{"id":4282,"date":"2018-10-31T13:22:08","date_gmt":"2018-10-31T11:22:08","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4282"},"modified":"2024-11-12T14:49:59","modified_gmt":"2024-11-12T12:49:59","slug":"referendumet-si-kercenim-per-sistemet-multilaterale","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/referendumet-si-kercenim-per-sistemet-multilaterale\/","title":{"rendered":"Referendumet si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr sistemet multilaterale"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Nd\u00ebr zhvillimet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb shek. XX \u00ebsht\u00eb shtrirja e shpejt\u00eb globale e dy institucioneve t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme: demokracis\u00eb dhe multilateralizmit. T\u00eb dyjat bashk\u00eb e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb bot\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb pasur dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt. Multilateralizmi, n\u00eb terma t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, p\u00ebrkufizohet si bashk\u00ebpunim nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar mes tri ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb shteteve. Ky bashk\u00ebpunim \u00ebsht\u00eb i nd\u00ebrtuar mbi baz\u00ebn e disa parimeve t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb sjellje t\u00eb caktuara p\u00ebr shtetet pa marr\u00eb parasysh interesat e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb t\u00eb pal\u00ebve apo nevojat strategjike q\u00eb mund t\u00eb krijohen n\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb caktuara. Funksionimi mund\u00ebsohet p\u00ebrmes dialogut, kompromisit dhe reciprocitetit n\u00eb mes t\u00eb shteteve an\u00ebtare. Kombet e Bashkuara, Fondi Monetar Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, Banka Bot\u00ebrore, NATO, Bashkimi Evropian dhe shum\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunime tjera n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb ndryshimeve klimatike, refugjat\u00ebve dhe menaxhimit t\u00eb rrezikut b\u00ebrthamor jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm disa nga organizatat multilaterale q\u00eb kan\u00eb garantuar stabilitet pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, demokracia ka sjellur poashtu t\u00eb mira t\u00eb shumta kolektive. Tani \u00ebsht\u00eb universalisht e konsideruar si forma e vetme e qeverisjes dhe si e till\u00eb lavdohet si meritore p\u00ebr rritjen e mir\u00ebqenies dhe p\u00ebr uljen e prirjeve p\u00ebr dhun\u00eb brenda dhe mes shteteve. Studiuesi i demokracis\u00eb Larry Diamond lindjen dhe shp\u00ebrndarjen e demokracis\u00eb e kategorizon n\u00eb tri val\u00eb. \u201cVala e par\u00eb\u201d fillon me revolucionin amerikan dhe francez dhe mbyllet me demokratizimin e 29 vendeve deri n\u00eb vitin 1922. Ai num\u00ebr u tkurr n\u00eb 12 me rritjen e komunizmit, fashizmit dhe nazizmit. \u201cVala e dyt\u00eb\u201d arriti n\u00eb fundin e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, kur dekolonizimi solli demokracin\u00eb n\u00eb vendet si India dhe Shri Lanka dhe u dob\u00ebsua nga ngjarjet si grushteti ushtarak n\u00eb Bolici dhe Brazil m\u00eb 1964 dhe Argjentin\u00eb m\u00eb 1966. \u201cVala e tret\u00eb\u201d filloi n\u00eb vitin 1974 me revolucionin portugez q\u00eb rr\u00ebzoi diktatur\u00ebn gati gjysm\u00eb shekulli t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr. N\u00eb 30 vitet n\u00eb vazhdim demokracia u shp\u00ebrnda n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb si kurr\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Multilateralizmi dhe demokracia u shp\u00ebrndan\u00eb gati n\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb dyjat bashk\u00eb e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb bot\u00ebn vend m\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb pasur. Derisa deri m\u00eb tani demokracia dhe multilateralizmi kan\u00eb qen\u00eb nj\u00eb tandem progresiv dhe kan\u00eb pasur raport komplementar, nj\u00eb form\u00eb tjet\u00ebr e demokracis\u00eb, ajo e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb, po e l\u00ebkund rendin multilateral bot\u00ebror.<\/p>\n

Relacioni mes referendumit dhe multilateralizmit \u00e7alon nga disa tensione. Burimi kryesor i tensioneve \u00ebsht\u00eb se koordinimi i veprimit n\u00eb mes t\u00eb nj\u00eb numri t\u00eb madh t\u00eb shteteve pashmangshm\u00ebrisht n\u00ebnkupton se vendimmarrja nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e bazuar n\u00eb konsensus p\u00ebrfshin\u00eb nivele m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebta t\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrjes popullore sesa vendimmarrja n\u00eb nivel nacional. Kjo p\u00ebrfshirje e ul\u00ebt ngadal\u00eb ka akumuluar pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi tek qytetar\u00ebt q\u00eb jan\u00eb ndier t\u00eb anashkaluar nga proceset e vendimmarjes. Si pasoj\u00eb, k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr referendum \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur ndjesh\u00ebm dhe kjo mund t\u00eb paraqet rrezik p\u00ebr sistemet multilaterale.<\/p>\n

