{"id":4039,"date":"2017-04-11T16:07:51","date_gmt":"2017-04-11T14:07:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4039"},"modified":"2024-12-23T16:19:38","modified_gmt":"2024-12-23T14:19:38","slug":"perfaqesimi-kunder-demokracise-jacques-ranciere-mbi-zgjedhjet-presidenciale-franceze1","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/perfaqesimi-kunder-demokracise-jacques-ranciere-mbi-zgjedhjet-presidenciale-franceze1\/","title":{"rendered":"P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi Kund\u00ebr Demokracis\u00eb: Jacques Ranciere mbi Zgjedhjet Presidenciale Franceze[1]"},"content":{"rendered":"
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P\u00ebr filozofin francez, Jacques Ranciere[2], fushata dramatike e zgjedhjeve presidenciale n\u00eb Franc\u00eb nuk paraqet befasi. Ai mendon se nj\u00eb sistem politik q\u00eb i beson t\u00eb gjith\u00eb pushtetin politikan\u00ebve t\u00eb karrier\u00ebs mekanikisht prodhon kandidat\u00eb q\u00eb thon\u00eb se p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cndarje t\u00eb past\u00ebrt.\u201d N\u00eb lidhje me zgjedhjet presidenciale t\u00eb vitit 2017, por dhe p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhen me to, Ranciere ka biseduar me \u00c9ric Aeschimann, gazetar i L\u2019Obs (9-15 Mars, 2017). Intervista \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkthyer n\u00eb anglisht nga David Broder (Verso, 20 Mars 2017), kurse p\u00ebrkthimin n\u00eb shqip dhe pajisjen me sh\u00ebnime shpjeguese e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb Armend Mazreku.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Aeschimann: Prej vendimit t\u00eb presidentit Hollande p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos kandiduar p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mandat t\u00eb dyt\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 2017, e deri te akuzat p\u00ebr keqp\u00ebrdorim t\u00eb detyr\u00ebs zyrtare ndaj Fran\u00e7ois Fillon[3],\u00a0fushata e tanishme presidenciale \u00ebsht\u00eb shoq\u00ebruar me nj\u00eb varg zhvillimesh dramatike. Ju jeni v\u00ebzhgues unik e k\u00ebtij spektakli. Po ashtu, p\u00ebr vite t\u00eb t\u00ebra nuk keni rreshtur s\u00eb denoncuari demokracin\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ju e shihni si t\u00eb paaft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb demokraci t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Si e analizoni k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00eb tani po ndodh me zgjedhjet presidenciale n\u00eb Franc\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ranciere:<\/strong>\u00a0\u201cDemokracia p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se sa thjesht nj\u00eb term i paqart\u00eb. Ajo p\u00ebr\u00e7on iden\u00eb e rreme t\u00eb nj\u00eb populli t\u00eb para-kushtetutuar q\u00eb shpreh vetveten duke zgjedhur p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e vet legjitim. Megjithat\u00eb, populli nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kategori e paradh\u00ebn\u00eb sociologjike q\u00eb mund t\u00eb thuhet se ekziston si i kushtetutuar p\u00ebrpara procesit politik. P\u00ebrkundrazi, \u00ebsht\u00eb rezultat i vet\u00eb k\u00ebtij procesi[4].\u00a0Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, sistemi p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues \u00ebsht\u00eb themeluar mbi iden\u00eb se ekziston nj\u00eb klas\u00eb e caktuar n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson interesin e p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm. N\u00eb mendjet e et\u00ebrve themelonj\u00ebs amerikan\u00eb, kjo klas\u00eb ishte menduar t\u00eb ishte ajo e pronar\u00ebve t\u00eb shkolluar. Pra, nj\u00eb sistem ku populli identifikon p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e vet legjitim q\u00eb vijn\u00eb brenda k\u00ebsaj klase, dhe t\u00eb cil\u00ebt m\u00eb pas rikonfirmohen periodikisht n\u00eb kutit\u00eb e votimit. Mir\u00ebpo, kjo e m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e konceptimit t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb sistemi p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje p\u00ebr profesionist\u00ebt, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt m\u00eb pas e riprodhojn\u00eb vetveten n\u00eb kutit\u00eb e votimit. Dhe, paralelisht me ket\u00eb, ka krijuar t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn e tij: iden\u00eb mitike t\u00eb nj\u00eb populli q\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohet dot nga politikan\u00ebt profesionist\u00eb t\u00eb sistemit, dhe q\u00eb aspiron t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohet nga kandidat\u00eb q\u00eb pretendojn\u00eb se jan\u00eb mish\u00ebrim i tij. S\u2019do mend, e gjitha kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e teatrit \u2013 madje t\u00eb nj\u00eb cil\u00ebsie vazhdimisht n\u00eb r\u00ebnie \u2013 q\u00eb tani \u00e7do zgjedhje riprodhon.<\/p>\n

