{"id":4151,"date":"2017-12-12T12:25:04","date_gmt":"2017-12-12T10:25:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4151"},"modified":"2025-01-10T12:32:01","modified_gmt":"2025-01-10T10:32:01","slug":"a-jane-te-mjaftueshme-te-drejtat-e-njeriut","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/uncategorized\/a-jane-te-mjaftueshme-te-drejtat-e-njeriut\/","title":{"rendered":"A jan\u00eb t\u00eb mjaftueshme t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut?"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Me gjith\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e tyre, t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb pafrytshme p\u00ebrball\u00eb fundamentalizmit t\u00eb tregut, shkruan historian Samuel Moyn. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb konfrontojn\u00eb pabarazin\u00eb materiale, t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut duhet ta tejkalojn\u00eb origjin\u00ebn e tyre individualiste dhe antistatiste.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Deklarata Universale mes shtetit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies dhe globalizimit neoliberal<\/strong><\/p>\n

Paramendoni sikur nj\u00eb njeri t\u00eb zot\u00ebronte gjith\u00e7ka. Quajeni Kreis [Croesus], sipas mbretit t\u00eb urtis\u00eb s\u00eb lasht\u00eb i cili qe, si\u00e7 thot\u00eb Herodoti, aq \u2018mrekullisht i pasur\u2019 saq\u00eb e \u2018mendonte veten si m\u00eb t\u00eb lumturin prej t\u00eb vdekshm\u00ebve\u2019.\u00a0I ngritur aq lart mbi burrat dhe grat\u00eb e vendit t\u00eb tij, ky Kreisi modern qe gjithashtu zem\u00ebrgjer\u00eb. Ai nuk do q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb vdesin urie, jo vet\u00ebm sepse atij i duhen disa prej tyre q\u00eb t\u2019i mir\u00ebmbajn\u00eb \u00e7ifligjet e tij globale. Kreisi insiston q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb minimum t\u00eb ndihm\u00ebs sociale, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ata q\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00ebn pushtetin e tij dashamir\u00ebs por gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs, t\u00eb mund t\u2019i shmangen mjerimit. Sh\u00ebndet, ushqim, uj\u00eb, madje edhe pushime, Kreisi shp\u00ebrndan t\u00eb gjitha.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb krahasim me bot\u00ebn n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn jetojm\u00eb sot, ku shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz nuk i g\u00ebzohen k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb mirave, Kreisi ofron nj\u00eb lloj utopie. \u00cbsht\u00eb po ajo t\u00eb cil\u00ebn shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz besojn\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb parashikuar n\u00eb\u00a0Deklarat\u00ebn Universale p\u00ebr t\u00eb Drejtat e Njeriut (1948<\/a>), dhe q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb e jona, me ngritjen n\u00eb gjys\u00ebmshekullin e fundit t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut \u2013 posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht tash kur kjo l\u00ebvizje ka kthyer v\u00ebmendjen me vones\u00eb ndaj t\u00eb drejtave ekonomike e sociale, deklarata t\u00eb cilat i kishte premtuar fillimisht. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb utopi, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e t\u00eb kamurve kund\u00ebr skamnor\u00ebve. Edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebrit kan\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm. Por ata jan\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb hierarki t\u00eb mir\u00ebvendosur, shum\u00eb m\u00eb posht\u00eb sesa t\u00eb pasurit.<\/p>\n

Ne po jetojm\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e Kriesit. Nj\u00eb num\u00ebr shum\u00eb i vock\u00ebl i t\u00eb pasurve i rr\u00ebzon t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt p\u00ebr nga pasuria, dhe disa politika nacionale po shkojn\u00eb drejt nj\u00eb pabarazie absolute, edhe pse tabloja globale \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e nd\u00ebrlikuar. Tashm\u00eb s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb thuhet se secili regjim i iluminuar respekton lirit\u00eb themelore civile, edhe pse beteja p\u00ebr t\u2019i ofruar ato \u00ebsht\u00eb a pafundme. Kreisi urren shtypjen, e jo thjesht mjerimin. Ai kurr\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb pranonte nj\u00eb shtet policor; ai i sheh me lemeri barbarizmat e luft\u00ebs dhe okupimit; ai shp\u00ebrthen me t\u00ebrbim sa her\u00eb d\u00ebgjon fjal\u00ebn \u2018tortur\u00eb\u2019. Ai gjithashtu e konsideron si skandaloze jetes\u00ebn n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e mjerimit atje posht\u00eb, edhe pse gjendet i vet\u00ebm n\u00eb maj\u00eb t\u00eb hierarkis\u00eb. Dashamir\u00ebsia e Kriesit, at\u00ebher\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb po aq e paprecendent\u00eb sa edhe pasuria e tij. Si mundet dikush t\u00eb banalizoj\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb Kriesi ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofruar?<\/p>\n

