{"id":4161,"date":"2018-01-03T12:20:43","date_gmt":"2018-01-03T10:20:43","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4161"},"modified":"2025-01-10T12:40:26","modified_gmt":"2025-01-10T10:40:26","slug":"shtepia-e-pasigurt-europiane","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/shtepia-e-pasigurt-europiane\/","title":{"rendered":"Sht\u00ebpia e pasigurt europiane"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Refugjat\u00ebt vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb vijn\u00eb dhe ksenofobia vazhdon t\u00eb intensifikohet. A mund t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb multikulturalizmi n\u00eb Europ\u00eb?<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Dimrin e kaluar, marshi i ksenofobis\u00eb publike dhe politike dukej i paepur, i udh\u00ebhequr nga lider\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt shfryheshin ndaj imigrant\u00ebve duke u th\u00ebn\u00eb kriminel\u00eb, p\u00ebrdh\u00ebnues apo pushtues, dhe vende t\u00eb t\u00ebra q\u00eb zgjedhnin lloje ogurzeza t\u00eb nacionalizmit me nuanca nostalgjike. Por gjith\u00eb k\u00ebsaj dukej se po i vinte fundi me zgjedhjet franceze. N\u00eb maj, votuesit francez\u00eb mposht\u00ebn me vendosm\u00ebri t\u00eb djatht\u00ebn esktreme, duke zgjedhur n\u00eb vend t\u00eb saj, nj\u00eb model t\u00eb fresk\u00ebt centrist t\u00eb kall\u00ebpit t\u00eb Tony Blairit.<\/p>\n

At\u00ebkoh\u00eb un\u00eb po raportoja nga Parisi. Qyteti mbante frym\u00ebn nd\u00ebrsa spiker\u00ebt shihnin or\u00ebn dhe prisnin q\u00eb t\u00eb shpallnin rezultatet. Kur m\u00eb n\u00eb fund ekran\u00ebt n\u00ebp\u00ebr dhoma ndeje dhe bare treguan lajmin p\u00ebr fitoren bind\u00ebse t\u00eb Emmanuel Macronit, nj\u00eb brohorim\u00eb e madhe p\u00ebrshkoi rrug\u00ebt si t\u00eb ishte bubullim\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Pastaj erdh\u00ebn zgjedhjet gjermane dhe austriake. Partia haptazi ksenofobe Alternativa p\u00ebr Gjermanin\u00eb [Alternative fur Deutschlan<\/em>d] (AfD) krijoi spote zgjedhore t\u00eb stolisura me islamofobi zhurm\u00ebmadhe dhe nuk e mbajti t\u00eb fshehur lundrimin mbi val\u00ebt e zem\u00ebrimit kundrejt politikave krah\u00ebhapura t\u00eb imigracionit t\u00eb kancelares Angela Merkel. AfDja u fut n\u00eb Bundestagun gjerman p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb \u2013 si partia e tret\u00eb m\u00eb e madhe n\u00eb Gjermani.<\/p>\n

Dhe n\u00eb mesin e tetorit, austriak\u00ebt zgjodh\u00ebn p\u00ebr kancelar 31 vje\u00e7arin Sebastian Kurz. Kurz u b\u00eb fytyra e re e Partis\u00eb s\u00eb Popullit dhe ai adoptoi e ristrukturoi skepticizmin p\u00ebr imigracionin e t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme Parti t\u00eb Liris\u00eb \u2013 e djathta ekstreme madje u ankua se ai u kishte vjedhur idet\u00eb \u2013 dhe predikoi p\u00ebr zvog\u00eblimin e shtetit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies.<\/p>\n

Ato qen\u00eb zgjedhje brengos\u00ebse: Dy vende sapo kishin rr\u00ebshqitur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb larg prej kultur\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre politike centriste e liberale drejt s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs. K\u00ebto rezultate zgjedhore nuk do t\u00eb ishin befasuese p\u00ebr Sasha Polakow-Suranskyn, i cili ekzaminon reagimin e ashp\u00ebr ndaj imigracionit n\u00eb librin e tij t\u00eb ri\u00a0Kthehu Andej nga Ke Ardhur [Go Back to Where You Came From<\/a>.<\/em>] \u201cK\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi m\u00eb i madh ndaj demokracive liberale nuk vjen nga imigracioni dhe refugjat\u00ebt,\u201d shkruan ai, \u201cpor nga reagimi i ashp\u00ebr kund\u00ebr tyre prej asosh q\u00eb jan\u00eb p\u00ebrbrenda, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt shfryt\u00ebzojn\u00eb frik\u00ebn e t\u00eb huajve p\u00ebr t\u00eb cifluar vlerat dhe institucionet q\u00eb i b\u00ebjn\u00eb liberale shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb tona.\u201d<\/p>\n