Aeschimann: Analiza e juaj duket mjaft e err\u00ebt. V\u00ebrtet ky sistem i sh\u00ebrben vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb klase t\u00eb caktuar?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ranciere:<\/strong>\u00a0Pa dyshim. Parimi i k\u00ebtij sistemi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb demokratik, por oligarkik. Si\u00e7 dihet, n\u00eb Franc\u00eb oligarkia e humbi legjitimitetin kur u b\u00eb e qart\u00eb se pronar\u00ebt e shkolluar p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonin vet\u00ebm interesat e tyre. Kjo u pa sheshazi me rastin e kuvendeve \u201crepublikane\u201d t\u00eb viteve 1848 dhe 1871, t\u00eb cilat qen\u00eb mbushur me rojalist\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7artur kund\u00ebr interesave t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve dhe revolucionar\u00ebve. M\u00eb pas, oligarkia pak nga pak u shnd\u00ebrrua n\u00eb nj\u00eb klas\u00eb politikan\u00ebsh profesionist\u00eb q\u00eb s\u2019p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pos interesave t\u00eb k\u00ebtij sistemi. Mendoj se sistemi mazhoritar dhe ai presidencial i Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Pest\u00eb vet\u00ebm sa e ka p\u00ebrshpejtuar k\u00ebt\u00eb proces t\u00eb profesionalizimit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs: i pari, sepse ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb kemi dy forca t\u00eb m\u00ebdha politike q\u00eb me radh\u00eb qeverisin dhe mbajn\u00eb pushtetin; kurse i dyti, ai presidencial, sepse ka krijuar k\u00ebt\u00eb iden\u00eb mitike, sipas t\u00eb cil\u00ebs sall figura e presidentit e mish\u00ebron popullin q\u00eb politikan\u00ebt profesionist\u00eb t\u00eb sistemit e kan\u00eb tradh\u00ebtuar prej koh\u00ebsh.<\/p>\n

Aeschimann: Po, p\u00ebrse t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kandidat\u00ebt at\u00ebhere po thon\u00eb se jan\u00eb \u201ckund\u00ebr sistemit?\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ranciere:<\/strong>\u00a0Po, si\u00e7 dhe deklarova m\u00eb par\u00eb, ashtu si\u00e7 e riprodhon vetveten, ky sistem mekanikisht prodhon nj\u00eb ndarje t\u00eb brendshme, e cila nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ndarje e bazuar n\u00eb pozicione ideo-politike por diabolike. Ta z\u00ebm\u00eb, partia q\u00eb sot qeveris\u00eb me vendin p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb t\u00eb pest\u00ebn e popullit francez, \u00e7ka do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se shumica e popullit \u00ebsht\u00eb e pap\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar. Ngjashm\u00ebrisht q\u00ebndron puna edhe me partit\u00eb e tjera kur vijn\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet, t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrher\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb i ngjasojn\u00eb nj\u00ebra tjetr\u00ebs. Prandaj dhe kemi k\u00ebt\u00eb tem\u00ebn e vazhdueshme t\u00eb nj\u00eb populli t\u00eb p\u00ebshtyr\u00eb e t\u00eb tradh\u00ebtuar nga politikan\u00eb t\u00eb sistemit.<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, si nj\u00eb institucion q\u00eb supozohet se direkt p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson vullnetin e popullit, posti i presidentit vet\u00ebm sa e rrit\u00eb tensionin e brendsh\u00ebm t\u00eb k\u00ebtij sistemi, duke b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb kandidat\u00ebve anti-sistem t\u2019u krijohet hap\u00ebsira p\u00ebr t\u00eb deklaruar: “Un\u00eb jam kandidati i popullit t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar”! Ndaj dhe ka vend p\u00ebr \u201cbesnikun\u201d e majt\u00eb q\u00eb denoncon tradhtit\u00eb e partis\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00eb, e cila tani iu ngjan atyre t\u00eb djathta. Po ashtu, ka vend p\u00ebr kandidatin e ekstremit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb, Le Pen, e cila thot\u00eb se vet\u00ebm ajo p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson popullin hekakeq. P\u00ebr Macron[5],\u00a0i cili thot\u00eb se do ta bashkoj\u00eb popullin e p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb nga polarizimi e tejskajsh\u00ebm ku e kan\u00eb futur partit\u00eb politike. Dhe p\u00ebr kandidatin tjet\u00ebr, M\u00e9lenchon[6],\u00a0i cili e luan edhe \u201cbesnikun\u201d e t\u00eb majt\u00ebs, edhe at\u00eb t\u00eb popullit t\u00eb p\u00ebrvuajtur. N\u00eb nj\u00eb epok\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, dhe n\u00eb kund\u00ebrti t\u00eb hapur me k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00eb po shohim sot, partit\u00eb e pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonin vet\u00ebm forcat e organizuara kolektive q\u00eb ushtronin presion mbi sistemin nga jasht\u00eb. Sot, p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, \u201cpopulli i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb figur\u00eb e falsifikuar nga vet\u00eb sistemit. Prandaj dhe kemi ardhur n\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb ku nuk e dim\u00eb se kush \u00e7far\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson m\u00eb. Nj\u00eb miliarder, ta z\u00ebm\u00eb, mund t\u00eb thot\u00eb tani se p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson popullin e p\u00ebshtyr\u00eb nga vet\u00eb soji i tij, dhe kjo nuk shihet aspak si problem.<\/p>\n