Shum\u00eb prej paraardh\u00ebsve tan\u00eb do t\u00eb kishin k\u00ebrkuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb. \u00c7do p\u00ebrkushtim i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb ndaj barazis\u00eb materiale \u2013 kufiri n\u00eb hendekun e pasuris\u00eb mes t\u00eb pasurve dhe t\u00eb varf\u00ebrve \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb po aq joprezent n\u00eb Deklarat\u00ebn Universale, si dhe n\u00eb regjimet ligjore dhe l\u00ebvizjet shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb cilat e marrin at\u00eb si parim baz\u00eb, sa edhe n\u00eb mendjen e Kreisit. T\u00eb drejtat e njeriut garantojn\u00eb barazi n\u00eb status por jo barazi n\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarje. Nuk ka asgj\u00eb n\u00eb skem\u00ebn e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut q\u00eb p\u00ebrjashton bot\u00ebn e Kreisit, me gjith\u00eb dominanc\u00ebn e tij absolute, p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb ajo t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbaj\u00eb furnizime t\u00eb mjaftueshme t\u00eb gj\u00ebrave t\u00eb mira n\u00eb jet\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vetvete, ofrimi i kushteve p\u00ebr nj\u00eb jetes\u00eb bazike i Kreisit duket se ka shum\u00eb t\u00eb meta \u2013 madje \u00ebsht\u00eb disi i pamoralsh\u00ebm \u2013 po qe se rast\u00ebson me disa prej pabarazive m\u00eb t\u00eb thella q\u00eb jan\u00eb par\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00ebllimi i k\u00ebsaj sprove mendimi: t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, madje t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut t\u00eb plot\u00ebsuara p\u00ebrsosshm\u00ebrisht, jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrputhshme me pabarazin\u00eb, madje me pabarazin\u00eb radikale. Sado e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfytyrohet n\u00eb praktik\u00eb, nuk ka ndonj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshti mes pabarazis\u00eb materiale ekstreme dhe p\u00ebrmbushjes s\u00eb kushteve bazike p\u00ebr jetes\u00eb. Pyetja jon\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se a duhet q\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb t\u00eb idealizojm\u00eb bot\u00ebn e Kreisit nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb e shnd\u00ebrrojm\u00eb bot\u00ebn ton\u00eb \u00e7do dit\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb sipas imazhit t\u00eb s\u00eb tij\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb prej jet\u00ebshkurt\u00ebrit shtet jakobin, e deri te shteti i mir\u00ebqenies s\u00eb mesit t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar n\u00eb form\u00ebn e tij veriatlantike, lationamerikane, dhe versionet postkoloniale, ekonomia politike q\u00eb e shoq\u00ebroi Deklarat\u00ebn Universale t\u00eb t\u00eb Drejtave t\u00eb Njeriut i angazhoi kombet drejt nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb jet\u00ebs sociale. Qe nj\u00eb politike q\u00eb mundohej t\u00eb arrinte minimumin e mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00ebn shtres\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb privilegjuar, si dhe nj\u00eb sasi t\u00eb vog\u00ebl t\u00eb barazis\u00eb socioekonomike mes tyre. Kjo ndodhi si rezultat i p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebs s\u00eb mjerimit gjat\u00eb Depresionit t\u00eb Madh dhe solidaritetit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore; s\u00eb bashku me k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin komunist, shtetet kapitaliste iu p\u00ebrqasen me ngaz\u00ebllim mir\u00ebqenies komb\u00ebtare. Nga ana e tyre, shtetet komuniste t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Lindore mbivendosen shtete t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies sipas sajesave t\u00eb tyre, dhe shtetet e reja socialiste postkoloniale e pat\u00ebn t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u2019i ndiqnin. Edhe pse i rr\u00ebnuar nga subordinimi gjinor dhe racizmi i tmerrsh\u00ebm, kjo ishte ekonomia politike materialisht m\u00eb egalitare q\u00eb ka par\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb moderniteti. Filozofi Derek Parfit ka pohuar s\u00eb voni se \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ndajm\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtimet tona n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb minimumi t\u00eb ndihm\u00ebs sociale dhe t\u00eb institucionalizojm\u00eb nj\u00eb kufi [tavan] p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket pabarazis\u00eb. T\u00eb fillosh me nj\u00ebr\u00ebn, n\u00eb teori, n\u00eb asnj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb nuk e pengon arritjen e tjetr\u00ebs. Por m\u00ebsimi q\u00eb nxirret prej epok\u00ebs s\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies \u00ebsht\u00eb se beteja p\u00ebr t\u00eb avokuar si minimumin e ndihm\u00ebs sociale ashtu edhe rezultatet m\u00eb t\u00eb barabarta nuk do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet me sekuenca por n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebkohshme, ashtu q\u00eb mos t\u2019i haj\u00eb hakun asnj\u00ebr\u00ebs, me gjith\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsit\u00eb q\u00eb pashmangshm\u00ebrisht paraqiten n\u00eb ndjekjen e t\u00eb dy q\u00ebllimeve.<\/p>\n

Ideali i mir\u00ebqenies asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk ka p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb vet\u00ebm mbrojtjen e t\u00eb dobt\u00ebve. Ai i d\u00ebnon premisat libertariane t\u00eb kapitalizmit t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb n\u00ebnt\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrkrah rolin e shtetit p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyr\u00eb p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb s\u00eb mir\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, qoft\u00eb n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb reform\u00ebs s\u00eb kapitalizmit apo revolucionit komunist, demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb krishter\u00eb apo socializmit shekullar. Konsensusi p\u00ebr ta moderuar dhe ndryshuar (edhe pse kurr\u00eb p\u00ebr ta eliminuar) pabarazin\u00eb e shekullit t\u00eb n\u00ebnt\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb u shfaq p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb tablos\u00eb s\u00eb politikave, q\u00eb prej antitrustit te politikat e taksave, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrmendur nd\u00ebrhyrjen e shtetit n\u00eb prodhimin dhe pron\u00ebsin\u00eb e mjeteve t\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n