Polakow-Suransky p\u00ebrshkoi globin p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkruar k\u00ebt\u00eb lib\u00ebr mbres\u00ebl\u00ebn\u00ebs q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shkruar para se francez\u00ebt t\u00eb shkonin n\u00eb zgjedhje, duke ndjekur pishtar\u00ebt e ksenofobis\u00eb dhe sentimentit kund\u00ebr imigracionit n\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb grafikuar ngritjen e t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs esktreme dhe t\u00eb politikave e filozofive joliberale, t\u00eb frym\u00ebzuara prej s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme n\u00eb Danimark\u00eb, Franc\u00eb, Afrik\u00eb t\u00eb Jugut, Australi dhe Gjermani. Ajo q\u00eb ai ofron me k\u00ebt\u00eb vep\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tablo e hulumtuar n\u00eb thell\u00ebsin\u00eb e nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeje dhe zhvendosjeje t\u00eb masave njer\u00ebzore \u2013 dhe nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrplasje politike e shoq\u00ebrore ndaj ndryshimeve demografike po aq historike.<\/p>\n

Polakow-Suransky argumenton se nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e mjaftueshme q\u00eb thjesht t\u00eb refuzohen aty p\u00ebr aty pik\u00ebpamjet populliste si raciste, ksenofobike, apo islamofobike. Ata prej nesh q\u00eb duam t\u00eb mbrojm\u00eb liberalizmin e pasluft\u00ebs dhe shtetin modern t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrmendur iden\u00eb e vet demokracis\u00eb, duhet q\u00eb s\u00eb pari t\u00eb mir\u00ebkuptojm\u00eb se prej nga vijn\u00eb k\u00ebto ide, kush i p\u00ebrkrah ato, dhe pse. Gjithashtu, ngulmon ai, ne duhet t\u00eb gatitemi p\u00ebr ato parti t\u00eb cilat shfryt\u00ebzojn\u00eb sistemet tona liberale demokratike p\u00ebr t\u00eb avancuar ide joliberale, p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb zgjohemi e mos t\u00eb njohim vetveten.<\/p>\n

Shko Andej nga Ke Ardhur<\/em>\u00a0fillon n\u00eb 2015 dhe raporton kryesisht p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb vitit 2016 (dhe plot\u00ebsohet p\u00ebr t\u00eb reflektuar mbi rezultatet zgjedhore n\u00eb Franc\u00eb; k\u00ebsaj do t\u2019i kthehem pas pak). Libri nis me sulmet e tmerrshme terroriste t\u00eb n\u00ebntorit 2015, t\u00eb cilat vran\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 100 njer\u00ebz n\u00eb klubin e nat\u00ebs Bataclan dhe n\u00eb kafet\u00eb p\u00ebrqark n\u00eb Paris; dhe vazhdimisht kthehet pas te brengat rreth terrorit si nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shqyrtuar reagimet ndaj t\u00eb huajve n\u00eb komunitete t\u00eb tronditura si nga nj\u00eb rritje e paqart\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsimeve n\u00eb siguri, ashtu edhe nga ankthi n\u00eb rritje rreth nj\u00eb sensi t\u00eb identitetit t\u00eb brisht\u00eb europian.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb kjo pyetja e fundit \u2013 identiteti i brisht\u00eb i vend\u00ebsve europian\u00eb, amerikan\u00eb, dhe per\u00ebndimor\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb \u2013 t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ky lib\u00ebr e heton m\u00eb s\u00eb thelli. Por mbi t\u00eb gjitha, \u00e7\u2019do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb jesh europian? Ose australian, a amerikan, meq\u00eb ra fjala? A b\u00ebhet i mundur identiteti p\u00ebrmes p\u00ebrjashtimit? Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, a p\u00ebrkufizohemi p\u00ebrmes asaj \u00e7far\u00eb nuk jemi? A krijon lojalitet t\u00eb qenit i lindur n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb caktuar? Ose a ka ndonj\u00eb t\u00ebrheqje themeltare prapa, drejt nj\u00eb \u201cvendlindjeje\u201d mitike, madje edhe p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00eb t\u00eb gjenerat\u00ebs s\u00eb dyt\u00eb e t\u00eb tret\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nuk i kan\u00eb vizituar ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb ato brigje? Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pyetje si p\u00ebr ato vende q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb atdhe p\u00ebr imigrant\u00ebt (Shtetet e Bashkuara, Australia) ashtu edhe p\u00ebr vendet europiane q\u00eb sapo kan\u00eb filluar t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtaten me t\u00eb tashmen e re shum\u00ebkulturore.<\/p>\n

Polakow-Suransky mendon se rregullat e loj\u00ebs kan\u00eb ndryshuar p\u00ebr t\u2019iu p\u00ebrshtatur shoq\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb bardh\u00eb judeokristiane t\u00eb bazuar mbi ankthin rreth imingracionit, n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, dhe Islamit m\u00eb n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti. Ai, p\u00ebr shembull, gjen hipokrizi tek argumenti rreth shenjt\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb\u00a0la\u00efcit\u00e9<\/em>\u00a0\u00a0francez \u2013 ai shekullaritet militant v\u00ebshtir\u00eb i p\u00ebrkthyer, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shenj\u00eb dalluese nj\u00ebshekullore e politik\u00ebs dhe identitetit francez, por e cila duket se, shkruan ai, e ve\u00e7on islamin si posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht t\u00eb d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr kultur\u00ebn franceze. Ai t\u00ebrheq v\u00ebmendjen ndaj debateve rreth \u201cburkinit,\u201d rroba modeste p\u00ebr larje q\u00eb vishen nga disa gra myslimane t\u00eb cilat, ver\u00ebn e kaluar, u b\u00ebn\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht kund\u00ebrth\u00ebn\u00ebse n\u00eb Franc\u00eb.<\/p>\n

