{"id":4199,"date":"2018-04-16T15:01:33","date_gmt":"2018-04-16T13:01:33","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4199"},"modified":"2025-01-09T15:03:58","modified_gmt":"2025-01-09T13:03:58","slug":"si-mund-ta-rrezojne-kryengritjet-populliste-demokracine-liberale","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/si-mund-ta-rrezojne-kryengritjet-populliste-demokracine-liberale\/","title":{"rendered":"Si mund ta rr\u00ebzojn\u00eb kryengritjet populliste demokracin\u00eb liberale"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Autoritarian\u00ebt jan\u00eb n\u00eb ngritje, dhe elektoratet po joshen nga ekstremet. P\u00ebr ta luftuar k\u00ebt\u00eb, politikan\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb shkaqet e pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb popullore dhe t\u00eb rind\u00ebrtojn\u00eb themelet morale t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Ka dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb kur duket sikur historia ngadal\u00ebsohet deri n\u00eb zvarritje. Zgjedhjet fitohen e humben, ligjet miratohen e shfuqizohen, yje t\u00eb reja linden dhe legjendat p\u00ebrcillen drejt varrit. Por me gjith\u00eb muhabetin e zakonsh\u00ebm t\u00eb kalimit t\u00eb koh\u00ebs, modelet e kultur\u00ebs, shoq\u00ebris\u00eb dhe politik\u00ebs mbeten t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta.<\/p>\n

E pastaj vijn\u00eb edhe ato vitet e shkurta ku gjith\u00e7ka ndryshon p\u00ebrnj\u00ebher\u00eb. Politikan\u00eb t\u00eb rinj vijn\u00eb n\u00eb sken\u00eb. Votuesit k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb me ngulm politika t\u00eb cilat deri dje ishin t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfytyrueshme. Tensionet sociale t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb zier p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb n\u00ebn sip\u00ebrfaqe gufojn\u00eb n\u00eb shp\u00ebrthime t\u00eb tmerrshme. Nj\u00eb sistem qeverisjeje q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb dukur si i pandryshuesh\u00ebm duket sikur do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet copash.
\nKy \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb momenti, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin gjendemi tash.<\/p>\n

Deri s\u00eb fundmi, demokracia liberale ka mbret\u00ebruar ngadh\u00ebnjyesh\u00ebm. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr t\u00eb metave t\u00eb saj, shumica e qytetar\u00ebve dukeshin si t\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtuar me gjith\u00eb zem\u00ebr ndaj form\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre t\u00eb qeverisjes. Ekonomia po rritej. Partit\u00eb radikale ishin t\u00eb par\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebt politik\u00eb menduan se demokracia n\u00eb vendet si Franca apo Shtetet e Bashkuara kishte koh\u00eb q\u00eb ishte shkruar n\u00eb gur, dhe q\u00eb do t\u00eb ndryshonte fare pak n\u00eb vitet q\u00eb vijn\u00eb. N\u00eb aspektin politik, dukej sikur e ardhmja nuk do t\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb e ndryshme nga e kaluara.<\/p>\n

Pastaj erdhi e ardhmja \u2013 dhe kjo doli t\u00eb ishte v\u00ebrtet shum\u00eb e ndryshme. Ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt jan\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjyer nga politika; tash, ata jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb paduruesh\u00ebm, t\u00eb zem\u00ebruar, mosp\u00ebrfill\u00ebs madje. Sistemet partiake jan\u00eb dukur t\u00eb ngrira; tash, autoritarian\u00ebt popullist\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb ngritje p\u00ebrreth bot\u00ebs, q\u00eb nga Amerika e n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, q\u00eb nga Azia n\u00eb Australi. Ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb votuesit nuk kan\u00eb p\u00eblqyer parti t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta, politikan\u00eb a qeveri; tash, shumic\u00ebs prej tyre ju ka ardhur n\u00eb maj\u00eb t\u00eb hund\u00ebs vet\u00eb demokracia liberale.<\/p>\n

Zgjedhja e Donald Trumpit ka qen\u00eb manifestimi m\u00eb i dalluar i kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb demokracis\u00eb. V\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb mbitheksohet r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia q\u00eb paraqet ngritja e tij. Por v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb incident i izoluar. N\u00eb Rusi dhe Turqi, t\u00eb zgjedhurit fuqiplot\u00eb ia kan\u00eb arritur q\u00eb t\u2019i kthejn\u00eb demokracit\u00eb e njoma n\u00eb diktatura zgjedhore. N\u00eb Poloni dhe Hungari, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit popullist\u00eb po p\u00ebrdorin t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat metoda p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruar mediat e lira, p\u00ebr t\u00eb minuar institucionet e pavarura dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb shukatur opozit\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Shum\u00eb vende mund ta\u00a0ndjekin k\u00ebt\u00eb shembull. N\u00eb Austri, nj\u00eb kandidat i s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme gati sa nuk e fitoi presidenc\u00ebn. N\u00eb Franc\u00eb, ndryshimi i shpejt\u00eb i sken\u00ebs politike po ofron mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb reja si p\u00ebr t\u00eb majt\u00ebn ashtu edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb djatht\u00ebn ekstreme. N\u00eb Spanj\u00eb dhe Greqi, sistemet partiake po shthuren me shpejt\u00ebsi marramend\u00ebse. Madje edhe n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb e supozuara si t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme dhe tolerante t\u00eb Suedis\u00eb, Gjermanis\u00eb, dhe Holand\u00ebs, ekstremist\u00ebt po festojn\u00eb suksese t\u00eb paprecedent\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb m\u00eb asnj\u00eb dyshim se jemi duke kaluar\u00a0n\u00ebp\u00ebr nj\u00eb moment popullist. Pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb se a do t\u00eb kthehet ky moment popullist n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb populliste \u2013 dhe ta v\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje vet\u00eb mbijetes\u00ebn e demokracis\u00eb liberale.<\/p>\n