Mbase, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb sepse t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut hodh\u00ebn hapin e par\u00eb modest drejt ndihm\u00ebs s\u00eb mjaftueshme sociale, n\u00eb vend se ndonj\u00eb shpres\u00eb t\u00eb madhe e p\u00ebrfundimtare p\u00ebr barazi materiale, se n\u00eb vitet 1940 ato t\u00eb drejta qen\u00eb injoruar ose refuzuar gjer\u00ebsisht, ose ishin trajtuar me ankth, si formulime p\u00ebrfundimtare t\u00eb jet\u00ebs s\u00eb mir\u00eb. Pas s\u00eb gjithash, muhabeti p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat ka qen\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur shpesh p\u00ebr ta kufizuar shtetin, m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa p\u00ebr ta zgjeruar at\u00eb. Kishte prej tyre t\u00eb cil\u00ebt rrezikuan nj\u00eb thirrje p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u2018drejtat sociale\u201d n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e Deklarat\u00ebs Universale. Por ajo thirrje mori kuptim nga rishikimi i madh q\u00eb iu b\u00eb privilegjeve t\u00eb qytetaris\u00eb, si p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb mjaftueshm\u00ebris\u00eb ashtu edhe t\u00eb barazis\u00eb. Edhe Franklin Roosevelt, i cili ofroi \u2018Projektligjin e Dyt\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb Drejtat\u2019 tamam at\u00ebher\u00eb kur Marr\u00ebveshja e Re [New Deal] d\u00ebshtoi n\u00eb vendin e tij krahasimisht m\u00eb libertarian, e rezervoi retorik\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr kushtet adekuate p\u00ebr njeriun e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb por nj\u00eb modikum t\u00eb barazis\u00eb materiale p\u00ebrmes nd\u00ebrprerjes s\u00eb \u201cprivilgjeve speciale p\u00ebr pakic\u00ebn e vog\u00ebl.\u2019<\/p>\n

Edhe pse shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz kishin shpresuar se ato ideale do t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkonin gjith\u00eb globin, shtetit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies i duhej t\u00eb organizohej komb\u00ebtarisht, m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarisht, po qe se do t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndahej \u2013 q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshti t\u00eb theksuar me supozimet e ekonomis\u00eb politike dhe t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut, t\u00eb cilat mbizot\u00ebrojn\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00ebn ton\u00eb. \u00c7dokund n\u00eb bot\u00eb u deklarua dhe u arrit shteti i mir\u00ebqenies n\u00eb nivel komb\u00ebtar. Sigurisht, Deklarata Universale \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr nga burimi dhe forma, por thelb\u00ebsisht si nj\u00eb model p\u00ebr kombet \u2013 \u2018nj\u00eb standard i lart\u00eb i arritjes p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb popujt dhe kombet,\u2019 si\u00e7 shpreh parath\u00ebnia e saj. Mir\u00ebqenia ka qen\u00eb komb\u00ebtare qysh kur doli n\u00eb pah gjat\u00eb kriz\u00ebs mes dy luft\u00ebrave bot\u00ebrore. Qeverisja e ekonomis\u00eb politike u ngrit p\u00ebrtej kombit n\u00eb vitet 1940 vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb shmangies s\u00eb katastrof\u00ebs n\u00eb rast se shtetet e posa\u00e7me d\u00ebshtonin n\u00eb obligimet e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb menaxhuar ekonomit\u00eb e tyre komb\u00ebtare. Kjo nuk ishte asnj\u00ebher\u00eb p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb ndonj\u00eb minimumi global t\u00eb ndihm\u00ebs sociale, e l\u00ebre m\u00eb nj\u00eb tavani global mbi pabarazin\u00eb. Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia fillestare mes Deklarat\u00ebs Universale dhe ekonomis\u00eb politike qe pra nj\u00eb mas\u00eb minimale e garancive p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat duhej t\u00eb orvateshin eksperimentet n\u00eb mir\u00ebqenien komb\u00ebtare. Deklarata e Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara mbi t\u00eb drejtat bashk\u00ebjetonte me nj\u00eb projekt ambicioz egalitar t\u00eb cilin nuk e p\u00ebrmendte.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebrkimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur t\u00eb dy fushatat binjake kund\u00ebr mjerimit dhe p\u00ebr barazin\u00eb pati sukses vet\u00ebm pjes\u00ebrisht, qoft\u00eb duke u matur me shkall\u00ebn e suksesit apo me pjes\u00ebn e popujve t\u00eb bot\u00ebs t\u00eb cil\u00ebt p\u00ebrfitonin nga to. Aty kishte, shpresonin disa, nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi e mir\u00ebq\u00ebnies globalizuese, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkohej minimumi i ndihm\u00ebs sociale dhe tavani mbi pabarazin\u00eb q\u00eb disa prej kombeve e kishin arritur nga brenda. M\u00eb s\u00eb dukshmi, kombet e zhvilluara propozuan nj\u00eb \u2018Rend t\u00eb Ri Ekonomik Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u2019 [New International Economic Order (NIEO)<\/a>] q\u00eb synonte shprehimisht barazin\u00eb globale; kompleti i tyre i propozimeve kishte momentet e fam\u00ebs kur kriza e naft\u00ebs e vitit 1973 ndolli frik\u00ebn se vendet e zhvilluara mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrballeshin me \u00e7mime t\u00eb ngritura p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha mallrat. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj \u2018rendi i ri ekonomik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u2019 i fundamentalizmit t\u00eb tregut triumfoi. Shtetet e mir\u00ebqenies u mor\u00ebn se ishin n\u00eb kriz\u00eb, t\u00eb minuar prej armiqve t\u00eb tyre dhe sukseseve t\u00eb veta, dhe u zgjodh\u00ebn politikan\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt u vun\u00eb n\u00eb pun\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruar konsensusin ideologjik rreth mir\u00ebqenies komb\u00ebtare. Trash\u00ebgimia e NIEO \u00ebsht\u00eb se tash \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur t\u00eb imagjinohet rikthimi n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku padrejt\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb etikisht jorelevante. P\u00ebrndryshe, shpresat u shkat\u00ebrruan dhe u b\u00ebn\u00eb realitet \u00ebndrrat neoliberale p\u00ebr nj\u00eb marketizim global t\u00eb nj\u00eb lloji shum\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Pas viteve 1970, bota e Kreisit iu afrua gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb realizimit t\u00eb saj. Aq sa mund t\u00eb thuhet se mbijetoi nj\u00eb utopi e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, ajo qe globale por minimale, duke b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb mundur q\u00eb t\u00eb qortohen abuzimet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnda shtet\u00ebrore. Kur erdh puna te shp\u00ebrndarja e gj\u00ebrave t\u00eb mira n\u00eb jet\u00eb, \u00ebndrra e ndihm\u00ebs sociale t\u00eb mjaftueshme prosperoi, por u tret \u00e7do p\u00ebrkushtim ndaj politikave kufizuese ndaj pabarazis\u00eb materiale. Barazis\u00eb n\u00eb status iu dha nj\u00eb shtys\u00eb e madhe, duke tejkaluar animet dhe p\u00ebrjashtimet e shtetit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies, mbi baza t\u00eb gjinis\u00eb dhe rac\u00ebs, t\u00eb meta q\u00eb e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb pakthyesh\u00ebm por edhe t\u00eb pad\u00ebshiruesh\u00ebm. T\u00eb drejtat e grave, p\u00ebr shembull, u b\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb njeriut, dhe n\u00ebnshtrimi shum\u00ebfar\u00ebsh u sfidua. Por hierarkia materiale shpesh u ratifikua dhe u fuqizua.<\/p>\n