Kjo p\u00ebr shkak q\u00eb duket se njer\u00ebzit, kur u jepet rasti, po votojn\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb kund\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunimit multilateral i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb etabluar nga elitat dhe nga qeverit\u00eb n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb popullit. P\u00ebrvojat e fundit n\u00eb Bashkimin Evropian tregojn\u00eb se referendumi si mekaniz\u00ebm p\u00ebr politik\u00eb t\u00eb brendshme dhe t\u00eb jashtme do t\u00eb shpeshtohet n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen dhe kjo mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebj\u00eb rrezik p\u00ebr multilateralizmin dhe bashk\u00ebpunimin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. N\u00eb politika nacionale referendumi edhe mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i dobish\u00ebm n\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb caktuara, por m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb rol komplementar p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese sesa si z\u00ebvend\u00ebsues i plot\u00eb i saj. Megjithat\u00eb kur referendumi p\u00ebrdoret si mjet p\u00ebr politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme, qoft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysur vullnetin e institucioneve p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese, qoft\u00eb kur p\u00ebrdoret nga qeverit\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb betonuar pozit\u00ebn e tyre negociuese nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ai paraqet nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr multilateralizmin.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb konkretisht rreziku nga transferimi i vendimmarrjes nga demokracia p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese tek demokracia e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i dyfisht\u00eb. E para, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb n\u00ebse publiku i gjer\u00eb e ka d\u00ebshmuar veten t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegjsh\u00ebm n\u00eb vendimmarrje p\u00ebr politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme. E dyta, sistemi i multilateralizmit \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i brisht\u00eb se q\u00eb mendohet. Ai varet nga nj\u00eb rrjet\u00eb komplekse e obligimeve t\u00eb nd\u00ebrvar\u00ebsis\u00eb mes shteteve an\u00ebtare. Sistemi funksionon mbi besimin se sakrificat afat-shkurte t\u00eb shteteve n\u00eb sektore t\u00eb caktuara do t\u00eb kompensohen nga p\u00ebrfitimet afat-gjate n\u00eb ato, apo tjera sektore. \u00cbsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e leht\u00eb q\u00eb ky besim n\u00eb reciprocitetin dhe forc\u00ebn e rregullave q\u00eb mbajn\u00eb sistemin t\u00eb thehet sesa t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrvojat e BE-s\u00eb me referendumet jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrziera. N\u00eb lidhje me BE-n\u00eb dhe me Komunitetin Evropian m\u00eb her\u00ebt jan\u00eb mbajtur 48 referendume. Ata jan\u00eb mbajtur kryesisht p\u00ebr integrim apo ndryshime n\u00eb traktate. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dominante, verdiktet kan\u00eb qen\u00eb pozitive, por traktatet e Maastricht-it m\u00eb 1992, Nice-s m\u00eb 2002, Lisbon\u00ebs m\u00eb 2007 dhe Kushtetut\u00ebs Evropiane m\u00eb 2004 ishin kund\u00ebrshtuar q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha nga referendumet n\u00eb nj\u00eb ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb shtete. N\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve vendet q\u00eb votuan kund\u00ebr, m\u00eb pas i miratuan ndryshimet p\u00ebrmes referendumeve tjera. Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr faktit se referendumet e dyta mor\u00ebn shumic\u00ebn e nevojshme, vet\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritja e referendumit nuk e ka forcuar legjitimitetin e BE-s\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, n\u00eb referendum qytetar\u00ebt evropian\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pak po i pranojn\u00eb ndryshimet e propozuara nga BE-a. Duke mos i p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb referendumet e shteteve q\u00eb votojn\u00eb p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE, n\u00eb vendet e BE-s\u00eb jan\u00eb mbajtur 27 referendume mbi politikat e BE-s\u00eb. Nga to, 15 kan\u00eb aprovuar propozimet e BE-s\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb 12 i kan\u00eb refuzuar ato. Q\u00eb nga viti 2000 vet\u00ebm 6 referendume kan\u00eb pranuar politik\u00ebn e BE-s\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb 11 i kan\u00eb refuzuar ato.<\/p>\n