Kur demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb e q\u00ebndrueshme, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb aktor\u00ebve madhor\u00eb politik\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm shumic\u00ebn e koh\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u2019i mbahen rregullave themelore t\u00eb loj\u00ebs demokratike.<\/p>\n

Disa nga k\u00ebto rregulla jan\u00eb formale. Nj\u00eb president a kryeminist\u00ebr lejon gjyq\u00ebsorin q\u00eb t\u00eb hetoj\u00eb keqp\u00ebrdorimet nga an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb tij n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb shkarkoj\u00eb prokurorin. Ai pranon mbulimin kritik n\u00eb shtyp n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb v\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb dry gazetat apo t\u00eb persekutoj\u00eb gazetar\u00ebt. Kur ai humb nj\u00eb pal\u00eb zgjedhje, ai largohet nga pozita qet\u00ebsisht n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb mbahet pas pushtetit.<\/p>\n

Por shum\u00eb nga k\u00ebto rregulla jan\u00eb joformale, q\u00eb e b\u00ebn me pak t\u00eb qart\u00eb se kur ato shkelen. Qeveria nuk i ndryshon rregullat e zgjedhjeve n\u00eb muajt para zgjedhjeve p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e fitores. Kryengrit\u00ebsit politik\u00eb nuk madh\u00ebrojn\u00eb sunduesit autoritar\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs, nuk k\u00ebrc\u00ebnojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb burgosin kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e tyre a nuk rreken q\u00eb t\u00eb shkelin t\u00eb drejtat e pakicave etnike e fetare.<\/p>\n

Humb\u00ebsit e zgjedhjeve p\u00ebrmbahen q\u00eb t\u00eb mos kufizojn\u00eb fuqit\u00eb e nj\u00eb pozite n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjedhur nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e fundit n\u00eb pun\u00eb. Opozita miraton nj\u00eb gjyqtar kompetent me ideologjin\u00eb e s\u00eb cilit nuk pajtohet, n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb l\u00eb t\u00eb zbraz\u00ebt nj\u00eb prej karrigeve t\u00eb gjykat\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb vend, dhe b\u00ebn nj\u00eb kompromis t\u00eb pap\u00ebrsosur rreth buxhetit n\u00eb vend se ta l\u00ebr\u00eb qeverin\u00eb t\u00eb mbyllet fare.<\/p>\n

Shkurt, politikan\u00ebt q\u00eb kan\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb humbin n\u00eb sistem mund ta mendojn\u00eb politik\u00ebn si nj\u00eb sport kontakti ku t\u00eb gjith\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebsit hahen p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi mbi kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e tyre. Por ata jan\u00eb po ashtu fort t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm se duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb disa kufij n\u00eb t\u00eb ndjekurit e interesave t\u00eb tyre partiake; se t\u00eb fituarit e ca zgjedhjeve t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme apo t\u00eb kaluarit e nj\u00eb ligji urgjent jan\u00eb m\u00eb pak t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme se sa prezervimi i sistemit; dhe se politika demokratike nuk duhet asnj\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb degjeneroj\u00eb n\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb gjithanshme. \u201cQ\u00eb demokracit\u00eb t\u00eb funksionojn\u00eb\u201d, shkruante para disa vitesh Michael Ignatieff, teoricieni politik dhe ish udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi i Partis\u00eb Liberale n\u00eb Kanada, \u201cpolitikan\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb respektojn\u00eb dallimin mes armikut dhe kund\u00ebrshtarit. Nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar \u00ebsht\u00eb dikush t\u00eb cilin do q\u00eb ta mposht\u00ebsh. Nj\u00eb armik \u00ebsht\u00eb dikush t\u00eb cilin do q\u00eb ta shkat\u00ebrrosh.\u201d<\/p>\n