Cilido q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb qen\u00eb potenciali i saj n\u00eb teori, l\u00ebvizja e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut u adaptua n\u00eb praktik\u00eb ndaj k\u00ebtij ambienti t\u00eb ri. P\u00ebr nj\u00eb gj\u00eb, ideja e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut ndoqi transformimin e ekonomis\u00eb politike n\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje globale. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, aktivist\u00ebt nuk i dhan\u00eb m\u00eb prioritet agjencive t\u00eb shtetit q\u00eb t\u00eb nisin e t\u00eb menaxhojn\u00eb mirq\u00ebnien komb\u00ebtare, por n\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj u mor\u00ebn me t\u00eb drejtat e individ\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb lir\u00eb ndaj dhun\u00ebs dhe q\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqen me nj\u00eb qeveri rudimentare e cila eviton katastrof\u00ebn dhe mjerimin. N\u00eb fush\u00ebn ekonomike, barazia sociale u braktis si t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb ideal. N\u00eb shk\u00ebmbim p\u00ebr kozmopolitanizmin e saj, dhe p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr disa pasigurive fillestare, l\u00ebvizja e re e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut braktisi \u00e7do marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie me egalitarizmin e pasluft\u00ebs, si n\u00eb teori ashtu edhe n\u00eb praktik\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Pavar\u00ebsisht refuzimit t\u00eb hapur q\u00eb Deklarata Universale t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb garanci t\u00eb kushteve t\u00eb mjaftueshm\u00eb kund\u00ebr mjerimeve m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnda t\u00eb tregjeve t\u00eb lira, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia n\u00eb dukje e ngusht\u00eb kronologjike mes t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut dhe neoliberalizmit \u00ebsht\u00eb tunduese. A mundet v\u00ebrtet q\u00eb ngritja e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut n\u00eb statusin e nj\u00eb\u00a0lingua franca<\/em>\u00a0morale t\u00eb mos ket\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb asgj\u00eb me ngritjen e fundamentalizmit t\u00eb tregut, apo t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn me r\u00ebnien e mir\u00ebqenies komb\u00ebtare? P\u00ebrgjigjja k\u00ebrkon navigimin mes atyre q\u00eb pohojn\u00eb se t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut shp\u00ebtojn\u00eb pa gj\u00eb nga akuza se ato e p\u00ebrkrahin fundamentalizmin e tregut dhe atyre marksist\u00ebve t\u00eb cil\u00ebt p\u00ebrgjigjen se t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrmblidhen n\u00eb pak m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkimfalje p\u00ebr t\u00eb. Llogarit\u00eb konspirative t\u00eb cilat i shohin t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut si bashk\u00ebfajtore t\u00eb poshtra t\u00eb ndryshimeve n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb politike globale jan\u00eb jobind\u00ebse, por d\u00ebshtimet e thjeshta dhe kufizimet e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut me gjith\u00eb padrejt\u00ebsin\u00eb materiale nuk jan\u00eb m\u00eb pak shqet\u00ebsuese p\u00ebr to.<\/p>\n