Referendumet nga 2014 deri m\u00eb 2016 ishtin testet e para serioze t\u00eb opinionit publik\u00a0q\u00eb nga kriza financiare e vitit 2008. Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj kohe ka r\u00ebn\u00eb besimi n\u00eb elita dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur ndikimi i partive populiste. Nacionalizmi dhe ksenofobia jan\u00eb forcuar. Humb\u00ebsit m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj kan\u00eb qen\u00eb partit\u00eb e qendr\u00ebs, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00eb trend i partive me prirje ekstreme \u00ebsht\u00eb imponuar. N\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb tilla atituda kundrejt multilateralizmit dhe organizatave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsuar. Gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb fundit ka pasur dy lloje t\u00eb referendumeve: (i) t\u00eb organizuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuar politikat e qeverive dhe (ii) t\u00eb organizuar nga qeverit\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb forcuar pozicionin e tyre n\u00eb negociata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Por gati t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebta referendume jan\u00eb shoq\u00ebruar me nj\u00eb pasivitet qytetar n\u00eb procesin e informimit t\u00eb drejt\u00eb dhe solid. Kritika dhe vler\u00ebsimi racional ka munguar. E gati t\u00eb gjitha shkollat e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare llogarisin se nj\u00eb doze bazike e racionalitetit q\u00ebndron n\u00eb themelin e sjelljes s\u00eb shtetit n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se nga vendimmarr\u00ebsit pritet q\u00eb s\u00eb paku t\u00eb marrin vendime p\u00ebrmes deduktimit racional n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb fakteve t\u00eb dh\u00ebna dhe q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr pasojat e (mos)veprimeve t\u00eb tyre. Kjo n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb dhe d\u00ebshir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar informacion; p\u00ebr vler\u00ebsim t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb burimeve t\u00eb ndryshme dhe t\u00eb t\u00eb kuptohet konteksti ku interpretohen faktet.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb, referendumi n\u00eb parim \u00ebsht\u00eb formati m\u00eb inkluziv i pjes\u00ebmarrjes aktive t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve n\u00eb politik\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb nivel, referendumi afirmon vullnetin qytetar. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, rreziku vjen nga fakti q\u00eb n\u00ebse vendimmarr\u00ebsit nuk jan\u00eb individualisht t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegjsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr veprimet e tyre, ata mund t\u00eb mos shohin arsye t\u00eb veprojn\u00eb pragmatikisht e as t\u00eb pajisen me dije mjaftuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb detajizuar t\u00eb pasojave t\u00eb vendimeve t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

Procesi i informimit k\u00ebrkon koh\u00eb dhe mund. Duke e ditur q\u00eb nj\u00eb vot\u00eb ka shum\u00eb gjasa t\u00eb vogla q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb vendimtare n\u00eb rezultatin final, pajisja me dije n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb kosto shum\u00eb t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebr shum\u00eb pak n\u00eb kthim. N\u00eb nj\u00eb studim t\u00eb saj p\u00ebr kompetenc\u00ebn e votuesve n\u00eb referendumet e BE-s\u00eb, Sara Hobolt shkruan se n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi qytetar\u00ebt priren t\u00eb jen\u00eb dob\u00ebt t\u00eb informuar mbi politikat e BE-s\u00eb. Joseph Schumpeter, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, pohon se individ\u00ebt m\u00ebsohen t\u00eb jen\u00eb vendimmarr\u00ebs t\u00eb mir\u00eb vet\u00ebm kur kan\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi mbi supet e tyre, si psh n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet profesionale, por kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr proceset masovike, ata kan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb gjasa q\u00eb t\u00eb demonstrjn\u00eb nj\u00eb sens t\u00eb zbeht\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb, t\u00eb shpenzojn\u00eb m\u00eb pak energji n\u00eb reflektim dhe jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb ekspozuar ndaj konkluzave jologjike. Sipas Schumpeter, k\u00ebta faktor\u00eb i shtyjn\u00eb njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb marrin vendime irracionale, t\u00eb relaksojn\u00eb standardet morale dhe t\u00eb shijojn\u00eb shprehjen e indinjat\u00ebs, pa reflektuar me kujdes. Ai thot\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebto shpjegojn\u00eb injoranc\u00ebn e qytetar\u00ebve dhe munges\u00ebn e gjykimeve kritike mbi \u00e7\u00ebshtjet komplekse t\u00eb jashtme dhe t\u00eb brendshme.<\/p>\n