N\u00eb SHBA, dhe n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera rreth bot\u00ebs, kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb m\u00ebnyra sesi funksionon demokracia politike. Si\u00e7 thot\u00eb Ignatieff, ne gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb \u201cpo shohim se \u00e7far\u00eb ndodh kur nj\u00eb politik\u00eb e armiqve mbizot\u00ebron nj\u00eb politik\u00eb e kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve\u201d. Dhe nj\u00ebfar\u00eb e reje e popullist\u00ebve q\u00eb ka hyr\u00eb me furi n\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike gjat\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u faj\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ngritja e sapo t\u00eb ardhurve politik\u00eb ka po aq gjas\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb shenj\u00eb e sh\u00ebndetit demokratik dhe vitalitetit sa edhe s\u00ebmundja e saj. Sistemet politike p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb nga nj\u00eb gar\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsore e ideve dhe nga nj\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsim i rregullt i nj\u00eb elite qeveris\u00ebse me tjetr\u00ebn. Partit\u00eb e reja mund t\u00eb ndihmojn\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja an\u00ebt. Duke shtyr\u00eb n\u00eb agjend\u00ebn politike \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb neglizhuara p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, ato rrisin p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e sistemit politik. Dhe duke katapultuar nj\u00ebfar\u00eb t\u00eb reje politikan\u00ebsh n\u00eb detyra zyrtare, ato injektojn\u00eb gjak t\u00eb ri n\u00eb sistem.<\/p>\n

Edhe ashtu, ka arsye t\u00eb fort\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb menduar se tretja e sistemit partiak \u00ebsht\u00eb larg t\u00eb qenit e parrezikshme. Sepse shum\u00eb nga partit\u00eb e reja nuk ofrojn\u00eb thjesht alternativa ideologjike brenda sistemit demokratik \u2013 ato sfidojn\u00eb rregullat dhe normat kryesore t\u00eb vet\u00eb sistemit.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb prej popullist\u00ebve me ngritjen m\u00eb t\u00eb hershme n\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike \u00ebsht\u00eb Jorg Haider i Austris\u00eb, nj\u00eb politikan i shkath\u00ebt e karizmatik nga Karintia. Por masa n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ai qe n\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb t\u00eb minoj\u00eb normat themelore t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb liberale, u b\u00eb e dukshme kurdo q\u00eb ai u p\u00ebrfshi n\u00eb rivler\u00ebsimin dinak t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs naziste t\u00eb Austris\u00eb. Duke i folur nj\u00eb audience q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshinte ish oficer\u00eb t\u00eb SS-s\u00eb, Haider pohonte se \u201cushtar\u00ebt tan\u00eb nuk ishin kriminel\u00eb; s\u00eb shumti, ata ishin viktima\u201d.<\/p>\n