Telashja e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb me t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, kur ato lidhen historikisht me fundamentalizmin e tregut, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se ato e promovojn\u00eb at\u00eb, por se p\u00ebrball\u00eb suksesit t\u00eb tij, ato jan\u00eb joambicioze n\u00eb teori dhe t\u00eb pafrytshme n\u00eb praktik\u00eb. Neoliberalizmi ka ndryshuar bot\u00ebn, p\u00ebrderisa l\u00ebvizja e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut nuk ka paraqitur ndonj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr t\u00eb. Tragjedia e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut \u00ebsht\u00eb se ato kan\u00eb kapluar imagjinat\u00ebn globale por deri m\u00eb tash kan\u00eb kontribuar shum\u00eb pak p\u00ebr t\u2019u mbajtur n\u00eb mend, ve\u00e7 duke pickuar thembrat e gjigantit neoliberal, udha e s\u00eb cilit mbetet e papenguar dhe e parezistuar. Dhe arsyeja kritike se pse t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut kan\u00eb qen\u00eb shoq\u00ebruese kaq t\u00eb pafuqishme t\u00eb fundamentalizmit t\u00eb tregut \u00ebsht\u00eb se ato thjesht nuk kan\u00eb asgj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb rreth pabarazis\u00eb materiale. Brenga kryesore rreth t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se ato shkat\u00ebrrojn\u00eb ndihmat shp\u00ebrndar\u00ebse t\u00eb cilat ato p\u00ebrpiqen t\u2019i sigurojn\u00eb, e as se ato mb\u00ebshtesin \u2018kapitalizmin shkat\u00ebrrimtar\u2019. N\u00eb shum\u00eb vende, k\u00ebto ndihma sociale as q\u00eb kan\u00eb ekzistuar ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb. E kapitalizmi global v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb burimi i vet\u00ebm a kryesor i abuzimeve shtet\u00ebrore. V\u00ebrtet, nuk mohohet se pas viteve 1970, kryesisht duke iu fal\u00ebnderuar marketizimit kinez, shum\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz u nxor\u00ebn nga varf\u00ebria ekstreme \u2013 dhe k\u00ebshtu mbi pragun minimal t\u00eb jetes\u00ebs \u2013 sesa nga cilado forc\u00eb e m\u00ebhershme n\u00eb histori.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fakt, problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb ai t\u00eb cilin e ilustron shembulli i Kreisit. Ambiciet e vogla, si dhe d\u00ebshtimi p\u00ebr t\u2019i realizuar ato, jan\u00eb ato q\u00eb i kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut shoq\u00ebruese t\u00eb fundamentalizmit t\u00eb tregut, ku q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja b\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrparime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn periudh\u00eb. Lidhja ky\u00e7e mes t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut dhe fundamentalizmit t\u00eb tregut \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lidhje e munguar. Tamam sepse revolucioni i t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar me aq vendosm\u00ebri n\u00eb abuzimet e shtetit dhe, at\u00ebher\u00eb kur qen\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti ambicioze, ato u jan\u00eb dedikuar vendosjes s\u00eb garancive p\u00ebr kushte t\u00eb mjaftueshme, ato kan\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar t\u2019i p\u00ebrgjigjen \u2013 apo madje as ta njohin \u2013 zhdukjen e \u00e7do kufiri mbi pabarazin\u00eb t\u00eb neoliberalizmit. T\u00eb drejtat e njeriut kan\u00eb qen\u00eb moraliteti kryesor i koh\u00ebs neoliberale sepse ato ve\u00e7se b\u00ebjn\u00eb thirrje q\u00eb neoliberalizmi t\u00eb jet\u00eb pak m\u00eb njer\u00ebzor.<\/p>\n

Nga kjo nuk rrjedh aspak se aktivizmi i t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut \u00ebsht\u00eb jorelevant, po aq sa nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se nj\u00eb \u00e7eki\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb i pavler\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb kur i nevojitet nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr veg\u00ebl. Stigmatizimi i shteteve dhe komuniteteve t\u00eb cilat d\u00ebshtojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mbrojn\u00eb vlerat bazike \u2013 p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb selektiv dhe nuk p\u00ebrdoret si perde tymi p\u00ebr politikat e fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kontribut q\u00eb s\u2019vihet n\u00eb dyshim. Ngritja e t\u00eb drejtave sociale n\u00eb nj\u00ebzetepes\u00eb vitet e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithsesi me vler\u00eb, pa marr\u00eb parasysh se shumicave e avokuesve dhe shumica e shteteve t\u00eb fuqishme (t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequra nga Shtetet e Bashkuara, t\u00eb cilat i kan\u00eb refuzuar n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi t\u00eb drejtat ekonomike dhe sociale si parime t\u00eb sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar) shkaktojn\u00eb barbarizma dhe shtypje politike p\u00ebr t\u00ebrhequr v\u00ebmendje.\u00a0Edhe at\u00ebher\u00eb kur u kushtohet m\u00eb shum\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi,<\/em>\u00a0megjithat\u00eb, t\u00eb drejtat sociale p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me vendosjen e pragut mbi skamjen, e jo me at\u00eb sesa lart jan\u00eb ngritur t\u00eb pasurit mbi t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Pa dashje, l\u00ebvizja e tashme e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut duket se po i ndihmon Kreisit q\u00eb ta jet\u00ebsoj\u00eb planin e tij. Dikush mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjet se barazia materiale \u00ebsht\u00eb problem q\u00eb duhet ta v\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb dukje dhe ta organizoj\u00eb e zgjidh dikush tjet\u00ebr: nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb detyr\u00eb e nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeje q\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. Bashk\u00ebjetesa e fenomenit t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut me vdekjen e socializmit, sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fakt historik i cili duhet t\u00eb em\u00ebrohet. E p\u00ebr ata aktivist\u00eb dhe avokat\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme kan\u00eb trash\u00ebguar rezervat bot\u00ebrore t\u00eb idealizmit, duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb turpi n\u00eb t\u00eb paturit sukses vet\u00ebm mes rr\u00ebnojave t\u00eb aspirat\u00ebs materialisht egalitare n\u00eb \u00e7do aspekt. Madje, l\u00ebvizja e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut mund t\u00eb rrezikoj\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb duket si aleat i Kreisit \u2013 ajo ka prosperuar p\u00ebrderisa sundimi i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb edhe m\u00eb i fuqish\u00ebm \u2013 po t\u00eb mos angazhohet n\u00eb disidenc\u00eb t\u00eb hapur kund\u00ebr tij, apo n\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn t\u00eb b\u00ebhet bashk\u00ebfajtor\u00eb me ata t\u00eb cil\u00ebt shp\u00ebrthejn\u00eb n\u00eb rebelim t\u00eb hapur. Po qe se l\u00ebvizjet e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut sot t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendroheshin edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb mbi t\u00eb drejta sociale, p\u00ebr shembull, posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht n\u00eb promovimin e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb pun\u00ebs q\u00eb funksiononin si mekanizma t\u00eb fuqizimit kolektiv, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebnte ndryshime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb rezultatet materiale.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb presionit egalitar, \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb e qart\u00eb se asnj\u00ebher\u00eb se t\u00ebrbimi popullist do t\u00eb shp\u00ebrthej\u00eb n\u00eb kombet e pllakosura nga hierarkia n\u00eb rritje dhe amullia materiale. Ngjash\u00ebm, pabarazia e vazhdueshme globale krijon incentiva t\u00eb p\u00ebrhershme p\u00ebr migrim, duke r\u00ebnduar krizat e refugjat\u00ebve dhe duke kthyer mjerimin nga nj\u00eb e keqe strukturore n\u00eb nj\u00eb spektak\u00ebl t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm. P\u00ebrgjigjja e l\u00ebvizjeve p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut ka qen\u00eb dyfishimi i forcave t\u00eb tyre, duke d\u00ebnuar pasojat e pabarazis\u00eb materiale at\u00ebher\u00eb kur ajo \u00e7on n\u00eb katastrof\u00eb politike. Por n\u00ebse ajo nuk e shp\u00ebton vetveten nga miq\u00ebsia paq\u00ebsore me neoliberalizmin, l\u00ebvizja p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut do t\u00eb duket gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb si qet\u00ebsues q\u00eb pranon permanc\u00ebn e s\u00eb keqes s\u00eb rikthyeshme pa u p\u00ebrballur drejtp\u00ebrdrejt me t\u00eb. Popullizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7 nj\u00eb shembull i dinamik\u00ebs s\u00eb injorimit t\u00eb s\u00ebmundjes, vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u2019i denoncuar pastaj simptomat.<\/p>\n