Edhe pse argumentet e Schumpeter-it jan\u00eb pak t\u00eb sforcuara, ai ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb kur thot\u00eb se proceset masovike priret ta zhveshin individin nga p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia dhe ia dob\u00ebsojn\u00eb incentiv\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u2019u informuar thell\u00eb. P\u00ebr shembull, votuesit n\u00eb Kolorado t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb n\u00ebntor t\u00eb vitit 2016 votuan q\u00eb ta mbajn\u00eb skllav\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb kushtetut\u00ebn e shtetit p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb propozimit t\u00eb shtruar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jo bash t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb. Studiues t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm e kishin interpretuar k\u00ebt\u00eb ngjarje si produkt t\u00eb keqkuptimit nga nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe e votuesve. Poashtu, pyetja n\u00eb referendumin e SYRIZA-s n\u00eb Greqi ishte formuluar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb konfuze. N\u00eb vitin 2008, n\u00eb referendumin irlandez mbi Traktatin e Lisbon\u00ebs votuesit votuan kund\u00ebr, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr mb\u00ebshtetjes s\u00eb madh\u00eb nga t\u00eb gjitha partit\u00eb politike. Nj\u00eb studim mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb referendum gjeti se nuk ka dyshim q\u00eb arsyeja p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb rezultat gjendet tek mungesa e dijes, informacionit dhe t\u00eb t\u00eb kuptuarit e situat\u00ebs. Kjo p\u00ebr shkak q\u00eb referendumi ishte i bazuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb dokument voluminoz dhe shum\u00eb kompleks q\u00eb trajton pun\u00ebt e brendshme t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb dhe i shkruar me nj\u00eb stil gati t\u00eb pakapsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr jospecialist\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Britani t\u00eb Madhe, n\u00eb referendumin e BREXIT-it votuesit vazhdimisht i jan\u00eb ekspozuar keqinformimit p\u00ebr BE-n\u00eb. Pak nga ta kishin dije solide mbi institucionet e BE-s\u00eb dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si ato funksionojn\u00eb. Votuesit nuk iu besuan as burimeve t\u00eb brendshme e as t\u00eb jashtme. Sondazhet tregojn\u00eb se sidomos votuesit q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebn daljen nga BE-ja nuk i besuan gati askujt. Ekspert\u00ebt ishin injoruar dhe shum\u00eb g\u00ebnjeshtra ishin marr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta. 90% e ekonomist\u00ebve, 90% e akademik\u00ebve, shumica d\u00ebrrmuese e politikan\u00ebve dhe unioneve e asociacioneve t\u00eb tregtis\u00eb u shp\u00ebrfill\u00ebn. Procesi ishte p\u00ebrshkuar nga nj\u00eb prani e madhe e emocionalitetit.<\/p>\n

Por derisa Britania e Madhe \u00ebsht\u00eb vend i fuqish\u00ebm dhe mund t\u00eb mbijetoj\u00eb nj\u00eb gabim strategjik dhe t\u00eb q\u00ebndroj\u00eb jasht\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, vendet m\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebta ekonomikisht jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb cenueshme dhe mund t\u00eb paguajn\u00eb \u00e7mim m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb p\u00ebr gabimet e tyre. Greqia ishte af\u00ebr nj\u00eb gabimi t\u00eb till\u00eb. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr disa akademik\u00ebve q\u00eb b\u00ebnin thirrje p\u00ebr fajle t\u00eb borxhit, gati t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ekspert\u00ebt e dinin se nuk ka rrug\u00eb tjet\u00ebr reale pos pranimit t\u00eb propozimit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr Greqin\u00eb. Qeveria greke organizoi nj\u00eb referendum p\u00ebr t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuar propozimin e BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb forcoj\u00eb pozicionin e vet negociues me BE-n\u00eb. N\u00eb fund referendumi nuk e zgjidhi problemin. Qeveria greke vendosi p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e vetme racionale, por referendumi forcoi imazhin e BE-s\u00eb si organizat\u00eb anti-demokratike, duke e dob\u00ebsuar legjitimitetin e saj edhe m\u00eb tej.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vitin 2016, qeveria hungareze mbajti nj\u00eb referendum kund\u00ebr vendimit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr shp\u00ebrndarjen e refugjat\u00ebve n\u00eb gjith\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn. Qeveria nuk donte q\u00eb t\u00eb strehonte refugjat\u00eb. Sipas disa matjeve, qeveria shpenzoi 5 her\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa n\u00eb zgjedhje normale. Megjith\u00ebse pragu i daljes nuk u kalua p\u00ebr shkak q\u00eb u bojkotua nga kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt, referendumi e forcoi pozicionin e Hugnaris\u00eb n\u00eb raport me BE-n\u00eb. Nj\u00eb praktik\u00eb e till\u00eb ia dob\u00ebson sjelljen pragmatike qeverive dhe e v\u00ebshtir\u00ebson bashk\u00ebpunimin mes shteteve sepse pengohet solidariteti n\u00eb koh\u00eb krizash.