Shkelja e normave politike \u00ebsht\u00eb po ashtu specialitet i Geert Wilders, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit t\u00eb Partis\u00eb s\u00eb Liris\u00eb Holandeze (PVV). Islami, ka th\u00ebn\u00eb ai, \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cnj\u00eb ideologji e rrezikshme totalitare\u201d. P\u00ebrderisa popullist\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb kan\u00eb provuar q\u00eb t\u00eb nxjerrin jasht\u00eb ligjit minaret dhe burkinit, Wilders, i vendosur q\u00eb t\u00eb mos ia kalojn\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, ka shkuar aq larg sa t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb ndalimin e Kuranit.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr krahasim me Haiderin dhe Wildersin, nj\u00eb figur\u00eb si Beppe Grillo duket shum\u00eb m\u00eb dashamir\u00ebs n\u00eb pamje t\u00eb par\u00eb, duke premtuar q\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb pushtetin nga nj\u00eb \u201ckast\u00eb politik\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb vjetruar e q\u00eb i sh\u00ebrben vetvetes, dhe t\u00eb luftoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Itali m\u00eb moderne e tolerante. Por me t\u00eb filluar popullaritet L\u00ebvizja Pes\u00eb Yje, ajo shpejt mori nj\u00eb kahe kund\u00ebr sistemit. Sulmet e saj ndaj korrupsionit t\u00eb politikan\u00ebve t\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebm gradualisht u shnd\u00ebrruan n\u00eb refuzime radikale t\u00eb aspekteve ky\u00e7e t\u00eb sistemit politik, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe vet\u00eb parlamentin. Zem\u00ebrimi kund\u00ebr establishmentit politik u mb\u00ebshtet nga nj\u00eb gatishm\u00ebri n\u00eb rritje p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb teori konspirative apo n\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjen e rrenave t\u00eb pastra lidhur me kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt politik\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Arsyeja pse popullist\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb sapoardhurit politik\u00eb jan\u00eb aq t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb sfidojn\u00eb normat themelore demokratike \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00ebrisht taktike: kurdo q\u00eb popullist\u00ebt shkelin norma t\u00eb tilla, ata ngash\u00ebnjejn\u00eb d\u00ebnime t\u00eb nj\u00ebz\u00ebshme t\u00eb establishmentit politik. Dhe kjo natyrisht q\u00eb d\u00ebshmon se, si\u00e7 reklamohet, popullist\u00ebt v\u00ebrtet p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb nj\u00eb shk\u00ebputje t\u00eb past\u00ebr prej statuskuos\u00eb. K\u00ebtu ka pra di\u00e7ka performative p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket prirjes s\u00eb popullist\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkelur normat demokratike: p\u00ebrderisa deklarat\u00ebt e tyre m\u00eb provokative shpesh konsiderohen prej v\u00ebzhguesve politik\u00eb si gafa, vet\u00eb gatishm\u00ebria e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkaktuar gafa t\u00eb tilla \u00ebsht\u00eb arsye e fort\u00eb pse ata jan\u00eb aq t\u00ebrheq\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Por moskok\u00eb\u00e7arja e tyre nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb pak e rrezikshme p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj. Sapo disa prej an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb sistemit politik t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb shkelin rregullat, t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt do ken\u00eb incentiva t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur shembull. Dhe kjo, gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb ata b\u00ebjn\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb disa prej sulmeve m\u00eb spektakolare mbi normat themelore demokratike kan\u00eb ardhur nga t\u00eb sapoardhurit politik\u00eb, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e partive t\u00eb vjetra e t\u00eb njohura jan\u00eb shfaqur gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb gatshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb minuar rregullat themelore t\u00eb loj\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb, parti t\u00eb caktuara nga e majta u jan\u00eb n\u00ebnshtruar tundimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb dhunuar normat demokratike. N\u00eb SHBA, demokrat\u00ebt ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb forma t\u00eb papranueshme t\u00eb ndryshimit t\u00eb kufijve zgjedhor\u00eb q\u00eb rezultojn\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrfitime zgjedhore [gerrymandering]. Dhe p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb presidenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Obamas, qeveria vazhdoi zgjerimin e rolit t\u00eb saj n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra brengos\u00ebse, duke ndjekur penalisht nj\u00eb num\u00ebr rekord t\u00eb gazetar\u00ebve p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb trajtimit t\u00eb informatave t\u00eb klasifikuara dhe duke p\u00ebrdorur urdhra ekzekutiv\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb anashkaluar Kongresin n\u00eb aspekte t\u00eb politik\u00ebb\u00ebrjes q\u00eb nga ambienti e te imigracioni. Edhe ashtu, shumica e shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebve politik\u00eb pajtohen se Republikan\u00ebt tash jan\u00eb shembulli m\u00eb i qart\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb i sulmit t\u00eb organizuar ndaj normave demokratike t\u00eb kryera nga nj\u00eb parti nominale e establishmentit. Shihni p\u00ebr shembull se \u00e7far\u00eb ndodhi menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas zgjedhjeve p\u00ebr guvernator n\u00eb Kalifornin\u00eb e Veriut m\u00eb 2016. Kandidati demokrat Roy Cooper fitoi zgjedhjet mjaft t\u00eb kontestuara me nj\u00eb margjin\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb. Por n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb pranojn\u00eb se kjo i jepte atij mandatin p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur p\u00ebr kat\u00ebr vitet e ardhshme, Republikan\u00ebt vendos\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb rishkruajn\u00eb p\u00ebrshkrimin e tij t\u00eb pun\u00ebs. Guvernatori i Karolin\u00ebs s\u00eb Veriut kishte pasur p\u00ebr detyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb em\u00ebronte 1500 pun\u00ebtor\u00eb t\u00eb stafit t\u00eb tij; sipas ligjit q\u00eb u miratua nga legjislatura republikane n\u00eb ikje, ai q\u00eb k\u00ebtej do t\u00eb lejohej q\u00eb t\u00eb em\u00ebronte vet\u00ebm 425. Deri at\u00ebher\u00eb, guvernatori ishte i thirrur q\u00eb t\u00eb em\u00ebronte deri n\u00eb 66 an\u00ebtar\u00eb n\u00eb bordet e shkollave t\u00eb Universitet t\u00eb Karolin\u00ebs s\u00eb Veriut; tash, atij i lejoheshin q\u00eb t\u00eb em\u00ebronte zero.<\/p>\n

Partishm\u00ebria e hapur e k\u00ebtyre veprimeve \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamohueshme. Po aq \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe importi i tyre: Republikan\u00ebt n\u00eb Karolin\u00ebn e Veriut kan\u00eb refuzuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb efektshme nocionin se ne duhet t\u00eb zgjidhim dallimet politike p\u00ebrmes zgjedhjeve t\u00eb lira e t\u00eb drejta dhe se jemi t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb qeverisjen e rival\u00ebve ton\u00eb politik\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb kur humbim.<\/p>\n