Aeschimann: D\u00ebgjojm\u00eb shpesh nga t\u00eb majt\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb djatht\u00ebt se politika duhet inkarnuar n\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs q\u00eb jan\u00eb fytyra t\u00eb vullnetit kolektiv. Cili \u00ebsht\u00eb mendimi i juaj n\u00eb lidhje me k\u00ebt\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ranciere:<\/strong>\u00a0Duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb se inkarnimi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nocion politik, por religjioz. Nd\u00ebrkaq p\u00ebrdorimi i tij i sot\u00ebm n\u00eb politik\u00eb lidhet me k\u00ebt\u00eb iden\u00eb mitike t\u00eb \u201cshp\u00ebtimit t\u00eb popullit\u201d q\u00eb ju fola m\u00eb par\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb sakt\u00ebsisht ajo q\u00eb e djathta ekstreme e d\u00ebshiron. Pra, t\u00eb shihet si shp\u00ebtimtare e popullit. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, \u201cpopulizmi-majtist\u201d proklamon iden\u00eb se ai \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsuar \u201cpopullin\u201d nga e djathta esktreme, fal\u00eb nj\u00eb modeli alternativ: at\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi q\u00eb inkarnon popullin dhe e kushtetuton at\u00eb n\u00eb stilin e Hugo Chavez-it. Megjithat\u00eb, inkarnimi \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb parim antidemokratik, dhe si i till\u00eb, mendoj un\u00eb, duhet refuzuar.<\/p>\n

Aeschimann: Por a jan\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb politikan\u00ebt nj\u00eblloj? A nuk ishin politikan\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj Juares, De Gaulle dhe Roosevelt?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ranciere:<\/strong>\u00a0Figurat e jasht\u00ebzakonshme vijn\u00eb n\u00eb shprehje at\u00ebhere kur rregullat normale t\u00eb loj\u00ebs jan\u00eb thyer dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme t\u00eb shpiket di\u00e7ka e re. Pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb momente t\u00eb p\u00ebrthyerjeve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha individ\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb ngrihen mbi rrethanat objektive \u2013 t\u00eb cilat edhe ashtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme \u2013 duke shkuar p\u00ebrtej asaj q\u00eb pritet nga ta. E v\u00ebrtet\u00eb: De Gaulle mori nj\u00eb vendim t\u00eb paprecedent n\u00eb vitin 1940 duke tejkaluar rolin e tij si gjeneral brigadier. Mir\u00ebpo, si shef i RPF (partis\u00eb s\u00eb qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb djatht\u00eb t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs), ai ishte nj\u00eb politikan manipulues si \u00e7do politikan tjet\u00ebr. Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, ishte pik\u00ebrisht De Gaulle q\u00eb themeloi Kushtetut\u00ebn e Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Pest\u00eb, e cila, si\u00e7 thash\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, ka \u00e7uar n\u00eb tkurrjen dhe p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsimin e jet\u00ebs publike. Prandaj dhe m\u00eb vjen t\u00eb qesh kur shoh se si e majta e vler\u00ebson at\u00eb sot.<\/p>\n