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr efekteve negative, duket se referendumet tani jan\u00eb nj\u00eb mjet efikas n\u00eb minimin e sistemeve multilaterale dhe pritjet jan\u00eb se ata vet\u00ebm do t\u00eb shpeshtohen. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00ebs s\u00eb krijuar, referendumet tani jan\u00eb duke u organizuar dyfish m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa para 50 viteve dhe kat\u00ebr her\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shekullit XX. Rritja m\u00eb e madhe \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebrejtur n\u00eb vendet demokratike. Shum\u00eb sondazhe n\u00eb ShBA tregojn\u00eb se 86% e nj\u00ebrzve jan\u00eb n\u00eb favor t\u00eb organizimeve nacionale t\u00eb referendumeve p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur rreth \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. E nj\u00ebjta vlen p\u00ebr BE-n\u00eb. Njer\u00ebzit po ndihen se kan\u00eb shum\u00eb pak pushtet n\u00eb krahasim me politikan\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Ata q\u00eb jan\u00eb kund\u00ebr referendumeve po e p\u00ebrdorin argumentin e kostos financiare, por zhvillimi teknologjik po i b\u00ebn gjith\u00ebnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrballueshme shpenzimet e organizimit. Ata politikan\u00eb q\u00eb mendojn\u00eb se qytetar\u00ebt nuk kan\u00eb kapacitet q\u00eb t\u00eb gjykojn\u00eb denj\u00ebsisht, nuk guxojn\u00eb t\u00eb deklarohen sepse kjo u kushton me vota dhe popullaritet. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, premtimi p\u00ebr referendume po sjell divident\u00eb t\u00eb majm\u00eb elektorale. Partit\u00eb populiste jan\u00eb duke u rritur gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb duke premtuar referendume. N\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 2017 n\u00eb Franc\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb 5 kanditat\u00ebt p\u00ebr president n\u00eb programet e tyre kan\u00eb parapar\u00eb mbajtjen e referendumeve.<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 tham\u00eb, multilateralizmi k\u00ebrkon besim n\u00eb nj\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarje t\u00eb balancuar t\u00eb reciprocitetit n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin shtetet pranojn\u00eb nganj\u00ebher\u00eb rezultate jo optimale, por gjithnj\u00eb duke e ditur se m\u00eb von\u00eb do t\u00eb kompenzohen me p\u00ebrfitime m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. N\u00ebse publiku i gjer\u00eb mendon ndryshe, ose n\u00ebse shtetet d\u00ebshtojn\u00eb t\u00eb japin garancion p\u00ebr rezultate pozitive, at\u00ebher\u00eb multilateralizmi do t\u00eb ket\u00eb dit\u00eb jo shum\u00eb t\u00eb mira. N\u00eb situata krizash sistemet multilaterale vuajn\u00eb nga popullariteti i ul\u00ebt dhe leht\u00eb njer\u00ebzit mund t\u00eb kthehen kund\u00ebr tyre. N\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb tilla qytetar\u00ebt e shteteve t\u00eb ndryshme tregojn\u00eb solidaritet t\u00eb ul\u00ebt mes vete dhe priren t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb egoist\u00eb. Efekti i k\u00ebtij trendi pritet t\u00eb ul\u00eb mir\u00ebbesimin mes shteteve an\u00ebtare n\u00eb sistemet multilaterale dhe t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsoj\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimin mes tyre, e rrjedhimisht performanca e tyre p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsohet edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb. Tutje, qeverit\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb tendenca q\u00eb t\u00eb paraqiten si demokratike organizojn\u00eb referendume t\u00eb cilat m\u00eb pas mund t\u2019ia kufizojn\u00eb manovrimin n\u00eb negociata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe ta ul\u00eb racionalitetin.<\/p>\n