Qytetar\u00ebt jan\u00eb m\u00eb pak t\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtuar ndaj demokracis\u00eb sesa \u00e7\u2019ishin dikur; p\u00ebrderisa m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy t\u00eb tretat e amerikan\u00ebve t\u00eb moshuar thon\u00eb se p\u00ebr ta \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb demokraci, p\u00ebr shembull, m\u00eb pak se nj\u00eb e treta e amerikan\u00ebve t\u00eb rinj besojn\u00eb ashtu. Ata jan\u00eb po ashtu m\u00eb t\u00eb hapur ndaj alternativave autoritare; para dy dekadave, p\u00ebr shembull, 25% e britanik\u00ebve thoshin se u p\u00eblqente ideja e \u201cnj\u00eb sunduesi t\u00eb hekurt t\u00eb cilit nuk i b\u00ebhet von\u00eb p\u00ebr parlament a p\u00ebr zgjedhje\u201d; sot jan\u00eb 50% prej tyre. Dhe k\u00ebto q\u00ebndrime po reflektohen gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00ebn ton\u00eb: q\u00eb nga Britania e Madhe n\u00eb SHBA, dhe nga Gjermania n\u00eb Hungari, respekti p\u00ebr rregullat dhe normat demokratike ka r\u00ebn\u00eb rrufesh\u00ebm. Duke mos qen\u00eb m\u00eb e vetmja loj\u00eb, demokracia tash po dekonsolidohet.<\/p>\n

Ky konkluzion, e di, \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrbir\u00eb. Ne na p\u00eblqen t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb se bota p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsohet me koh\u00eb, dhe se demokracia liberale po i shtrin rr\u00ebnj\u00ebt \u00e7do vit. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb mbase arsyeja se pse, nga t\u00eb gjitha pohimet e mia, ajo q\u00eb ka nxitur m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti dyshime \u00ebsht\u00eb ideja se t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht kritik\u00eb ndaj demokracis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb qarta, amerikan\u00ebt dhe britanik\u00ebt e kan\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb besojn\u00eb se t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqurit. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb anuan bindsh\u00ebm kah Hillary Clinton, kandidatja e vazhdim\u00ebsis\u00eb, n\u00eb zgjedhjet e fundit amerikane: mes votuesve n\u00ebn mosh\u00ebn 30 vje\u00e7, 55% p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebn Clintonin nd\u00ebrsa vet\u00ebm 37% p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebn Trumpin. Storia e Brexitit ishte po aq e ngjashme. P\u00ebrderisa dy t\u00eb tretat e pensionist\u00ebve britanik\u00eb votuan p\u00ebr t\u2019u larguar nga Bashkimi Europian, dy t\u00eb tretat e nj\u00ebzetvje\u00e7ar\u00ebve votuan p\u00ebr statuskuon\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, t\u00ebrheqja e t\u00eb rinjve drejt ekstremeve politike \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur me koh\u00eb. N\u00eb vendet si Gjermania, Mbret\u00ebria e Bashkuar dhe SHBA, p\u00ebr shembull, numri i t\u00eb rinjve q\u00eb mbajn\u00eb an\u00ebn e t\u00eb majt\u00ebs radikale apo t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme gati sa \u00ebsht\u00eb dyfishuar p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb dy dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit; n\u00eb Suedi, ky num\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur gati trefish. T\u00eb dh\u00ebnat e hulumtimit t\u00eb opinionit e thon\u00eb po t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin tregim. P\u00ebrderisa t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb kishin m\u00eb pak gjasa p\u00ebr t\u00eb votuar p\u00ebr Trumpin apo Brexitin, ata jan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb prir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb votuar partit\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb kund\u00ebr sistemit n\u00eb shum\u00eb vendet p\u00ebrreth bot\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Marine Le Pen, p\u00ebr shembull, llogarit t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb si disa prej mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsve t\u00eb saj m\u00eb t\u00eb flakt\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt, Franca v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtim. P\u00ebrkundrazi, sondazhet kan\u00eb gjetur rezultate t\u00eb ngjashme n\u00eb vendet si Austria, Greqia, Finlanda dhe Hungaria.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb shpjegim i mundsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr at\u00eb se pse shum\u00eb t\u00eb rinj jan\u00eb t\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjyer me demokracin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se ata nuk kan\u00eb ndonj\u00eb koncept t\u00eb qart\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb jetosh n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm politik. Njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb kan\u00eb lindur n\u00eb vitet 1930 dhe 1940 kan\u00eb p\u00ebrjetuar k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet e fashizmit q\u00ebkur ishin f\u00ebmij\u00eb ose jan\u00eb rritur nga njer\u00ebz q\u00eb e kan\u00eb luftuar at\u00eb aktivisht. Ata i kaluan vitet e tyre t\u00eb rritjes p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs s\u00eb ftoht\u00eb, kur frika nga ekspansionizmi sovjetik e solli realitetin e komunizmit te ta n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme. Kur ata pyeten se a \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr ta q\u00eb t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb demokraci, ata e kan\u00eb nj\u00eb sens se cila do t\u00eb ishte alternativa.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr dallim, nj\u00ebzetvje\u00e7ar\u00ebt n\u00eb vendet si Mbret\u00ebria e Bashkuar dhe SHBA, mezi e p\u00ebrjetuan luft\u00ebn e ftoht\u00eb dhe madje mund edhe mos t\u00eb njohin dik\u00eb q\u00eb ka luftuar fashizmin. P\u00ebr ta, pyetja se a \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb jetosh n\u00eb demokraci \u00ebsht\u00eb larg t\u00eb qenit abstrakte. A nuk n\u00ebnkupton kjo se po t\u00eb p\u00ebrballeshin me nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim ndaj sistemit t\u00eb tyre, ata do t\u00eb siguroheshin q\u00eb t\u2019i dilnin n\u00eb mbrojtje?<\/p>\n