Aeschimann: Po si do ta organizonit jet\u00ebn kolektive pa p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues? P\u00ebrmes shortit \u2013 nj\u00eb mas\u00eb kjo q\u00eb ju e propozoni te libri i juaj Urretja e Demokracis\u00eb (2005)?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ranciere:<\/strong>\u00a0Duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb dallim midis delegimit dhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit. N\u00eb nj\u00eb demokraci, \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb se e logjikshme q\u00eb disa njer\u00ebz do t\u00eb kryejn\u00eb disa aktivitete n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb disa t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve. Por delegati e kryen k\u00ebt\u00eb rol vet\u00ebm nj\u00ebher\u00eb, gj\u00eb q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti me p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit. N\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, shorti ishte nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb normale e p\u00ebrcaktimit t\u00eb delegat\u00ebve, bazuar n\u00eb parimin demokratik q\u00eb secili \u00ebsht\u00eb i aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur. Arsyeja q\u00eb kam propozuar rikthimin e k\u00ebsaj praktike ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht me trendin e profesionalizimit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs q\u00eb p\u00ebrmenda m\u00eb par\u00eb. Por, gjithsesi, kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb recet\u00eb e thjesht\u00eb. Mjete t\u00eb tilla si shorti jan\u00eb t\u00eb vlefshme vet\u00ebm po q\u00eb se jan\u00eb n\u00eb duart e l\u00ebvizjeve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha popullore. Demokracia nuk mund t\u00eb ekzistoj\u00eb pa k\u00ebto presionet q\u00eb vijn\u00eb jashta sistemit, t\u00eb cilat trondisin institucionet e shtetit \u2013 si\u00e7 kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb \u201cl\u00ebvizjet e sheshit\u201d koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit. Demokracia presupozon q\u00eb institucionet autonome nga strukturat dhe agjendat shtet\u00ebrore jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbajtur gjall\u00eb k\u00ebto momente egalitare.<\/p>\n

Aeschimann: Fushata presidenciale megjithat\u00eb ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb flitet rreth t\u00eb ardhurave universale. Pavar\u00ebsisht kritikave q\u00eb mund t\u00eb kemi p\u00ebr k\u00ebto zgjedhje, a nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ky nj\u00eb lajm i mir\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ranciere:<\/strong>\u00a0Mund t\u00eb thuhet se ka nj\u00eb progres krahasuar me koh\u00ebn e Sarkozy-s, i cili donte q\u00eb e gjith\u00eb Franca t\u00eb punoj\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, diskutimi mbi t\u00eb ardhurat universale \u00ebsht\u00eb problematik sepse, me t\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u synuar t\u00eb hiqet qafe puna manuale dhe t\u00eb b\u00ebhet robotizimi i industris\u00eb prodhuese. Pra, t\u00eb krijohet nj\u00eb klas\u00eb pun\u00ebtore q\u00eb nuk ka kurrfar\u00eb potenciali revolucionar.<\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, puna manuale nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zhdukur \u2013 ajo thjesht \u00ebsht\u00eb transferuar ne vende ku fuqia pun\u00ebtore \u00ebsht\u00eb e lir\u00eb dhe q\u00eb mund t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzohet ekonomikisht. Prandaj t\u00eb ardhurat universale jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb zgjatim i RMI dhe RSA (p\u00ebrfitime p\u00ebr t\u00eb papun\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb keqpaguarit francez\u00eb, q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin vet\u00ebm disa qindra euro n\u00eb muaj dhe me shum\u00eb kushte p\u00ebr t\u2019i marr\u00eb ato), t\u00eb dizajnuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb deindustrializimi t\u00eb ndodh n\u00eb vendet tona. Por, kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb emancipuese si\u00e7 mund t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb disa. Edhe ashtu sfera e konsiderimit universal t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb ardhurave \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaft e kufizuar. Imagjinojeni sikur k\u00ebto t\u00eb ardhura t\u2019u garantoheshin gjithashtu f\u00ebmij\u00ebve q\u00eb punojn\u00eb n\u00eb minierat Kongoleze, ku nxjerren materialet e nevojshme p\u00ebr pun\u00ebn immateriale, apo edhe pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve n\u00eb fabrikat e Bangladeshit! Ky do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb ndryshim i nj\u00ebmendt\u00eb, n\u00eb mendimin tim.<\/p>\n