Rreziku i referendumeve p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e jashtme \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i madh se p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e brendshme. Kjo p\u00ebr shkak q\u00eb proceset e brendshme mund t\u00eb ndryshohen m\u00eb leht\u00eb sesa proceset nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. P\u00ebr shembull qytetar\u00ebt britanik\u00eb mund t\u00eb pendohen p\u00ebr vendimin e tyre n\u00eb BREXIT dhe t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb referendum t\u00eb dyt\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn \u00e7\u00ebshtje. Por n\u00ebse Britania e Madhe del nga BE-ja, do ta ket\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb kthehet prap\u00eb n\u00eb BE. Shtetet an\u00ebtar\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb donin q\u00eb t\u2019i hapnin dyert p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i paqart\u00eb me veten dhe q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i paq\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm. Ose, n\u00ebse do t\u00eb pranonin, do t\u2019i k\u00ebrkonin Britanis\u00eb koncesione jo t\u00eb lehta dhe kjo do t\u2019i radikalizonte edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt britanik\u00eb kund\u00ebr BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sigurisht, si\u00e7 tregon shembulli i Donald Trump-it, nuk ka garancion se qeverit\u00eb jan\u00eb racionale n\u00eb vendimmarrje. Megjithat\u00eb, strukturat dhe shtr\u00ebngesat e vendimeve n\u00eb sistemet e demokracive p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese ofrojn\u00eb baz\u00eb m\u00eb solide p\u00ebr pragmatiz\u00ebm. Qeverit\u00eb u japin m\u00eb shum\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb ekspert\u00ebve dhe kan\u00eb devotshm\u00ebri m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe ndaj marr\u00ebveshjeve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. M\u00eb tej, ndarja e pushteteve ofron m\u00eb shum\u00eb siguri p\u00ebr vendime t\u00eb matura. N\u00eb referendume k\u00ebto siguresa mungojn\u00eb dhe mund\u00ebsit\u00eb p\u00ebr irracionalitet jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb larta.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb nj\u00eb shk\u00ebndij\u00eb shprese mund t\u00eb gjendet tek optimizmi se me kalimin e koh\u00ebs njer\u00ebzit do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb informohen m\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb gjykojn\u00eb m\u00eb mpreht\u00eb. Deri at\u00ebher\u00eb, p\u00ebrvojat n\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb bot\u00ebs tregojn\u00eb se kampanjat n\u00eb referendume mbeten t\u00eb ekspozuara p\u00ebrball\u00eb irracionalitetit. E ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rrezik i vog\u00ebl.<\/p>\n

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Nd\u00ebr zhvillimet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb shek. XX \u00ebsht\u00eb shtrirja e shpejt\u00eb globale e dy institucioneve t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme: demokracis\u00eb dhe multilateralizmit. T\u00eb dyjat bashk\u00eb e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb bot\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb pasur dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt. Multilateralizmi, n\u00eb terma t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, p\u00ebrkufizohet si bashk\u00ebpunim nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar mes tri ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb shteteve. Ky […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":415,"featured_media":10046,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1772,1773],"ppma_author":[778],"class_list":["post-4282","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-referendumet","tag-sistemet-multilaterale"],"authors":[{"term_id":778,"user_id":415,"is_guest":0,"slug":"shkodran-ramadani","display_name":"Shkodran Ramadani","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/shkodran-e1729253403162.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/shkodran-e1729253403162.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ramadani","first_name":"Shkodran","description":"Shkodran Ramadani \u00ebsht\u00eb hulumtues n\u00eb Institutin \u201cCompass\u201d n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb. Ai ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet Bachelor n\u00eb Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb dhe studimet Master n\u00eb Sociologji n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Shkodrani \u00ebsht\u00eb aktiv n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e hulumtimeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb tranzicionale, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, populizmit, sekularizmit, demokracis\u00eb konsociacionale dhe autonomis\u00eb."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4282","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/415"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4282"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4282\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10047,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4282\/revisions\/10047"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10046"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4282"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4282"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4282"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4282"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}