{"id":4059,"date":"2017-05-19T12:45:07","date_gmt":"2017-05-19T10:45:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4059"},"modified":"2024-12-13T12:47:19","modified_gmt":"2024-12-13T10:47:19","slug":"demokracia-ne-kushtet-e-klientelizmit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/demokracia-ne-kushtet-e-klientelizmit\/","title":{"rendered":"Demokracia n\u00eb kushtet e klientelizmit"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-up\"><\/div>\n<div class=\"news-down\">\n<div class=\"img-wrapper\"><\/div>\n<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>Historia tregon se klientelizmi si sistem i qeverisjes funksionon m\u00eb s\u00eb miri n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb sundimit nj\u00ebpartiak. Rastet shembullore t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm klientelist n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb jan\u00eb Partia Revolucionare Institucionale (Partido Revolucionario Institucional) e Meksik\u00ebs (n\u00eb pushtet midis viteve 1929-2000), Partia Kongresi Nacional (Congress National Party) e Indis\u00eb (n\u00eb pushtet p\u00ebr 49 vjet nga viti 1947) apo Partia Liberal-Demokrate e Japonis\u00eb (n\u00eb pushtet midis viteve 1955-1993, 1994-2009 dhe s\u00ebrish 2014-sot). T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto parti kan\u00eb sunduar me dekada vendet e tyre. Ky stabilitet i ka lejuar k\u00ebtyre partive kultivimin dhe thellimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb patronazhit n\u00eb secil\u00ebn pore t\u00eb jet\u00ebs, prandaj dhe shpesh merren si shembuj ilustrativ\u00eb t\u00eb qeverisjes klienteliste. K\u00ebto sisteme mund t\u00eb quhen sisteme t\u00eb klientelizmit nj\u00ebpartiak.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebrkufizimi i zakonsh\u00ebm i klientelizmit n\u00eb shkencat politike p\u00ebrfshin nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb pabarabart\u00eb padron-klient, ku padroni p\u00ebrdor pushtetin politik p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndar\u00eb t\u00eb mira materiale ose privilegje t\u00eb tjera klientit, n\u00eb shk\u00ebmbim t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimeve q\u00eb klienti i kryen p\u00ebr padronin, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb dh\u00ebnien e vot\u00ebs. P\u00ebr shkak se ekzistojn\u00eb kryesisht n\u00eb rrafsh joformal, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet padron-klient jan\u00eb zakonisht t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs personale. Partit\u00eb klienteliste zakonisht p\u00ebrb\u00ebhen nga hierarki t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve padron-klient. Padroni i lart\u00eb ka klient\u00ebt e tyre, q\u00eb jan\u00eb gjithashtu padron\u00eb t\u00eb klient\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. N\u00eb partit\u00eb klienteliste, rangu q\u00eb nj\u00eb person ka n\u00eb hierarkin\u00eb joformale klienteliste \u00ebsht\u00eb shpesh shum\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme sesa pozita zyrtare q\u00eb mban n\u00eb parti.<\/p>\n<p>Marrja dhe mbajtja e pushtetit politik \u00ebsht\u00eb synim ky\u00e7 i partive klienteliste pasi q\u00eb kontrolli mbi pushtetin (postet publike) jep qasje n\u00eb t\u00eb mirat materiale q\u00eb pastaj mund t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndahen p\u00ebrmes rrjetit klientelist t\u00eb partis\u00eb. K\u00ebto t\u00eb mira p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb mira materiale, por edhe poste publike, vende pune, kontrata, prona, p\u00ebrjashtime ligjore (si nga tatimet), monopole, dhe \u00e7far\u00ebdo burimi tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb mirash (n\u00eb gjuh\u00eb ekonomike: rentash) q\u00eb ka n\u00eb dor\u00eb pushteti.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00ebse partia nuk ka burime t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb t\u00eb mirave \u2013 e q\u00eb zakonisht nuk i ka \u2013 humbja e pushtetit politik \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht e dhimbshme p\u00ebr partit\u00eb klienteliste. Kjo sidomos n\u00ebse interesi personal material \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi q\u00eb bashkon pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebt e nj\u00eb grupimi politik n\u00eb parti. Kjo ndodh sidomos kur partia nuk ka ndonj\u00eb koherenc\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00ebn ideologjike ose program politik q\u00eb i bashkon pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebt e partis\u00eb klienteliste p\u00ebrtej interesit t\u00eb tyre afatshkurt\u00ebr personal dhe aderimi i tyre n\u00eb parti \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht n\u00eb baza transaksionale. Paradoksalisht, ekzistenca e koherenc\u00ebs ideologjike s\u00eb nj\u00eb partie n\u00eb kushtet e demokracis\u00eb nuk shihet p\u00ebrmes uniformitetit q\u00eb pj\u00ebsetar\u00ebt e partis\u00eb shprehin n\u00eb besimet dhe opinionet e tyre, por n\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn e fraksioneve brenda saj. P\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00eb nj\u00eb metafor\u00eb nga historia e fes\u00eb, fraksionet brendapartiake jan\u00eb funksionalisht t\u00eb barabarta me shkollat rivale t\u00eb mendimit teologjik. Ato nis\u00ebn nga nj\u00eb baz\u00eb e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb parimesh dhe t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetash dhe dallojn\u00eb n\u00eb interpretimin e tyre, q\u00eb d\u00ebshmon se fraksionet brendapartiake jan\u00eb n\u00eb fakt shenj\u00eb se brenda nj\u00eb organizate ka kund\u00ebrth\u00ebnie ideologjike, q\u00eb me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb tregon se brenda tij zhvillohet mendim parimor dhe konceptual.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb ideologjis\u00eb, partit\u00eb klienteliste i bashkon karizma e liderit. Autoriteti karizmatik i liderit sh\u00ebrben si z\u00ebvend\u00ebsim p\u00ebr koherenc\u00ebn ideologjike t\u00eb organizat\u00ebs. Mir\u00ebpo, si\u00e7 e ka v\u00ebn\u00eb re Max Weber-i, karizma si mjet bashkues organizativ \u00ebsht\u00eb instrument jet\u00ebshkurt\u00ebr. Partit\u00eb e varura nga autoriteti karizmatik i liderit mbesin jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb varura nga ai\/ajo p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00ebn e tyre. Largimi ose vdekja e liderit i l\u00eb ato po aq t\u00eb disorientuara sa partit\u00eb klienteliste pa ideologji (ndon\u00ebse n\u00eb raste t\u00eb caktuara kulti i liderit mund t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb ideologji t\u00eb vetvete).<\/p>\n<p>U tha m\u00eb sip\u00ebr se partit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb suksesshme klienteliste kan\u00eb ekzistuar n\u00eb sistemet nj\u00ebpartiake. Fjala \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr sisteme nj\u00ebpartiake demokratike, dhe jo moniste (klientelizmi n\u00eb ato sisteme \u00ebsht\u00eb i nj\u00eb natyre tjet\u00ebr, p\u00ebr shkak se shk\u00ebmbimet nuk b\u00ebhen p\u00ebr vota). Varshm\u00ebria e thell\u00eb e partive klienteliste nga kontrolli i pushtetit dhe i posteve politike t\u00eb l\u00eb t\u00eb kuptosh se pse n\u00eb rrethanat e sistemeve nj\u00ebpartiake partit\u00eb klienteliste mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb sukses: kontrolli politik mbi pushtetit stabilizon rrjetet e patronazhit, i b\u00ebn ato t\u00eb kontrollueshme, rregullon qarkullimin e t\u00eb mirave p\u00ebrmes tyre, vendos rregulla dhe kritere p\u00ebr shnd\u00ebrrimin e nj\u00eb personi n\u00eb klient, p\u00ebr p\u00ebrjashtim nga rrjeti etj. Me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb, sistemi klientelist shnd\u00ebrrohet dhe funksionon si nj\u00eb minibot\u00eb joformale n\u00eb vete, me rregullat, pritjet dhe ritualet e veta q\u00eb bashkekzistojn\u00eb me sistemin formal politik.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, pluralizmi partiak paraqet rrezik t\u00eb p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm p\u00ebr partit\u00eb klienteliste. Rival\u00ebt politik\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnojn\u00eb partin\u00eb klienteliste me largim nga pushteti, q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton largim nga kontrolli i burimeve q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb mundur mir\u00ebmbajtjen e hierarkive klienteliste. Kjo i kushton partis\u00eb klienteliste humbjen e nj\u00eb pjese t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb klientel\u00ebs, sidomos asaj q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e struktur\u00ebs p\u00ebr interesa puro instrumentale (t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitimit personal). Var\u00ebsisht nga d\u00ebmi, kjo mund t\u2019i kushtoj\u00eb partis\u00eb klienteliste destabilizimin e hierarkive dhe rregullave q\u00eb kan\u00eb qeverisur \u201cmeritokracin\u00eb\u201d klienteliste t\u00eb partis\u00eb. Zvog\u00eblimi i \u201ctort\u00ebs\u201d stimulon konflikte brendapartiake dhe braktisje t\u00eb partis\u00eb, fillimisht nga oportunist\u00ebt, pastaj nga klient\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm (q\u00eb t\u00ebrheqin pas\u00eb vetes n\u00ebnklient\u00ebt e tyre). Mbetja sa m\u00eb e gjat\u00eb jasht\u00eb pushtetit rrezikon n\u00eb zhb\u00ebrjen e plot\u00eb t\u00eb partis\u00eb klienteliste.