A mundet q\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb e re e ligjit apo e l\u00ebvizjeve p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut t\u00eb kuroj\u00eb bashk\u00ebjetes\u00ebn e tyre me kriz\u00ebn e pabarazis\u00eb materiale? Ka arsye p\u00ebr t\u00eb dyshuar se ato mund ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb duke ndryshuar radikalisht \u2013 p\u00ebr shembull duke u shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb l\u00ebvizje socialiste. Nuk mund t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtohet r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia morale dhe madje edhe suksesi historik i t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut kur \u00ebsht\u00eb fjala te luftimi i shtypjes politike dhe kufizimet e dhun\u00ebs s\u00eb tepruar ose n\u00eb fakt, edhe pse m\u00eb kund\u00ebrth\u00ebnsh\u00ebm, n\u00eb fushatat p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat sociale dhe ekonomike. Por kurdoher\u00eb q\u00eb pabarazia \u00ebsht\u00eb kufizuar, kjo nuk ka ndodhur kurr\u00eb n\u00eb aso far\u00eb bazash individualiste, e shpesh antistatiste [kund\u00ebrshtimi ndaj intervencionizmit t\u00eb shtetit n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje personale, sociale e ekonomike], t\u00eb cilat t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut i ndajn\u00eb me\u00a0Doppelgangerin<\/em>\u00a0e tyre fundamentalist t\u00eb tregut. E kur vjen puna te mobilizimi i p\u00ebrkrahjes p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsi ekonomike, veglat kryesore t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut \u2013 duke luajtur politik\u00eb informacionale p\u00ebr t\u00eb stigmatizuar shtypjet e shteteve apo katastrofat e luft\u00ebs \u2013 jan\u00eb thjesht jo t\u00eb mprehta p\u00ebr p\u00ebrdorim. Kjo pjes\u00ebrisht sepse l\u00ebvizja e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e gatshme p\u00ebr sfid\u00ebn se ka qen\u00eb e d\u00ebnuar t\u00eb mos ofroj\u00eb ndonj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb kuptimplote, e gjithsesi asnj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim serioz, ndaj fundamentalizmit t\u00eb tregut. Te\u00a0Historit\u00eb<\/em>\u00a0e Herodotit, turp\u00ebrimi q\u00eb i b\u00ebn filozofi Solon Kreisit vet\u00ebm sa i l\u00ebndoi mbretit egon. Ishin ushtrit\u00eb persiane ato q\u00eb e rr\u00ebzuan at\u00eb nga froni. E v\u00ebrteta \u00ebsht\u00eb se drejt\u00ebsia lokale dhe globale k\u00ebrkon riformatimin e tregjeve ose t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn rishp\u00ebrndarjen nga t\u00eb pasurit tek t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, di\u00e7ka t\u00eb cil\u00ebn em\u00ebrimi dhe turp\u00ebrimi s\u2019kan\u00eb gjas\u00eb ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb, madje edhe at\u00ebher\u00eb kur ato plot\u00ebsohen nga forma fisnike t\u00eb aktivizmit ligjor.<\/p>\n