Nuk jam edhe aq i sigurt. Vet\u00eb fakti se t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb nuk e kan\u00eb ndonj\u00eb ide se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb jetosh n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm prej t\u00eb tyrit mund t\u2019i b\u00ebj\u00eb ata q\u00eb t\u00eb duan t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihen n\u00eb eksperimentime politike. T\u00eb m\u00ebsuar me t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetuarit dhe t\u00eb kritikuarit e padrejt\u00ebsive dhe hipokrizive t\u00eb sistemit n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin u rrit\u00ebn, shum\u00eb prej tyre filluan t\u2019i merrnin si t\u00eb mir\u00ebqena aspektet e tij pozitive.<\/p>\n

Q\u00ebkur filozof\u00ebt filluan t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb p\u00ebr konceptin e vet\u00ebqeverisjes, ata vendos\u00ebn nj\u00eb theks t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb mbi edukimin qytetar. Q\u00eb prej Platonit te Ciceroni, prej Machiavellit te Rousseau, q\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ishin t\u00eb fiksuar pas pyetjes sesi t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjoset virtyti politik te rinia.<\/p>\n

V\u00ebshtir\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb befasuese, pra, q\u00eb nj\u00eb grup i vog\u00ebl patriot\u00ebsh t\u00eb cilit guxuan t\u00eb themelojn\u00eb nj\u00eb republik\u00eb t\u00eb re n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur vet\u00ebqeverisja gati sa nuk ishte zhdukur nga kjo tok\u00eb, po ashtu u p\u00ebrpoq\u00ebn shum\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019u transmetojn\u00eb vlerat e tyre gjeneratave t\u00eb ardhshme. \u00c7far\u00eb, pyeste\u00a0George Washington n\u00eb Fjalimin e Tet\u00eb Vjetorit,<\/a>\u00a0mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi sesa transmetimi i vlerave qytetare \u201cgardian\u00ebve t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm t\u00eb lirive t\u00eb vendit\u201d?<\/p>\n

\u201cNj\u00eb popull q\u00eb do q\u00eb t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb vetveten,\u201d\u00a0do t\u00eb thoshte James Madison disa vjet m\u00eb pas<\/a>, \u201cduhet t\u00eb armatoset me pushtetin q\u00eb t\u00eb jep dija.\u201d Frika q\u00eb ai ndjente p\u00ebr at\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u2019i ndodhte Amerik\u00ebs po t\u00eb mos merrte parasysh k\u00ebt\u00eb detyr\u00eb vendimtare ting\u00ebllon \u00e7uditshm\u00ebrisht tep\u00ebr e p\u00ebrshtatshme sot: \u201cNj\u00eb qeveri popullore, pa informacion popullor, apo pa mjetet p\u00ebr ta marr\u00eb at\u00eb, s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7se nj\u00eb prolog i nj\u00eb Farse ose nj\u00eb Tragjedie; apo, mbase t\u00eb dyjave.\u201d<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr dy shekujt e par\u00eb t\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb republik\u00ebs, ky theks mbi edukimin qytetar form\u00ebsoi vendin. Prind\u00ebrit u p\u00ebrpoq\u00ebn t\u00eb rrisin qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb nes\u00ebrmes, duke garuar me nj\u00ebri tjetrin se cili kat\u00ebrvje\u00e7ar mund t\u00eb em\u00ebroj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb president\u00eb. Shkollat p\u00ebrreth SHBA-ve i p\u00ebrkushtuan koh\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderueshme\u00a0q\u00eb t\u2019u m\u00ebsojn\u00eb nx\u00ebn\u00ebsve \u201csi b\u00ebhet ligj nj\u00eb projektligj\u201d<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Edukimi qytetar n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha format e tij q\u00ebndronte n\u00eb thelb t\u00eb projektit amerikan \u2013 ashtu si\u00e7 q\u00ebndronte gjithashtu n\u00eb Britani, Gjermani dhe Skandinavi. Pastaj, n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb paqeje dhe prosperiteti t\u00eb paprecedent, ideja se p\u00ebrkrahja p\u00ebr vet\u00ebqeverisjen do t\u00eb rifitohej gjenerat\u00eb pas gjenerat\u00eb filloi t\u00eb venitej. Sot, gati sa nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zhdukur t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht.<\/p>\n