\u201cNj\u00eb mark\u00eb n\u00eb dukje neutrale e shekullarizimit,\u201d v\u00ebren ai, \u201cpo i imponohet me agresivitet nj\u00eb grupi dhe po trumbetohet nga zyrtar\u00eb publik\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt d\u00ebnojn\u00eb nj\u00ebz\u00ebri grat\u00eb fetare q\u00eb veshin rroba modeste p\u00ebr larje nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, festojn\u00eb festat katolike.\u201d Ai iu flet atyre q\u00eb shqet\u00ebsohen se refuzimi i p\u00ebrjetuar nga mysliman\u00ebt e rinj n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti \u2013 t\u00eb lindur e t\u00eb rritur n\u00eb Europ\u00eb \u2013 e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb radikalizmin edhe m\u00eb josh\u00ebs. Ai p\u00ebrfshin nj\u00eb fjali t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr, n\u00eb fillim, p\u00ebr afer\u00ebn e famshme rreth shamis\u00eb m\u00eb 1989 e cila ndezi nj\u00eb debat rreth vajzave me hixhab n\u00eb shkollat publike. U gjeta duke pasur d\u00ebshir\u00eb q\u00eb ai t\u00eb ndalonte aty dhe t\u00eb merrte m\u00eb shum\u00eb koh\u00eb rreth asaj sesi manifestimi publik i identitetit fetar, i par\u00eb si n\u00eb konflikt t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb me la\u00efcit\u00e9, \u00ebsht\u00eb rishfaqur gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb tep\u00ebr p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb tre dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit. Do t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb interesante p\u00ebr t\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb gjente, p\u00ebr shembull, nj\u00ebr\u00ebn nga vajzat q\u00eb kishin marshuar n\u00eb rrug\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2004, kur shamia u ndalua n\u00eb shkollat publike, dhe t\u00eb shihte sesi kishte ndikuar n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e saj n\u00eb vazhdim. Burkini \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb storie e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr mediat, por \u00ebsht\u00eb ndalesa e hixhabit ajo q\u00eb ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb barr\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00eb mbi grat\u00eb t\u00eb cilat donin t\u2019u p\u00ebrmbaheshin si parimeve fetare, gjithashtu edhe identitetit t\u00eb tyre francez. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, autori do t\u00eb kishte mundur t\u00eb shtrihej edhe m\u00eb p\u00ebrpara n\u00eb koh\u00eb, e jo ve\u00e7 n\u00eb k\u00ebto vitet e fundit, dhe k\u00ebshtu t\u00eb na jepte nj\u00eb rrjet\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn do t\u00eb bazonte gjetjet e tij, duke marr\u00eb parasysh momentin n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin gjendemi.<\/p>\n

Natyrisht, ksenofobia i paraprin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb refugjat\u00ebve t\u00eb vitit 2015, por Polakow-Suransky v\u00ebren se nj\u00eb imigracion aq i shpejt\u00eb r\u00ebndon frik\u00ebn ndaj t\u00eb sapoardhurve dhe t\u00eb huajve, duke e p\u00ebrshpejtuar rritjen n\u00eb propozime t\u00eb politikave jodemokratike. Problemi global, shpjegon ai, \u00ebsht\u00eb komplikuar meq\u00eb sulmet terroriste kan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb frytin e d\u00ebshiruar: rritjen e ankthit rreth terrorit. Ajo frik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb l\u00ebmsh me shqet\u00ebsimet e thella rreth prurjeve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve (edhe pse refugjat\u00ebt dhe emigrant\u00ebt nuk jan\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi i v\u00ebrtet p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb). Ky kombimin ka t\u00ebrhequr t\u00eb menduarit dikur t\u00eb margjinalizuar t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme n\u00eb rrjedhat publike, duke ndryshuar debatin politik, dhe duke lejuar parti dikur t\u00eb shmangura q\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb shansin p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb frenat n\u00eb dor\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Demokracit\u00eb liberale, posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht ato n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, po p\u00ebrballen me pyetje t\u00eb st\u00ebrm\u00ebdha rreth asaj sesi t\u00eb mbesin shoq\u00ebri humane, si t\u00eb adresojn\u00eb nevojat e milionave q\u00eb po i ikin luft\u00ebs e persekutimit, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb gjithashtu t\u00eb integrojn\u00eb me sukses kultura dhe popuj nga prapavija ekonomike e kulturore shum\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb po ashtu \u00e7\u00ebshtje numrash: Sa refugjat\u00eb, azilk\u00ebrkues, apo emigrant\u00eb mund t\u00eb thith\u00eb realisht nj\u00eb vend? A \u00ebsht\u00eb ky num\u00ebr q\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktohet nga resurset? Apo nga nj\u00eb sens i mjegullt i parehatis\u00eb kolektive? \u00c7far\u00eb e b\u00ebn m\u00eb humane nj\u00eb politik\u00eb imigracioni? \u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb e r\u00ebndon sistemin dhe provokon k\u00ebshtu ngritjen jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb partive politike t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme, por edhe grupeve vullnetare t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme, sikurse djathtist\u00ebt ekstrem\u00eb q\u00eb vet\u00ebquhen \u201cidentitarian\u00eb\u201d? Ishte k\u00ebt\u00eb ver\u00eb, q\u00eb ky grup drejtoi anijen e tyre drejt Mesdheut n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndaluar OJQ-t\u00eb q\u00eb shp\u00ebtonin anijet me emigrant\u00eb q\u00eb po mbyteshin n\u00eb det, dhe t\u00eb pengonin sjelljen e tyre n\u00eb brigjet europiane.<\/p>\n