Jo se neoliberalizmi hoqi qafe shtetin \u2013 larg nga kjo. Por q\u00eb prej jakobin\u00ebve e k\u00ebtej, nj\u00eb lloj shum\u00eb i ndrysh\u00ebm shteti prej atij t\u00eb cilin e kishte v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb jet\u00eb, erdhi ta mbizot\u00ebronte imagjinat\u00ebn, n\u00ebn petkun e shp\u00ebtimtarit t\u00eb popullit, duke joshur adhurimin dhe vet\u00ebflijimin e tij. Si liberalizmi, ashtu edhe t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut varen nga shteti. Por ndjekja pas e t\u00eb drejtave ekonomike e sociale nuk ka b\u00ebr\u00eb asgj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar kapacitetet shtet\u00ebrore p\u00ebr t\u2019i arritur ato e as t\u00eb ushqej\u00eb vullnetin p\u00ebr to. N\u00eb tradit\u00ebn alternative t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies, q\u00eb kombinonte synimet e majftueshm\u00ebris\u00eb dhe barazis\u00eb, qe shteti i fort\u00eb \u2013 i nd\u00ebrtuar me kapacitete nd\u00ebrhyr\u00ebse [intervencioniste], i financuar nga taksa t\u00eb larta, dhe i zoti q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrdor zellin e popullit \u2013 ai i cili sh\u00ebrbente si fuqi barazuese. Barazia nuk u arrit asnj\u00ebher\u00eb duke stigmatizuar qeverisjen, por duke pasur entuziaz\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb, madje edhe devotshm\u00ebri. Para se t\u00eb vdiste Rregulli i Ri Ekonomik Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, l\u00ebvizja p\u00ebr barazi globale ishte qeveritare m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa joqeveritare, p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb reja m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa ve\u00e7 stigmatizimit t\u00eb atyre ekzistuese. Mir\u00ebqenia globale do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin p\u00ebrkushtim emocional ndaj kapacitetit qeveritar, q\u00eb ngjitet qysh prej avatarit t\u00eb saj n\u00eb mir\u00ebqenien komb\u00ebtare e deri lart n\u00eb sken\u00ebn bot\u00ebrore. Kreisi, ashtu si l\u00ebvizja p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb se nuk ka sesi t\u00eb shkohet shtet m\u00eb shtet pa pasur n\u00eb mendje t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn. Problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb se asnj\u00ebra nuk adopton barazin\u00eb n\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarje [distribuimin e pasuris\u00eb] si norm\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqshme.<\/p>\n

Por ka nj\u00eb arsye edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb sesa marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia e saj ngurruese me mendimin programatik dhe fuqin\u00eb e shtetit, p\u00ebr t\u00eb besuar se l\u00ebvizja p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut nuk mund ta p\u00ebr\u00e7aj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb e saj me neoliberalizmin thjesht duke e p\u00ebrqendruar te barazia. Edhe m\u00eb shqet\u00ebsues \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti se nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb rast\u00ebsi q\u00eb epoka e barazis\u00eb relative materiale n\u00eb mes t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb nj\u00ebzet\u00eb qe gjithashtu koh\u00eb e regjimeve totalitare dhe e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb, q\u00eb shkaktuan d\u00ebme t\u00eb tmerrshme n\u00eb bot\u00eb. Mir\u00ebqenia komb\u00ebtare ngriti nj\u00eb minimum t\u00eb ndihm\u00ebs sociale dhe nj\u00eb tavan mbi pabarazin\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb prani t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve t\u00eb frikshme t\u00eb brendshme dhe t\u00eb jashtme \u2013 nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje pun\u00ebtore me nam dhe e mirorganizuar dhe nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim komunist n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, sado i zmadhuar n\u00eb p\u00ebrmasat e tij. Si p\u00ebrgjigje ndaj k\u00ebtyre rreziqeve, ndryshimi erdh duke iu fal\u00ebnderuar asaj q\u00eb Pierre Rosanvallon e ka quajtur \u2018reformiz\u00ebm t\u00eb frik\u00ebs\u2019. Qeverisja u zgjerua p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar barazin\u00eb materiale, sepse shteti u pa si m\u00eb pak i friksh\u00ebm sesa k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet t\u00eb cilat ve\u00e7se mund t\u2019i largonte. P\u00ebr kontrast, at\u00ebher\u00eb kur l\u00ebvizja p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut ka qen\u00eb m\u00eb frym\u00ebzuese, ajo stigmatizoi shtypjen dhe dhun\u00ebn qeveritare, por asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk ofroi nj\u00eb z\u00ebv\u00ebnd\u00ebsim funksional p\u00ebr sensin e frik\u00ebs q\u00eb \u00e7oi te minimumi i ndihm\u00ebs sociale dhe rishp\u00ebrndarja p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb kishin mbetur gjall\u00eb nga tmerret e shekullit t\u00eb nj\u00ebzet\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb \u00ebndrra e mir\u00ebqenies do t\u00eb shp\u00ebrngulet nga sfera e ideales, aty ku tash p\u00ebr tash \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb ekzil, asaj do t\u2019i duhet q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahet jo ve\u00e7 si program por gjithashtu nga nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje. Por ajo nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb pamjen si t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeve tona p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut. Mbi t\u00eb gjitha, asaj do t\u2019i duhet q\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb detyr\u00ebn e qeverisjes, lokale dhe globale, e jo vet\u00ebm detyr\u00ebn e kritik\u00ebs. Ajo do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb aq e frikshme sa t\u00eb nxis\u00eb ujdit\u00eb sociale q\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrte shteti i mir\u00ebqenies me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb realizimit t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb materiale, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos paguaj\u00eb \u00e7mimet e llahtarshme t\u00eb konfliktit t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb nj\u00ebzet\u00eb. Koha e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut ka pasur p\u00ebrfshirje m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb komb\u00ebtare sociale, posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr grat\u00eb, dhe cilitdo program dhe l\u00ebvizjeje t\u00eb re, do t\u2019i duhet q\u00eb t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb dhe t\u00eb zmadhoj\u00eb ato p\u00ebrfitime. S\u00eb fundmi, kjo do duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb shkall\u00eb globale. N\u00eb baza morale, t\u00eb pasurit n\u00eb bot\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej q\u00eb t\u00eb ruanin veten prej identifikimit t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb me qeniet njer\u00ebzore vet\u00ebm at\u00ebher\u00eb kur jet\u00ebt e tyre rrezikohen n\u00eb zhvendosjen, skamjen dhe dhun\u00ebn m\u00eb spektakolare. Deri tash, nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb globale e mir\u00ebqenies vet\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb imagjinuar e jo institucionalizuar. Prandaj, detyra jon\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e thjesht\u00eb. N\u00eb fakt, ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb e frikshme deri n\u00eb ekstrem.<\/p>\n