Shum\u00eb mendimtar\u00eb konservator\u00eb kan\u00eb sugjeruar nj\u00eb ila\u00e7 t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb ndaj k\u00ebtyre s\u00ebmundjeve t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuara. Si\u00e7 e ka th\u00ebn\u00eb\u00a0David Brooks s\u00eb voni n\u00eb nj\u00eb kolumn\u00eb p\u00ebr New York Times<\/a>, historia e qytet\u00ebrimit per\u00ebndimor duhet t\u00eb m\u00ebsohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb \u201cbindsh\u00ebm progresive\u201d: \u201cKa pasur figura t\u00eb caktuara si Sokrati, Erazmi, Montesquieu dhe Rousseau, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ndihmuan kombet q\u00eb t\u00eb ngrit\u00ebn n\u00eb lart\u00ebsi t\u00eb idealit humanist.\u201d Brooks ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb q\u00eb ta v\u00ebr\u00eb theksin te r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e edukimit qytetar. Por ai e ka gabim n\u00eb sugjerimin se e ardhmja e qytetaris\u00eb duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga nj\u00eb llogari aq hagjiografike e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs. P\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha t\u00eb metat e saj, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, se\u00e7 ka nj\u00eb thelb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs te kritikat q\u00eb i b\u00ebhen demokracis\u00eb liberale nga disa qarqe t\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00ebs akademike. Edhe pse ata aspiruan drejt universalitetit, shum\u00eb mendimtar\u00eb t\u00eb Iluminizmit p\u00ebrfunduan s\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtuari grupe t\u00eb m\u00ebdha nga trajtimet e tyre morale. Edhe pse emrat e tyre p\u00ebrmbajn\u00eb arritje t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, shum\u00eb prej k\u00ebtyre \u201cnjer\u00ebzve t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj\u201d t\u00eb historis\u00eb shkaktuan krime t\u00eb tmerrshme. Edhe pse ideali i demokracis\u00eb liberale vlen t\u00eb mbrohet me ngulm, praktikat e tanishme t\u00eb saj vazhdojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb tolerojn\u00eb disa padrejt\u00ebsi t\u00eb turpshme.<\/p>\n

Si historia e Iluminizmit ashtu edhe realiteti i demokracis\u00eb liberale jan\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuara. \u00c7do orvatje p\u00ebr t\u2019i paraqitur ato n\u00eb terma jokritike \u00ebsht\u00eb e prir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb bjer\u00eb ndesh me vler\u00ebn themelore iluministe t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebsis\u00eb, dhe t\u00eb minoj\u00eb parimin themelor demokratik t\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjes p\u00ebr barazi politike. \u00cbsht\u00eb njohja e k\u00ebtyre fakteve \u2013 si dhe zem\u00ebrimi i kuptuesh\u00ebm ndaj mohimit t\u00eb tyre nga qarqe t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs \u2013 q\u00eb e b\u00ebn aq t\u00ebrheq\u00ebs faktin q\u00eb shum\u00eb prej gazetar\u00ebve dhe akademik\u00ebve t\u00eb sot\u00ebm t\u00eb ndjehen rehat n\u00eb poz\u00ebn e nj\u00eb kritik\u00eb t\u00eb past\u00ebr dhe k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul\u00ebse.<\/p>\n

Por nj\u00eb fokus i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb mbi padrejt\u00ebsit\u00eb e t\u00eb sotmes nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i ndersh\u00ebm intelektualisht sesa nj\u00eb paralajm\u00ebrim i pamenduar p\u00ebr madh\u00ebshtin\u00eb e qytet\u00ebrimit per\u00ebndimor. P\u00ebr t\u2019iu p\u00ebrmbajtur idealeve t\u00eb tij, edukimi qytetar duhet pra q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb si padrejt\u00ebsit\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta ashtu edhe arritjet e m\u00ebdha t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb liberale \u2013 dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u2019i b\u00ebj\u00eb student\u00ebt po aq t\u00eb vendosur p\u00ebr t\u00eb korrigjuar t\u00eb parat sa edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur k\u00ebto t\u00eb fundit.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb integrale e k\u00ebtij edukimi do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb vler\u00ebsim rreth arsyeve se pse parimet e demokracis\u00eb liberale paraqesin nj\u00eb joshje t\u00eb posa\u00e7me. M\u00ebsuesit dhe profesor\u00ebt do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb shpenzoni m\u00eb shum\u00eb koh\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah arsyet q\u00eb alternativat ideologjike t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb liberale, q\u00eb prej fashizmit te komunizmi, dhe q\u00eb prej autokracis\u00eb te teokracia, mbeten po aq t\u00eb papranueshme sot sa \u00e7\u2019ishin n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn. Dhe ata do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishin gjithashtu m\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb rreth faktit se p\u00ebrgjigjja e duhur ndaj hipokrizis\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebbimi i parimeve t\u00ebrheq\u00ebse q\u00eb shpesh p\u00ebrmenden n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pasinqert\u00eb por t\u00eb punuarit edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb m\u00eb n\u00eb fund ato t\u00eb vihen n\u00eb praktik\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 e argumentoj n\u00eb librin tim t\u00eb ri\u00a0Populli kund\u00ebr Demokracis\u00eb,<\/a>\u00a0ne do t\u00eb jemi n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajm\u00eb ngritjen e popullizmit vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse sigurohemi q\u00eb sistemi politik t\u00eb tejkaloj\u00eb po ato t\u00eb meta t\u00eb cilat e kan\u00eb ndezur at\u00eb. Njer\u00ebzit e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb shohin q\u00eb politikan\u00ebt nuk i d\u00ebgjojn\u00eb ata kur marrin vendime. Ka arsye se pse ata jan\u00eb skeptik\u00eb: t\u00eb pasurit dhe t\u00eb pushtetshmit kan\u00eb pasur v\u00ebrtet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb brengos\u00ebse t\u00eb ndikimit mbi politikb\u00ebrjen publike. Dera rrotulluese mes lobuesve dhe ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebsve, roli i st\u00ebrmadh i paras\u00eb private n\u00eb financat e fushatave, dhe lidhjet e ngushta mes politik\u00ebs dhe industris\u00eb v\u00ebrtet kan\u00eb minuar mas\u00ebn n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn vullneti popullor shtyn politikat publike.<\/p>\n

