{"id":4288,"date":"2018-11-09T13:13:57","date_gmt":"2018-11-09T11:13:57","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4288"},"modified":"2024-11-07T13:20:24","modified_gmt":"2024-11-07T11:20:24","slug":"a-mund-te-jete-popullizmi-i-mire-per-demokracine","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/a-mund-te-jete-popullizmi-i-mire-per-demokracine\/","title":{"rendered":"A mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb popullizmi i mir\u00eb p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb?"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Nj\u00eb val\u00eb e revoltave populliste i ka b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz t\u00eb humbin besimin n\u00eb urtin\u00eb e pushtetit t\u00eb popullit. Megjithat\u00eb, shp\u00ebrthime t\u00eb tilla jan\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr vitalitetin e politik\u00ebs moderne.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Artikulli origjinal<\/a>\u00a0i botuar n\u00eb The Guardian<\/em><\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjith\u00eb duket se pajtohen se demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rrezik. E habitshmja \u00ebsht\u00eb se sa nga miqt\u00eb e saj t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm kan\u00eb ardhur n\u00eb gjendjen q\u00eb t\u2019i ken\u00eb frik\u00eb vet\u00eb demokracis\u00eb \u2013 ose mbase t\u00eb ken\u00eb frik\u00ebn q\u00eb populli i nj\u00eb vendi, i p\u00ebrflakur nga pasionet e ngushta, rrezikon ta kthej\u00eb politik\u00ebn n\u00eb sport t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjaksh\u00ebm e t\u00eb pashije, duke v\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb Popullin kund\u00ebr Demokracis\u00eb, sipas fjal\u00ebve trondit\u00ebse t\u00eb titullit t\u00eb librit t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb Yascha Mounk.<\/p>\n

V\u00ebzhguesit kan\u00eb shqet\u00ebsime t\u00eb kuptueshme p\u00ebr programet politike q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb alarmuese iliberale, e megjithat\u00eb duksh\u00ebm demokratike, p\u00ebr faktin se shumica e qytetar\u00ebve i mb\u00ebshtesin ato. N\u00eb Poloni e Hungari, partit\u00eb qeveritare t\u00eb zgjedhura n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb demokratike sulmojn\u00eb imigrant\u00ebt mysliman\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb identitetit t\u00eb krishter\u00eb. N\u00eb Filipine, presidenti Rodrigo Duterte qeveris me grusht t\u00eb hekurt, duke u zotuar se do t\u2019i \u00e7oj\u00eb drogaxhinjt\u00eb n\u00eb morgje, e jo burgje.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjitha demokracit\u00eb moderne mbahen pas pohimit t\u00eb sovranitetit popullor \u2013 n\u00eb premis\u00ebn se t\u00eb gjitha qeverit\u00eb legjitime marrin jet\u00eb nga pushtetit i popullit dhe n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb i n\u00ebnshtrohen vullnetit t\u00eb tij. Megjithat\u00eb, kur shumica d\u00ebrrmuese e popullit t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi mb\u00ebshtet furish\u00ebm politika t\u00eb tilla q\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kritik mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb neveritshme, shum\u00eb liberal\u00eb, madje edhe demokrat\u00eb t\u00eb betuar, t\u00ebrhiqen t\u00eb tmerruar.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu ngritet mund\u00ebsia e nj\u00eb paradoksi t\u00eb dhimbshem: q\u00eb \u201cdemokracit\u00eb marrin fund kur jan\u00eb tep\u00ebr demokratike\u201d. Ashtu konkludonte nj\u00eb shkrim i vitit 2016 nga analisti politik Andrew Sullivan, q\u00eb ringjall argumentin e b\u00ebr\u00eb dy breza m\u00eb par\u00eb nga Samuel Huntingon (n\u00eb raportin e vitit 1975 t\u00eb quajtur Kriza e Demokracis\u00eb, q\u00eb doli pas revoltave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb student\u00ebve n\u00eb vitet 1960).<\/p>\n