Por nuk ka arsye t\u00eb mendohet se barazia materiale varet domosdoshm\u00ebrisht o nga p\u00ebrjashtimi o nga dhuna, apo sikur nj\u00eb program i vendosur p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb jet\u00eb hi\u00e7 m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr n\u00eb diell. P\u00ebr nj\u00eb gjenerat\u00eb, ka qen\u00eb e zakonshme t\u00eb mendohet se t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut jan\u00eb mburoja thelb\u00ebsore kund\u00ebr mizoris\u00eb dhe keqqeverisjes, dhe askush s\u2019duhet q\u00eb ta banalizoj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e tyre. Megjithat\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb koha q\u00eb t\u00eb rim\u00ebsohet zgjedhja m\u00eb e vjet\u00ebr e m\u00eb madh\u00ebshtore mes socializmit dhe barbarizmit, dhe t\u00eb lart\u00ebsohet n\u00eb projektin global q\u00eb rall\u00eb ka qen\u00eb, por q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhet. Bota e t\u00eb drejtave dhe nevojave themelore e Kreisit, q\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushen p\u00ebrderisa ka pabarazi t\u00eb vazhdueshme e madje edhe eskaluese, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm e pamoralshme. \u00c7do dit\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb e qart\u00eb se ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb e destinuar q\u00eb t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrohet.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb drejtat e njeriut dol\u00ebn n\u00eb pah si moraliteti m\u00eb i lart\u00eb i nj\u00eb bote t\u00eb pabarabart\u00eb, n\u00ebn rrethana neoliberale t\u00eb cilat partizan\u00ebt e tyre u munduan t\u2019i humanizojn\u00eb, vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr ta par\u00eb vetveten t\u00eb akuzuar si bashk\u00ebfajtor\u00eb me t\u00eb. Aktivist\u00ebt e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut nuk duhet ta d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb at\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, edhe po qe se vendosin se roli i tyre nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb flasin p\u00ebr barazin\u00eb. M\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja, audienca e tyre nuk duhet t\u00eb besoj\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut jan\u00eb t\u00eb vetmet apo \u00e7el\u00ebsat kryesor\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb hapur port\u00ebn e t\u00eb ardhmes s\u00eb bot\u00ebs. T\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut do t\u2019u kthehet r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e tyre vet\u00ebm at\u00ebher\u00eb kur njer\u00ebzimi ta ket\u00eb shp\u00ebtuar veten nga ambiciet e saj t\u00eb vogla. Me at\u00eb rast, p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies lokale dhe globale, mjaftueshm\u00ebria dhe barazia mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhen p\u00ebrs\u00ebri shoq\u00ebruese t\u00eb fuqishme, si n\u00eb jet\u00ebt tona morale ashtu edhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet tona politike.<\/p>\n

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__________________<\/p>\n

Samuel Moyn \u00ebsht ligj\u00ebrues i juridikut dhe historis\u00eb n\u00eb Yale University. Libri i tij i ri Jo Mjaftuesh\u00ebm: T\u00eb Drejtat e Njeriut n\u00eb nj\u00eb Bot\u00eb t\u00eb Pabarabart\u00eb [Not Enough: Human Rights in an Unequal World] do t\u00eb botohet vitin tjet\u00ebr nga Harvard University Press<\/em><\/p>\n

_________________<\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal<\/a><\/p>\n

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Me gjith\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e tyre, t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb pafrytshme p\u00ebrball\u00eb fundamentalizmit t\u00eb tregut, shkruan historian Samuel Moyn. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb konfrontojn\u00eb pabarazin\u00eb materiale, t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut duhet ta tejkalojn\u00eb origjin\u00ebn e tyre individualiste dhe antistatiste. Deklarata Universale mes shtetit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies dhe globalizimit neoliberal Paramendoni sikur nj\u00eb njeri t\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":596,"featured_media":11869,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[2267],"class_list":["post-4151","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"authors":[{"term_id":2267,"user_id":596,"is_guest":0,"slug":"samuel-moyn","display_name":"Samuel Moyn","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/c8bcf21ee5dd54d7e60fe8c55627811d59d89cf4-400x400-1-scaled.avif","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/c8bcf21ee5dd54d7e60fe8c55627811d59d89cf4-400x400-1-scaled.avif"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Moyn","first_name":"Samuel","description":"Samuel Moyn is the Kent Professor of Law and History at Yale University, where he also serves as head of Grace Hopper College."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4151","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/596"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4151"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4151\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11870,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4151\/revisions\/11870"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11869"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4151"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4151"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4151"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4151"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}