Vet numri i azilk\u00ebrkuesve zhurmues n\u00eb dy vitet e fundit ka sfiduar me ashp\u00ebrsi identitetin e Europ\u00ebs s\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs. Gjermania pranoi 890,000 azilk\u00ebrkues m\u00eb 2015, Austria mori rreth 90,000. K\u00ebt\u00eb qershor, Italia u p\u00ebrmbyt m\u00eb refugjat\u00eb, kur vet\u00ebm at\u00eb muaj mb\u00ebrrit\u00ebn rreth 20,000 sosh; n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment, Roma madje u p\u00ebrpoq q\u00eb t\u00eb mbyllte portet e saj jugore.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebt pas Holokaustit, Europa ka pasur problem t\u00eb kuptonte identitetin e saj, dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien e saj me t\u00eb huajt. N\u00eb teori, ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb mikprit\u00ebse. Por Polakow-Suransky \u2013 pasardh\u00ebs refugjat\u00ebsh hebrenj, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt u arratis\u00ebn nga k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi nazist, sikurse edhe un\u00eb \u2013 argumenton se ai qilim mikprit\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shtruar asnj\u00ebher\u00eb p\u00ebr emigrant\u00ebt mysliman\u00eb, t\u00eb par\u00ebt prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve erdh\u00ebn n\u00eb Europ\u00eb n\u00eb mas\u00eb n\u00eb mes t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar ose si pun\u00ebtor\u00eb (n\u00eb Gjermani, Franc\u00eb, dhe Danimark\u00eb, mes vendesh tjera) ose p\u00ebr t\u2019i ikur implozionit postkolonial t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrive t\u00eb tyre (si algjerian\u00ebt, maroken\u00ebt, dhe tunizian\u00ebt q\u00eb l\u00ebviz\u00ebn drejt Franc\u00ebs). Dhe n\u00eb asnj\u00ebrin rast ata nuk u integruan me sukses, e as u pan\u00eb si t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht gjerman\u00eb, danez\u00eb a francez\u00eb. Por ai argumenton se ishte fluksi n\u00eb mas\u00eb i vitit 2015 i cili, v\u00ebrtet dhe me forc\u00eb, e sfidoi Europ\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb merrte parasysh sesi do t\u00eb dukej e ardhmja. P\u00ebr Gjermanin\u00eb, v\u00ebren ai, kjo filloi me nj\u00eb cic\u00ebrim\u00eb t\u00eb vetme nga qeveria n\u00eb gusht t\u00eb vitit 2015 q\u00eb pranonte se Gjermania nuk do t\u00eb zbatonte m\u00eb rregullin e \u201cDublinit\u201d p\u00ebr refugjat\u00ebt sirian\u00eb. Ajo referenc\u00eb e mjegullt, n\u00eb fakt ndryshoi gjith\u00e7ka, shkruan ai. Rregulla e Dublinit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rresht i vet\u00ebm n\u00eb amendamentin kushtetues gjerman t\u00eb vitit 1993 q\u00eb krijoi me kujdes nj\u00eb zbraz\u00ebti p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur Gjermanin\u00eb nga emigrimi n\u00eb mas\u00eb: n\u00ebse nj\u00eb azilk\u00ebrkues do t\u00eb kalonte s\u00eb pari p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb vendi t\u00eb tret\u00eb (t\u00eb sigurt), atij ose asaj do t\u2019i duhej t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte azil aty. Kjo n\u00ebnkuptonte q\u00eb aplikimet p\u00ebr azil i refuzoheshin automatikisht secilit q\u00eb nuk arrinte s\u00eb pari n\u00eb Gjermani. Q\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte se p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb azilin duhet t\u00eb\u00a0vije aty me aeroplan.<\/em><\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 mund t\u00eb imagjinohet, kjo do t\u00eb thoshte se rrall\u00ebkush kualifikohej. Suspendimi i asaj ndalese hoqi nj\u00eb tap\u00eb. Nj\u00eb milion refugjat\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimisht erdh\u00ebn n\u00eb Gjermani n\u00ebn rregullat e reja; nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, ambienti politik gjerman nd\u00ebrroi si reaksion ndaj atij fluksi. P\u00ebrderisa imazhet e t\u00eb sapoardhurve dominuan mediat, prapa skenave, se\u00e7 kishte nj\u00eb kund\u00ebr-reaksion \u2013 ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht pas nj\u00eb serie sulmesh seksuale p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb nat\u00ebs s\u00eb vitit t\u00eb ri 2015-16, dhe nj\u00eb sulmi terrorist n\u00eb nj\u00eb treg krishtlindjesh gjat\u00eb dhjetorit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Polakow-Suransky, nj\u00eb ish redaktor i The New York Times, ka b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb hulumtim mbres\u00ebl\u00ebn\u00ebs n\u00eb terren. Shko Andej nga Ke Ardhur \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i miri at\u00ebher\u00eb kur d\u00ebgjojm\u00eb nga vet\u00eb emigrant\u00ebt, sikur ato t\u00eb cil\u00ebt e gjejn\u00eb vet\u00ebn n\u00eb m\u00ebshir\u00ebn e politikave drakoniane kund\u00ebr emigracionit n\u00eb Australi. K\u00ebta refugjat\u00eb p\u00ebrjetuan kampe t\u00eb tmerrshme t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrimit n\u00eb Ishullin Nauru, nj\u00eb ishull i vock\u00ebl malarik, t\u00eb cilit i mungonin gati t\u00eb gjitha sh\u00ebrbimet themeltare.<\/p>\n