Aeschimann: Ju votoni vet\u00ebm n\u00eb raste t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme. N\u00ebse Marine Le Pen do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndroj\u00eb sipas sondazheve n\u00eb 48% n\u00eb raundin e dyt\u00eb, a nuk do t\u00eb votonit edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast p\u00ebr ta mposhtur at\u00eb \u2013 n\u00ebse kjo n\u00ebnkupton votimin p\u00ebr Macron ose Fillon?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ranciere:<\/strong>\u00a0Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb dilem\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb zgjidhet brenda pes\u00eb minutash n\u00ebse vjen nj\u00eb moment i till\u00eb. Sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb q\u00eb, n\u00ebse fiton Le Pen, kjo gj\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb ishte aspak e mir\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, ne duhet t\u00eb nxjerrim p\u00ebrfundime t\u00eb duhura nga k\u00ebto zgjedhje. Zgjidhja e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb luftojm\u00eb kund\u00ebr sistemit q\u00eb prodhon politikan\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb si Le Pen, e jo thjesht t\u00eb besojm\u00eb se duke votuar krye-hajdutin kemi p\u00ebr ta shp\u00ebtuar demokracin\u00eb. M\u00eb kujtohet akoma slogani i famsh\u00ebm nga zgjedhjet e vitit 2002: \u201cVotojeni hajdutin, jo fashistin\u201d (q\u00eb i referohej balotazhit midis Jacques Chirac dhe Jean-Marie Le Pen). Ama t\u00eb zgjedh\u00ebsh hajdutin, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb fashistes, do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u2019i meritosh t\u00eb dyt\u00eb. Dhe, gjithashtu, t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitesh p\u00ebr t\u2019i pasur t\u00eb dyt\u00eb nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht.<\/p>\n

___________________________________________________<\/p>\n

[1]\u00a0\u00cbsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb thuhet se, n\u00eb versionin fr\u00ebngjisht, intervista titullohet \u201cMais pourquoi se disent-ils tous \u201canti-syst\u00e8me\u201d? Entretien avec Jacques Ranci\u00e8re,\u201d q\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkthim t\u00eb lir\u00eb, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthehej si n\u00eb vijim: \u201cPo p\u00ebrse t\u00eb gjith\u00eb thon\u00eb se jan\u00eb \u201canti-sistem\u201d? Intervist\u00eb me Jacques Ranci\u00e8re.\u201d Megjithat\u00eb, titulli n\u00eb anglisht m\u00eb duket m\u00eb i q\u00eblluar p\u00ebr tre arsye. E para, sepse shpreh m\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjen e k\u00ebsaj interviste. S\u00eb dyti, i b\u00ebn m\u00eb shum\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi asaj q\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi Ranciere p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb n\u00eb veprat e tij, e q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht kund\u00ebrshtimi i vizioneve konsensuale mbi politik\u00ebn dhe demokracin\u00eb \u2013 vizione k\u00ebto q\u00eb i mohojn\u00eb politik\u00ebs demokratike dimensionin konfliktual dhe disensual q\u00eb ka ajo. Dhe s\u00eb treti, n\u00eb nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb tjet\u00ebr me po t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin gazetar, Ranciere vet\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb eksplicite thot\u00eb se \u201cp\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi \u00ebsht\u00eb e kund\u00ebrta e demokracis\u00eb (fr. la repr\u00e9sentation est le contraire de la d\u00e9mocratie).<\/p>\n

[2] Edhe pse gazetari dhe p\u00ebrkthyesi i referohen Ranciere-t si \u201cfilozof.\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb sqarohet se Ranciere vet\u00eb e refuzon nj\u00eb titull t\u00eb till\u00eb. Ranciere me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb mendon se ekziston nj\u00eb tension i madh midis politik\u00ebs demokratike dhe Filozofis\u00eb Politike, dhe se q\u00ebllimi final i k\u00ebsaj t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht eliminimi i t\u00eb par\u00ebs dhe z\u00ebv\u00ebnd\u00ebsimi e saj me sundimin epistemik t\u00eb filozof\u00ebve. Sigurisht, Ranciere nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i vet\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrje kritike; k\u00ebt\u00eb distancim e v\u00ebrejm\u00eb gjithashtu te nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i konsideruesh\u00ebm i mendimtar\u00ebve t\u00eb shekullit n\u00ebnt\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb dhe nj\u00ebzet, si Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, Heidegger, Foucault, Derrida, Arendt, e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebta, n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb a tjet\u00ebr, jan\u00eb kritik\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj t\u00eb Filozofis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