E gjith\u00eb kjo ka pasur ndikim mbi aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e qeveris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019iu p\u00ebrgjigjur njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb r\u00ebndomt\u00eb. Pas rritjes s\u00eb shpejt\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e pasluft\u00ebs, n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende amerikonoveriore dhe europianoperendimore, standardi i jetes\u00ebs p\u00ebr njer\u00ebzit e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb, ka dekada q\u00eb ka ngecur. Dhe frustrimi n\u00eb rritje p\u00ebr munges\u00ebn e progresit material, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, i ka ndihmuar ndezjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrplasjeje masive kulturore kundrejt idealeve t\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie t\u00eb barabart\u00eb e shum\u00ebetnik.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto t\u00eb meta mund t\u00eb adresohen vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes reform\u00ebs substanciale. Institucionet duhet t\u00eb kufizojn\u00eb ndikimin e paras\u00eb mbi politik\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb gjejn\u00eb m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb reja q\u00eb t\u2019iu mund\u00ebsojn\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb thon\u00eb fjal\u00ebn e tyre. Politikan\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb rigjejn\u00eb vullnetin dhe imagjinat\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb sigurojn\u00eb se frytet e globalizimit dhe tregut t\u00eb lir\u00eb t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndahen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb. Dhe qytetar\u00ebt \u2013 q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb prej nesh \u2013 duhet t\u00eb punojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb patriotiz\u00ebm p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs q\u00eb mbron pakicat kund\u00ebr diskriminimit nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb v\u00ebm\u00eb theksin mbi at\u00eb q\u00eb na bashkon n\u00eb vend se mbi at\u00eb q\u00eb na ndan.<\/p>\n

Por projekti i shp\u00ebtimit t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb liberale k\u00ebrkon gjithashtu di\u00e7ka m\u00eb fisnike sesa nj\u00eb reform\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb. Popullist\u00ebt kan\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb festojn\u00eb suksese aq t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme vet\u00ebm sepse themelet morale t\u00eb sistemit ton\u00eb jan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb brishta sa \u00e7\u2019kishim menduar. Dhe k\u00ebshtu kushdo q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb jap\u00eb kontribut n\u00eb rivitalizimin e demokracis\u00eb duhet q\u00eb s\u00eb pari t\u00eb ndihmoj\u00eb q\u00eb ta rind\u00ebrtoj\u00eb at\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb baz\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme ideologjike.
\n________<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkthyer nga Bardhi Bakija<\/p>\n

Yascha Mounk \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues mbi qeverin\u00eb n\u00eb Harvard dhe autor i librit t\u00eb ri Populli kund\u00ebr \u00a0Demokracis\u00eb: Pse Liria jon\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb Rrezik dhe Si ta Shp\u00ebtojm\u00eb at\u00eb [The People vs. Democracy: Why Our Freedom is in Danger and How to Save It]<\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb The Guardian<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n
\n

\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Autoritarian\u00ebt jan\u00eb n\u00eb ngritje, dhe elektoratet po joshen nga ekstremet. P\u00ebr ta luftuar k\u00ebt\u00eb, politikan\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb shkaqet e pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb popullore dhe t\u00eb rind\u00ebrtojn\u00eb themelet morale t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb Ka dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb kur duket sikur historia ngadal\u00ebsohet deri n\u00eb zvarritje. Zgjedhjet fitohen e humben, ligjet miratohen e shfuqizohen, yje t\u00eb reja linden dhe legjendat […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":576,"featured_media":11835,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1047,2252,1048],"ppma_author":[2217],"class_list":["post-4199","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-demokracia","tag-liberale","tag-populizmi"],"authors":[{"term_id":2217,"user_id":576,"is_guest":0,"slug":"yascha-moung","display_name":"Yascha Moung","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/vVNOIF5B_400x400.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/vVNOIF5B_400x400.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Mounk","first_name":"Yascha","description":"Yascha Mounk is a contributing writer at The Atlantic and the author, most recently, of The Identity Trap: A Story of Ideas and Power in Our Time."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4199","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/576"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4199"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4199\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11836,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4199\/revisions\/11836"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11835"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4199"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4199"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4199"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4199"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}