\u201cPun\u00ebtor\u00ebt sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor\u00eb dhe t\u00eb burgosurit aty kan\u00eb dokumentuar dhe raportuar dhjet\u00ebra raste p\u00ebrdhunimi t\u00eb grave, roje q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb favore seksuale, mohime t\u00eb p\u00ebrkujdesjes mjek\u00ebsore, dhe incidente t\u00eb panum\u00ebrta t\u00eb vet\u00ebd\u00ebmtimit, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb t\u00eb burgosur provuan t\u00eb varen apo t\u00eb prejn\u00eb venat,\u201d shkruan ai p\u00ebr Naurun. \u201cNj\u00eb azilk\u00ebrkues derdhi gazolin\u00eb mbi vete dhe u dogj deri n\u00eb vdekje, dhe t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt i qep\u00ebn buz\u00ebt e tyre s\u00eb bashku n\u00eb protest\u00eb.\u201d Ai gjithashtu udh\u00ebton p\u00ebr n\u00eb Kalle [Calais], qytetin verior francez buz\u00eb detit mes Franc\u00ebs dhe Britanis\u00eb, i cili u b\u00eb i njohur p\u00ebr \u201cxhungl\u00ebn,\u201d nj\u00eb bot\u00eb e njer\u00ebzimit t\u00eb kurthuar p\u00ebrreth nj\u00eb grumbulli t\u00eb shtrir\u00eb t\u00eb kodrave me ran\u00eb t\u00eb mbytura n\u00eb b\u00ebrllok, t\u00eb mbushur me njer\u00ebz n\u00eb hall p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur nj\u00eb vend n\u00eb kontinentin europian, t\u00eb padashur pothuajse nga askush. Kam lexuar plot gj\u00ebra p\u00ebr Kallen\u00eb n\u00eb vitet e fundit, por ky p\u00ebrshkrim m\u00eb drodhi gjoksin: \u201cN\u00eb nj\u00eb vizit\u00eb gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb pasditeje t\u00eb err\u00ebt e t\u00eb stuhishme prilli m\u00eb 2016,\u201d shkruan ai, \u201cnj\u00eb grup tet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebsh m\u00eb \u00e7oi n\u00eb thell\u00ebsi t\u00eb kampit. Kur u ofrova sheqerka, ata refuzuan dhe b\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb gisht drejt dh\u00ebmb\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb prishur. Ata s\u2019donin \u00e7okollata, m\u00eb than\u00eb; donin rroba.\u201d N\u00eb shkurt t\u00eb vitit 2016, gjysma e kampit t\u00eb Kalles\u00eb u shemb nga policia, q\u00eb la n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb ve\u00e7 nja dy struktura t\u00eb b\u00ebra me kompensat\u00eb, qese plastike dhe letra bitumi\u201d dhe nj\u00ebfar\u00eb shkolle po aq t\u00eb paq\u00ebndrueshme. Ushqimi gatuhej n\u00eb zjarr e n\u00eb qiell t\u00eb hapur.<\/p>\n