[3] Fran\u00e7ois Fillon \u00ebsht\u00eb kandidat p\u00ebr president n\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 2017 nga radh\u00ebt e Republikan\u00ebve (t\u00eb njohur n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn si Unioni p\u00ebr nj\u00eb L\u00ebvizje Popullore). Kur gazetari i referohet problemeve me ligjin, ai k\u00ebtu ka n\u00eb mendje akuzat q\u00eb i jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb Fillon p\u00ebr futjen e gruas dhe f\u00ebmij\u00ebve t\u00eb tij n\u00eb list\u00ebn e pagave p\u00ebr pun\u00eb t\u00eb rrejshme parlamentare.<\/p>\n

[4] Me termin \u2018popull\u2019 Ranciere nuk n\u00ebnkupton sigurisht popullin n\u00eb kuptimin e ethnos, pra n\u00eb kuptimin etnik t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs, dhe as n\u00eb kuptimin e popullsis\u00eb, shumic\u00ebs, trupit politik, apo t\u00eb klasave t\u00eb varf\u00ebra e pun\u00ebtore si\u00e7 e konceptojn\u00eb disa mendimtar\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb. P\u00ebrkundrazi, n\u00eb pik\u00ebpamjen e tij, termi popull (demos) \u00ebsht\u00eb em\u00ebr gjenerik i subjektivimit politik, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb komunitet shtes\u00eb q\u00eb nuk ka kurrfar\u00eb kualifikimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur. K\u00ebtu, Ranciere \u00ebsht\u00eb duke iu kund\u00ebrv\u00ebn\u00eb predikamentit ideologjik dhe atij filozofik q\u00eb sugjeron se demokracia duhet fundamentuar n\u00eb kualifikime t\u00eb tilla si pasuria, mosha, ekspertiza, e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo, me shum\u00eb rreth p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb termit \u2018popull\u2019 n\u00eb Teorin\u00eb Politike, do t\u00eb shkruaj nj\u00eb her\u00eb tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

[5] Emmanuel Macron \u00ebsht\u00eb kandidat p\u00ebr president n\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 2017 nga radh\u00ebt e L\u00ebvizjes En Marche! (P\u00ebrpara!). En Marche! \u00ebsht\u00eb e njohur ndryshe edhe si Shoqata p\u00ebr Renovimin e Politik\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

[6] Jean-Luc M\u00e9lenchon \u00ebsht\u00eb njashtu kandidat p\u00ebr president n\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 2017 nga radh\u00ebt e l\u00ebvizjes politike Franca e Pan\u00ebnshtruar.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n
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L’Obs<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

P\u00ebr filozofin francez, Jacques Ranciere[2], fushata dramatike e zgjedhjeve presidenciale n\u00eb Franc\u00eb nuk paraqet befasi. Ai mendon se nj\u00eb sistem politik q\u00eb i beson t\u00eb gjith\u00eb pushtetin politikan\u00ebve t\u00eb karrier\u00ebs mekanikisht prodhon kandidat\u00eb q\u00eb thon\u00eb se p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cndarje t\u00eb past\u00ebrt.\u201d N\u00eb lidhje me zgjedhjet presidenciale t\u00eb vitit 2017, por dhe p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb tjera […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":562,"featured_media":11576,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[2182,2180,1000,2181],"ppma_author":[2179],"class_list":["post-4039","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-franca","tag-jacques-ranciere","tag-politike-e-jashtme","tag-zgjedhjet-presidenciale-franceze"],"authors":[{"term_id":2179,"user_id":562,"is_guest":0,"slug":"lobs","display_name":"L'obs","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/lobs.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/lobs.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"","first_name":"L'obs","description":"Le Nouvel Obs \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb revist\u00eb e p\u00ebrjavshme franceze e lajmeve."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4039","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/562"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4039"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4039\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11581,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4039\/revisions\/11581"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11576"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4039"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4039"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4039"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4039"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}