u00eb kultur\u00ebn azteke ishin historian\u00eb, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb ekspert\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs) sepse ajo mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb di\u00e7ka krejt e re dhe prandaj e panjohur. Dhe sepse ajo q\u00eb ishte, p\u00ebrs\u00ebritja e asaj q\u00eb ka ndodhur, nuk m\u00eb intereson.<\/p>\n

Kosova nuk duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhet gati p\u00ebr luft\u00eb t\u00eb armatosur \u2013 si\u00e7 porosit\u00eb prapakthyesi Albin Kurti. Kosova duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb e aft\u00eb t\u00eb konceptoj\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme krejt t\u00eb re, pa asnj\u00eb referenc\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

________________<\/p>\n

<\/a>[1] Foucault, Michel, Pushteti dhe Dija, ISP dhe Dita 2000, p\u00ebrkthyer nga Orges Azizi dhe Persida Asllani, faqe 89<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u201cPolitika \u00ebsht\u00eb vazhdimi i luft\u00ebs me mjete t\u00eb tjera\u201d [1]\u00a0\u2013 thot\u00eb Michel Foucault gjat\u00eb analiz\u00ebs s\u00eb pushtetit n\u00eb nj\u00eb ligj\u00ebrat\u00eb n\u00eb College de France. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, konceptimi i paqes \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt i pavend. Nuk ka paqe. Ka vet\u00ebm luft\u00eb q\u00eb dallon n\u00eb mjete. Ky formulim i Foucault-s\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysje dhe jo nj\u00eb tautologji e asaj […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":120,"featured_media":8834,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[954,1471,998],"ppma_author":[145],"class_list":["post-3979","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-filozofi","tag-histori","tag-politike"],"authors":[{"term_id":145,"user_id":120,"is_guest":0,"slug":"jetlir-buja","display_name":"Jetlir Buja","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/jetlir-1-e1729514487600.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/jetlir-1-e1729514487600.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Buja","first_name":"Jetlir","description":"Jetlir Buja \u00ebsht\u00eb gazetar, p\u00ebrkthyes dhe studiues i filozofis\u00eb per\u00ebndimore. S\u00eb fundmi ai \u00ebsht\u00eb angazhuar si kryeredaktor n\u00eb gazet\u00ebn Nacionale, nd\u00ebrsa m\u00eb her\u00ebt ka punuar n\u00eb kapacitete t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb media si Periskopi, New Perspektiva, Organizata Cohu\/Preportr etj."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3979","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/120"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3979"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3979\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8835,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3979\/revisions\/8835"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8834"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3979"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3979"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3979"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3979"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}