Autori gjithashtu b\u00ebn t\u00eb mundur q\u00eb disa prej udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve m\u00eb t\u00eb flakt\u00eb kund\u00ebr emigracionit t\u00eb flasin p\u00ebr veten e tyre. Edhe m\u00eb interesante \u00ebsht\u00eb se ai gjen filozof\u00ebt t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ngjeshin besimet e kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve t\u00eb emigracionit se Europa nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm plot\u00ebsisht e mbushur p\u00ebr nga kapaciteti, por \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rrezik t\u00eb humbjes s\u00eb vet\u00eb thelbit t\u00eb saj. Ata q\u00eb flasin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kontinent n\u00ebn rrethim, shpesh p\u00ebrdorin nj\u00eb fraz\u00eb t\u00eb shpikur nga nj\u00eb filozof shtat\u00ebdhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar francez t\u00eb quajtur Renaud Camus: \u201cZ\u00ebvend\u00ebsimi i Madh.\u201d Kjo i referohet shqet\u00ebsimit se emigrant\u00ebt \u2013 posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht imigrant\u00ebt mysliman\u00eb \u2013 do ta z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojn\u00eb tekstualisht shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb europiane me nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri krejt tjet\u00ebr. Djathtist\u00ebt e rinj ekstrem\u00eb europian\u00eb n\u00eb Franc\u00eb dhe Gjermani dhe Itali dhe Austri t\u00eb cil\u00ebt vet\u00ebquhen \u201cidentitarian\u00eb\u201d citojn\u00eb Camus-n\u00eb, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, si heroin e tyre moral. Amerikan\u00ebt kan\u00eb d\u00ebgjuar nj\u00eb jehon\u00eb t\u00eb Camus ver\u00ebn q\u00eb kaloi n\u00eb Sharlotvil, kur supremacist\u00ebt e bardh\u00eb marshuan aty me pishtar\u00eb, duke thirrur \u201cju nuk do t\u00eb na z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoni [\u201cYou will not replace us<\/em>\u201d]. Por Camus-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb gati t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht tabu n\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn e kultur\u00ebs politike franceze. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht e qart\u00eb nga teksti i Polakow-Suranskyt, se a konsiderohet Camus-ja aq n\u00eb ekstrem t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs, saq\u00eb n\u00eb thelb t\u00eb hidhet posht\u00eb nga rrjedha e p\u00ebrgjithshme e mendimit.<\/p>\n

Polakow-Suransky shkon edhe m\u00eb pas, k\u00ebt\u00eb her\u00eb duke folur drejtp\u00ebrdrejt me nj\u00ebrin prej baballar\u00ebve francez\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre ideve, nj\u00eb n\u00ebnt\u00ebdhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar i quajtur Jean Raspail i cili shkroi nj\u00eb lib\u00ebr t\u00eb quajtur\u00a0\u00a0Kampi i Shenjt\u00ebve [The Camp of the Saints<\/em>] n\u00eb vitet 1970. (Steve Bannon e ka cituar, me admirim madje.) N\u00eb t\u00eb, Raspail brengoset p\u00ebr dob\u00ebsimin, dhe p\u00ebr fundin e qytet\u00ebrimit. Momentet me Raspail jan\u00eb trishtuese, sa p\u00ebr qart\u00ebsin\u00eb e p\u00ebrqendrimit aq p\u00ebr lidhjen e qart\u00eb me ata q\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb politikat sot. \u201cNe do t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi pakic\u00eb, ne europian\u00ebt e bardh\u00eb,\u201d Raspail i ankohet autorit. Kjo jehon reflektimet nga libri 40 vje\u00e7ar i Raspail-it: \u201cNe jemi nj\u00eb vend, nj\u00eb qytet\u00ebrim, nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb, nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jetese\u2026 . Po e p\u00ebrziem\u00eb me di\u00e7ka q\u00eb nuk i korrespondon fare asaj se kush jemi, nuk do t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb, dhe ne do t\u00eb p\u00ebrhumbemi.\u201d<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebr aq sa k\u00ebta djathtist\u00eb themeltar\u00eb na ndihmojn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar sesi p\u00ebrfunduam k\u00ebtu ku jemi sot, un\u00eb fillova t\u00eb ndjej se po p\u00ebrftonim nj\u00eb tablo t\u00eb shtremb\u00ebr rreth impaktit t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. T\u00eb flas\u00ebsh me formuluesit e ideve m\u00eb ekstreme mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb kthjelluese, sigurisht \u2013 islamofobia e tyre ofron nj\u00eb penges\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb ndaj nj\u00eb drejtimi m\u00eb liberal e progresiv. Por nj\u00eb francez i r\u00ebndomt\u00eb di shum\u00eb pak, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos th\u00ebn\u00eb asgj\u00eb, rreth njer\u00ebzve si Camus.<\/p>\n

Ky shqet\u00ebsim nuk u shua n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e madhe q\u00eb i dedikohet nj\u00eb filozofi tjet\u00ebr, k\u00ebt\u00eb her\u00eb m\u00eb af\u00ebr opinionit publik, edhe pse jo n\u00eb ideologji (ose t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn, jo m\u00eb) por n\u00eb fam\u00eb: Alain Finkielkraut. Nj\u00eb filozof race t\u00eb cilit Franca ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb i ofron bot\u00ebs (kujtoni Bernard Henri-Levyn), Finkelkraut ka qen\u00eb i pranish\u00ebm n\u00eb syrin e publikut nd\u00ebrsa ka devijuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dramatike p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb 30 vjet\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit, nga e majta tek qendra drejt s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs, dhe madje drejt s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme, ku tash ai duket se k\u00ebnaqet me rolin e tij si nj\u00ebri i bezdissh\u00ebm i cili z\u00ebsh\u00ebm v\u00eb n\u00eb pyetje vendin e mysliman\u00ebve n\u00eb Franc\u00eb. M\u00eb 2016, Adam Nossiter i The New York Times e quajti \u201ctipi i intelektualit t\u00eb cilin e majta franceze dashuron ta urrej\u00eb\u201d dhe vuri re se \u201cvet\u00eb prania e tij n\u00eb nj\u00eb studio televizive ngre temperaturat dhe nxit shp\u00ebrndarjen e akuzave gjithandej.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme sesa thell\u00eb ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb t\u00eb g\u00ebrmoj\u00eb Polakow-Suransky n\u00eb p\u00ebrvojat e ve\u00e7anta t\u00eb nj\u00eb grushti vendesh \u2013 dhe se me sa shum\u00eb politikan\u00eb, kultur\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebs, dhe t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb lidhur me debatin rreth emigracionit n\u00eb secilin vend ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb t\u00eb bisedoj\u00eb, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb tablo t\u00eb koh\u00ebs son\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshimeve dhe sfidave globale.<\/p>\n