<\/p>\n<p>Ka raste kur nj\u00eb sistem pluralist mund t\u00eb stabilizohet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb lejoj\u00eb jet\u00ebzgjatjen e partive klienteliste. Forma e par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kooptimi i partive rivale brenda struktur\u00ebs klienteliste, duke lejuar rival\u00ebt q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb gjithashtu nga t\u00eb mirat e pushtetit, t\u00eb cilat ia shp\u00ebrndajn\u00eb rrjeteve t\u00eb tyre klienteliste. Koalicionet e partive klienteliste me parti m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla funksionojn\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb form\u00eb, kur partia e madhe klienteliste akomodon partit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla klienteliste, n\u00eb interes t\u00eb ruajtjes s\u00eb pushtetit dhe struktur\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme klienteliste. Kooptimi b\u00ebhet i domosdosh\u00ebm kur partis\u00eb klienteliste i rrezikohet mbetja n\u00eb pushtet nga rival\u00ebt. Sa m\u00eb i madh rreziku nga rival\u00ebt, aq m\u00eb e madhe gatishm\u00ebria p\u00ebr t\u00eb akomoduar rival\u00ebt n\u00eb struktur\u00ebn klienteliste, qoft\u00eb edhe me humbjen e nj\u00eb pjese t\u00eb kontrollit mbi burimet e rentave. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, n\u00eb sistemet plurale klienteliste mbizot\u00ebrojn\u00eb oportunizmi dhe koalicionet \u201ce panatyrshme\u201d. Sa m\u00eb i mang\u00ebt organizimi partiak mbi premisa ideologjike e programore, aq m\u00eb i leht\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb akomodimi i rival\u00ebve mbi baza t\u00eb thjeshta transaksionale q\u00eb kan\u00eb subjekt ndarjen e kontrollit mbi rentat. Partit\u00eb \u201ce majta\u201d p\u00ebrnj\u00ebher\u00eb b\u00ebhen \u201ct\u00eb djathta\u201d dhe anasjelltas, armiq\u00ebsit\u00eb e gjata politike harrohen brenda nat\u00ebs, dallimet e papajtueshme programore e parimore p\u00ebrnj\u00ebher\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohen n\u00eb uniformitet politik.<\/p>\n<p>Por n\u00eb dallim prej sistemeve nj\u00ebpartiake, sistemet plurale klienteliste e kan\u00eb gati t\u00eb pamundur institucionalizimin. Ekzistenca e rivaliteteve politike, burimet e kufizuara dhe varshm\u00ebria e struktur\u00ebs dhe e qarkullimeve n\u00eb struktur\u00ebn klienteliste n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie personale t\u00eb mir\u00ebbesimit, e b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb pamundur p\u00ebrfshirjen e shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb popullat\u00ebs brenda struktur\u00ebs klienteliste (gj\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb sistemet nj\u00ebpartiake \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur \u2013 p\u00ebrmes strukturave formale organizative dhe krijimin e klientelave masive jo n\u00eb baza personale por n\u00eb baza profesionale, ligjore, sektorale etj., si\u00e7 jan\u00eb m\u00ebsimdh\u00ebn\u00ebsit, minator\u00ebt, agrobizneset etj.). N\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, sistemet plurale klienteliste lejojn\u00eb q\u00eb partia klienteliste t\u00eb blej\u00eb koh\u00eb, t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mandat kontrollin mbi burimet (rentat), por her\u00ebt a von\u00eb sistemi shkon s\u00ebrish drejt destabilizimit. Me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb, n\u00eb dallim prej sistemit nj\u00ebpartiak, sistemi plural klientelist nuk mund t\u00eb institucionalizohet n\u00eb form\u00eb afatgjat\u00eb. Rival\u00ebve t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm u rriten apetitet p\u00ebr kontroll t\u00eb burimeve. Opozita n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi ia rrezikon partis\u00eb klienteliste mbajtjen e pushtetit. N\u00eb ekonomi fillojn\u00eb e konsolidohen pushtete t\u00eb reja, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb bizneset e fuqishme, disa nga t\u00eb cilat mund t\u00eb mos akomodohen n\u00eb struktur\u00ebn klienteliste, e q\u00eb mund t\u00eb fillojn\u00eb t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesin rival\u00ebt. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, votuesit e pavarur, ata q\u00eb q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb jasht\u00eb strukturave klienteliste, mund t\u00eb pezmatohen nga shnd\u00ebrrimi i politik\u00ebs n\u00eb nj\u00eb loj\u00eb puro oportuniste, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e pashmangshme n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem plural klientelist, t\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjehen e t\u00eb b\u00ebhen apatik\u00eb, apo t\u00eb joshen nga ekstremizmat politik\u00eb duke dyshuar n\u00eb vet\u00eb demokracin\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Rrjedhimisht, n\u00eb dallim prej sistemeve nj\u00ebpartiake, ku klientelizmi mban n\u00eb jet\u00eb demokracin\u00eb formale, sistemi plural fillon t\u00eb paraqes\u00eb rrezik p\u00ebr vet\u00eb demokracin\u00eb. Ky rrezik vjen si nga posht\u00eb, ashtu dhe nga lart. Nga lart, partia klienteliste nis\u00eb t\u00eb veproj\u00eb n\u00eb forma gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb jodemokratike, t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtes\u00eb masa antidemokratike, t\u00eb ngushtoj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn p\u00ebr pluraliz\u00ebm politik. Kjo sepse partia klienteliste don q\u00eb me \u00e7do kusht ta mbroj\u00eb kontrollin e pushtetit, nga e cila varet vet\u00eb mbijetesa e partis\u00eb dhe e pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb saj. Kjo b\u00ebhet sidomos imperativ sa m\u00eb e kriminalizuar \u00ebsht\u00eb struktura klienteliste e partis\u00eb. Nga posht\u00eb, apatia e mbjell\u00eb me vite fillon e kthehet n\u00eb refuzim t\u00eb vet\u00eb demokracis\u00eb. Vjen momenti q\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi partiak i pluralizmit klientelist p\u00ebrballet me zgjedhjen midis dy rrug\u00ebve: n\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrim t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb q\u00eb e mir\u00ebmban pluralizmin q\u00eb e rrezikon sundimin e partis\u00eb klienteliste, ose n\u00eb shp\u00ebtim t\u00eb pluralizmit dhe t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb p\u00ebrmes shkat\u00ebrrimit (lexo: riorganizimit dhe reformimit fundamental) t\u00eb partis\u00eb klienteliste p\u00ebrmes d\u00ebbimit t\u00eb saj nga pushteti.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Historia tregon se klientelizmi si sistem i qeverisjes funksionon m\u00eb s\u00eb miri n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb sundimit nj\u00ebpartiak. Rastet shembullore t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm klientelist n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb jan\u00eb Partia Revolucionare Institucionale (Partido Revolucionario Institucional) e Meksik\u00ebs (n\u00eb pushtet midis viteve 1929-2000), Partia Kongresi Nacional (Congress National Party) e Indis\u00eb (n\u00eb pushtet p\u00ebr 49 vjet [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":49,"featured_media":11054,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1047,1828],"ppma_author":[59],"class_list":["post-4059","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-demokracia","tag-klientelizmi"],"authors":[{"term_id":59,"user_id":49,"is_guest":0,"slug":"besnik-pula","display_name":"Besnik Pula","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1516241920287.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1516241920287.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Pula","first_name":"Besnik","description":"Besnik Pula specializon n\u00eb Ekonomi Politike dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb profesor-asistent n\u00eb Departamentin e Shkenc\u00ebs Politike n\u00eb Universitetin Virginia Tech n\u00eb ShBA. Besniku ka doktoruar n\u00eb Sociologji n\u00eb Universitetin e Mi\u00e7igenit. Shkruan kryesisht p\u00ebr politikat zhvillimore, \u00e7\u00ebshtjet sociale dhe ekonomike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4059","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/49"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4059"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4059\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11055,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4059\/revisions\/11055"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11054"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4059"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4059"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4059"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4059"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}