Libri vuan pak (pashmangsh\u00ebm) nga pamund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur zhvillimin e shpejt\u00eb t\u00eb ngjarjeve. P\u00ebr shembull, ai i dedikon vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb faqe ngritjes s\u00eb madhe t\u00eb Jean-Luc Melenchon n\u00eb minutave t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb zgjedhjeve franceze, nj\u00eb ish trockist i cili filloi t\u00eb rr\u00ebmbente turmat dalldis\u00ebse t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsve gjat\u00eb fundit t\u00eb raundit t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb votimeve n\u00eb zgjedhjet franceze. Melenchon nuk ishte ndonj\u00eb konkurrent i fort\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb kur Polako-Suransky filloi t\u00eb shkruante librin. Ai i jep shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr hap\u00ebsir\u00eb Marine Le Penit, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsueses s\u00eb Frontit Nacional (FN), e cila pati ngritje m\u00eb 2015 dhe 2016, dhe u shfaq, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb, si konkurrentja m\u00eb e fort\u00eb p\u00ebr Pallatin e Eliseut. N\u00eb fakt, autori e takoi Le Penin n\u00eb pranver\u00ebn e vitit 2016. N\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb, ajo ishte e vendosur t\u00eb krijonte nj\u00eb imazh t\u00eb ri p\u00ebr partin\u00eb e saj, pjes\u00ebrisht duke t\u00ebrhequr homoseksual\u00ebt dhe hebrenjt\u00eb (dhe grat\u00eb, edhe pse Polakow-Suransky p\u00ebrqendrohet m\u00eb pak n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fakt), dhe p\u00ebrmes premtimit t\u00eb saj se do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej mburoj\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebto komunitete kund\u00ebr (po pra) mysliman\u00ebve dhe emigrant\u00ebve mysliman\u00eb. Por p\u00ebr \u00e7udi, Polakow-Suransky shpenzon shum\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb koh\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb shpjeguarit sesi vet\u00eb Le Pen besonte se ishte mike e hebrenjve, e shum\u00eb ma pak koh\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebrejtur se ka shum\u00eb pak fakte q\u00eb do t\u00eb tregonin se hebrenjt\u00eb ishin ndikuar ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb nga FN; n\u00eb fakt, komuniteti hebre punoi aktivisht p\u00ebr ta mposhtur at\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Macroni b\u00ebri nj\u00eb pun\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb duke iu referuar historis\u00eb n\u00eb raundin p\u00ebrfundimtar t\u00eb fushat\u00ebs presidenciale, duke vizituar Memorial de la Shoah, p\u00ebr shembull, dhe duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb se nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb rishkrim t\u00eb historis\u00eb n\u00eb Paris gjat\u00eb presidenc\u00ebs s\u00eb tij. Ai poashtu e denoncoi Le Penin p\u00ebr ksenofobin\u00eb e saj, duke e quajtur \u201ckryeprift\u00ebresh\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb frik\u00ebs. Kjo funksionoi, dhe n\u00eb fund ajo u zvenit. Megjithat\u00eb, ka shum\u00eb q\u00eb tremben se, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr fitores vendimtare t\u00eb Macronit, n\u00eb rast se publiku fillon t\u00eb ndjej\u00eb se ai nuk i ka mbajtur premtimet, Fronti Nacional ose nj\u00eb parti e ngjashme mund t\u00eb marr\u00eb presidenc\u00ebn \u2013 edhe pse me siguri n\u00ebn nj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi t\u00eb re \u2013 m\u00eb 2020. N\u00ebse numrat e sondazheve nuk p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsohen p\u00ebr Macronin, ai shqet\u00ebsim vet\u00ebm sa do t\u00eb vij\u00eb e t\u00eb rritet.<\/p>\n

Mbi t\u00eb gjitha, refugjat\u00ebt nuk kan\u00eb ndalur s\u00eb ardhuri n\u00eb Mesdhe. Tashm\u00eb, vendime vazhdimisht e m\u00eb t\u00eb ashpra jan\u00eb marr\u00eb nga lider\u00ebt europian\u00eb p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb ver\u00ebs s\u00eb vitit 2017, q\u00eb ka rezultuar n\u00eb ndaljen e nj\u00eb pjese t\u00eb udh\u00ebs p\u00ebr refugjat\u00ebt q\u00eb vijn\u00eb drejt Europ\u00ebs. Qe ministri i jasht\u00ebm austriak Sebastian Kurz, ai i cili ndihmoi n\u00eb mbylljen e t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebs linj\u00eb t\u00eb Ballkanit. Dhe vendet e BE-s\u00eb u bashkuan tok k\u00ebt\u00eb ver\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur libian\u00ebt dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019i inkurajuar ata q\u00eb, n\u00eb rend t\u00eb par\u00eb, t\u00eb ndalonin refugjat\u00ebt p\u00ebr t\u00eb hipur n\u00ebp\u00ebr barka. P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb vjesht\u00ebs, refugjat\u00ebt mbeten t\u00eb ngujuar n\u00eb cep t\u00eb kontinentit afrikan, shum\u00eb prej tyre t\u00eb bllokuar n\u00eb kampet e Libis\u00eb t\u00eb cilat v\u00ebzhguesit e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut i kan\u00eb quajtur \u00e7njer\u00ebzore, n\u00eb nj\u00eb jehon\u00eb t\u00eb larg\u00ebt t\u00eb politikave t\u00eb Australis\u00eb n\u00eb ishullin Nauru.<\/p>\n

Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht ai rezultati jodemokratik t\u00eb cilit i trembet Polakow-Suransky. \u201cPopullist\u00ebt nuk duhet q\u00eb thjesht t\u00eb injorohen,\u201d shkruan ai. \u201cMe ose pa kontrollin e qeveris\u00eb, ata kan\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar se mund t\u00eb ushtrojn\u00eb ndikim dhe t\u00eb form\u00ebsojn\u00eb debate edhe pa zot\u00ebruar ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb pushtet formal. Ata t\u00eb cil\u00ebt e kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb popullizmin duhet q\u00eb s\u00eb pari ta kuptojn\u00eb at\u00eb. T\u00eb heq\u00ebsh qafe impulsin popullist si di\u00e7ka t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht t\u00eb huaj do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb mos kuptosh thelbin dhe t\u00eb humb\u00ebsh debatin politik q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim.\u201d<\/p>\n

Termat e debatit tashm\u00eb po ndryshojn\u00eb. Trump-i, me ndalesat e tij p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsuese dhe me muhabetet e mureve, tashm\u00eb e ka zvet\u00ebnuar imazhin e Amerik\u00ebs si nj\u00eb vend q\u00eb pranon refugjat\u00ebt dhe azilk\u00ebrkuesit. Angela Merkel \u00ebsht\u00eb ende n\u00eb pushtet, por ndikimi i saj \u00ebsht\u00eb zbutur nga ksenofob\u00ebt e ri n\u00eb parlament. Dhe, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, popullata t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb sapoardhurish n\u00eb shtetet Per\u00ebndimore po e kan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb gjejn\u00eb pik\u00ebmb\u00ebshtetje n\u00eb ambiente politike gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb armiq\u00ebsore. Prandaj \u00ebsht\u00eb detyr\u00eb e atyre prej nesh t\u00eb cil\u00ebt besojn\u00eb se bot\u00ebt tona p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsohen at\u00ebher\u00eb kur zgjerohen, q\u00eb t\u00eb punojm\u00eb aktivisht n\u00eb zgjerimin e p\u00ebrkufizimit t\u00eb identitetit per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb identitet t\u00eb shkrydh\u00ebt e elastik, i till\u00eb q\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb thyhet po u plot\u00ebsuar me kultura t\u00eb tjera, por vet\u00ebm sa do t\u00eb p\u00ebrforcohet.<\/p>\n

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__________________<\/p>\n

Sarah Wildman \u00ebsht\u00eb autore e Dashuri letre: Duke k\u00ebrkuar Vajz\u00ebn T\u00eb cil\u00ebn La Pas Gjyshi Im [Paper Love: Searching for the Girl My Grandfather Left Behind]. Ajo shkruan mbi identitetet global p\u00ebr Vox.<\/em><\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrktheu: Bardhi Bakija \/ Sbunker\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Refugjat\u00ebt vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb vijn\u00eb dhe ksenofobia vazhdon t\u00eb intensifikohet. A mund t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb multikulturalizmi n\u00eb Europ\u00eb? Dimrin e kaluar, marshi i ksenofobis\u00eb publike dhe politike dukej i paepur, i udh\u00ebhequr nga lider\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt shfryheshin ndaj imigrant\u00ebve duke u th\u00ebn\u00eb kriminel\u00eb, p\u00ebrdh\u00ebnues apo pushtues, dhe vende t\u00eb t\u00ebra q\u00eb zgjedhnin lloje ogurzeza t\u00eb nacionalizmit me […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":595,"featured_media":11865,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1668,2272,870],"ppma_author":[2266],"class_list":["post-4161","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-evropa","tag-refugjatet","tag-siguria"],"authors":[{"term_id":2266,"user_id":595,"is_guest":0,"slug":"sarah-uildman","display_name":"Sarah Wildman","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/download-2.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/download-2.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Wildman","first_name":"Sarah","description":"Sarah Wildman \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gazetare amerikane dhe shkrimtare jo-fiction."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4161","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/595"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4161"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4161\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11866,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4161\/revisions\/11866"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11865"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4161"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4161"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4161"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4161"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}