Madje edhe akademikja e majt\u00eb Chantal Mouffe, e cila p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb ka p\u00ebrkrahur konfliktin popullist si thelbin e \u201cdemokracis\u00eb radikale\u201d, duket e merakosur nga ngjarjet e fundit: \u201cDemokracia e cila funksionon si duhet \u2013 me konflikt, por ku njer\u00ebzit pranojn\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn e kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve \u2013 nuk rivendoset leht\u00eb,\u201d i tha ajo s\u00eb fundmi nj\u00eb intervistuesi, duke gjestikuluar n\u00ebnkuptuesh\u00ebm drejt toleranc\u00ebs, nj\u00ebr\u00ebs prej normave m\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikuara liberale n\u00eb kontekstin aktual: \u201cNuk jam aq optimiste.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ngjarjet e fundit mund t\u00eb duken bukur jopremtuese, por frika rreth demokracis\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ndonj\u00eb risi. N\u00eb zenitin e demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb Athin\u00ebn e lasht\u00eb, n\u00eb shekullin e pest\u00eb p.e.s., nj\u00eb kritik e quajti \u201cabsurd i past\u00ebr\u201d \u2013 dhe k\u00ebshtu i dukej shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb ekspert\u00ebve politik\u00eb q\u00eb prej Aristotelit te Edmund Burke, q\u00eb e konsideronin demokracin\u00eb \u201cgj\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb paturpshme n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn\u201d. Si\u00e7 paralajm\u00ebronte nj\u00eb prej baballar\u00ebve t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs John Adams,\u201cs\u2019ka pasur ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb demokraci q\u00eb t\u00eb mos ket\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb vet\u00ebvrasje\u201d.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr gati 2000 vjet, shumica e teoricien\u00ebve politik\u00eb perendimor\u00eb u pajtuan me Aristotelin, Burke-in dhe Adams-in: askush nuk mund t\u00eb imagjinonte seriozisht avokimin p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb si form\u00eb ideale t\u00eb qeverisjes. Vet\u00ebm n\u00eb fund t\u00eb shekullit 18-t\u00eb, gjat\u00eb Revolucionit Francez, demokracia u rishfaq si ideal politik modern.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb, kryengritjet e revoltat popullore n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb tipar i shpesht\u00eb i politik\u00ebs globale. Duhet t\u00eb theksohet: k\u00ebto revolta nuk jan\u00eb defekte fatkeqe n\u00eb marshimin paq\u00ebsor drejt nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie m\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb; ato p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb zemr\u00ebn dhe shpirtin e demokracis\u00eb moderne si realitet t\u00eb gjall\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ka nj\u00eb tregim t\u00eb njohur: thua se e r\u00ebn\u00eb nga qielli, nj\u00eb turm\u00eb derdhet n\u00eb sheshin e qytetit ose mblidhet n\u00eb nj\u00eb miting t\u00eb mbajtur nga nj\u00eb orator magjeps\u00ebs, q\u00eb t\u00eb protestoj\u00eb kund\u00ebr institucioneve t\u00eb urryera, t\u00eb shpreh\u00eb zem\u00ebrimin ndaj tradhtive t\u00eb klas\u00ebs qeveris\u00ebse, t\u00eb marr\u00eb n\u00ebn kontroll hap\u00ebsirat publike. T\u2019i etiketosh k\u00ebto momente t\u00eb shpeshta shqet\u00ebsuese t\u00eb liris\u00eb kolektive \u201cpopulliste\u201d, n\u00eb sensin pezhorativ t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs, do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb keqkuptosh tiparin themelor t\u00eb projektit demokratik modern.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, k\u00ebta episod\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00eb-pohimit kolektiv jan\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb t\u00eb momentit dhe nga ana e tyre shpesh provokojn\u00eb reagime t\u00eb ashpra politike. Trazirat politike q\u00eb ato krijojn\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshti me nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb form\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme e paq\u00ebsore t\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrjes kolektive. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb prej arsyeve pse shum\u00eb demokrat\u00eb modern\u00eb jan\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb insititucione p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese q\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb, t\u00eb mund t\u00eb shprehin \u2013 p\u00ebrmes mbrojtjeve liberale t\u00eb liris\u00eb s\u00eb fes\u00eb, asaj t\u00eb shtypit dhe t\u00eb drejtave civile t\u00eb pakicave \u2013 e n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb zbusin vullnetin e nj\u00eb populli sovran.<\/p>\n

Prandaj filozofi i madh francez Condorcet propozoi m\u00eb 1793 q\u00eb t\u00eb krijohej nj\u00eb form\u00eb e re, indirekte e vet\u00ebqeverisjes, duke i lidhur asamblet\u00eb lokale me qeverin\u00eb komb\u00ebtare. \u201cduke rr\u00ebnjosur p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin n\u00eb demokraci,\u201d si\u00e7 e thot\u00eb miku i Condorcet-s\u00eb Tom Paine, populli mund t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb pushtetin si drejtp\u00ebrdrejt, n\u00eb asamblet\u00eb lokale, ashtu edhe indirekt, duke ua besuar disa prej pushteteve t\u00eb tyre p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues\u00ebve t\u00eb zgjedhur.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebn presionin e ngjarjeve mes luft\u00ebs civile, nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr demokrat i flakt\u00eb francez, Robespierre, shkoi edhe m\u00eb larg duke trumbetuar nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr diktatur\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohshme \u2013 pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb forme m\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese pasi t\u00eb ishin mposhtur armiqt\u00eb e saj dhe rendi dhe ligji t\u00eb rikthehej.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, kishte di\u00e7ka q\u00eb s\u2019shkonte me k\u00ebto p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur demokracin\u00eb n\u00eb peshore. Posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht n\u00eb kombe t\u00eb m\u00ebdha si Franca dhe SH.B.A-t\u00eb, institucionet p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese \u2013 dhe, edhe m\u00eb keq,\u00a0 regjimet diktatoriale q\u00eb pretendojn\u00eb mandate popullore \u2013 rrezikojn\u00eb pashmangsh\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb frustronj\u00eb \u00e7dok\u00eb q\u00eb shpreson t\u00eb luaj\u00eb rol m\u00eb t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb vendim-marrjen politike.<\/p>\n

Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb projekti demokratik, i lasht\u00eb e modern, n\u00eb thelb \u00ebsht\u00eb jo i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm. Premtimi modern i sovranitetit popullor, vazhdimisht i frustruar, prodhon orvatje t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritura p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar pushtetin kolektiv t\u00eb popullit. Po u p\u00eblqeu v\u00ebzhguesve rezultati i p\u00ebrpjekjes s\u00eb till\u00eb, mund ta p\u00ebrshendesin si rilindje t\u00eb shpirtit demokratik; n\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt, ata jan\u00eb t\u00eb prirur t\u2019i m\u00ebnjanojn\u00eb k\u00ebta episod\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00eb-deklarimit kolektiv si sundim t\u00eb turm\u00ebs apo populliz\u00ebm t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7artur.<\/p>\n

Edhe pse konsensusi i pasluft\u00ebs s\u00eb dyt\u00eb bot\u00ebrore rreth kuptim\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe vler\u00ebs so institucioneve demokratike liberale duket m\u00eb i brisht\u00eb se kurr\u00eb \u2013 sondazhet tregojn\u00eb se besimi n\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e zgjedhur rrall\u00eb ka qen\u00eb m\u00eb i ul\u00ebt \u2013 demokracia si mospajtim i furish\u00ebm lul\u00ebzon n\u00eb shp\u00ebrthime t\u00eb ndezura e t\u00eb vrullshme t\u00eb zem\u00ebrimit ndaj elitave t\u00eb ve\u00e7uara dhe armiqve t\u00eb turbullt.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi q\u00eb me mpreht\u00ebsi t\u00eb dallohet demokracia prej liberalizmit \u2013 dy fjal\u00eb t\u00eb mveshura me vler\u00eb t\u00eb cilat n\u00eb vitet e fundit jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb pothuajse t\u00eb shkrira dhe t\u00eb ngat\u00ebrrueshme me nj\u00ebra tjetr\u00ebn, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb veprat e shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebve social\u00eb dhe analist\u00ebve politik\u00eb per\u00ebndimore t\u00eb cil\u00ebt brengosen se demokracia liberale per\u00ebndimore, dikur \u201ctoka e premtuar\u201d, \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb \u201carmiku\u201d n\u00eb vendet si Hungaria.<\/p>\n

Ndryshe nga demokracia, \u201cliberalizmi\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb prurje relativisht e vonshme n\u00eb leksikonin ton\u00eb politik. N\u00eb Europ\u00eb, ky term u p\u00ebrdor gj\u00ebr\u00ebsisht s\u00eb pari n\u00eb shekullin e 19-t\u00eb nga teoricien\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm politik\u00eb dhe burr\u00ebshtetas n\u00eb Franc\u00eb, Gjermani dhe Itali, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kishin pik\u00ebpamje t\u00eb njejta sa i p\u00ebrket tmerreve nga gjakderdhja e Revolucionit Francez, por ndryshonin sa i p\u00ebrket pik\u00ebpamjeve pozitive.<\/p>\n

Demokracia moderne poashtu nuk ka lidhje t\u00eb domosdoshme me liberalizmin. Flamurtar\u00ebt protestan\u00eb t\u00eb sovranitetit popullor n\u00eb shekullin e 16-t\u00eb u thirr\u00ebn n\u00eb t\u00eb me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb t\u00eb rr\u00ebzonin sundimtar\u00ebt me t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kishin mospajtime fetare: \u201cNuk qe liria fetare ajo q\u00eb k\u00ebrkonin, por eliminimi i feve t\u00eb gabuara,\u201d si\u00e7 kishte th\u00ebn\u00eb historiani Edmund Morgan m\u00eb 1988.<\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb sot \u00ebsht\u00eb se p\u00ebrderisa demokracia mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahje t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, n\u00eb form\u00ebn e saj liberale ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb ideologji e d\u00ebrrmuar. Si\u00e7 v\u00ebren shkenc\u00ebtari social William Galston: \u201cPak udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs e l\u00ebvizje n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim guxojn\u00eb t\u00eb sfidojn\u00eb vet iden\u00eb e demokracis\u00eb. Nuk ndodh k\u00ebshtu me liberalizmin, i cili p\u00ebrballet me sulme t\u00eb m\u00ebdha.\u201d Pasoj\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj \u00ebsht\u00eb ngritja e l\u00ebvizjeve popullore ku shumica e qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm p\u00ebrqafojn\u00eb nj\u00eb koncept t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb t\u00eb solideratitetit dhe tubohen rreth nj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi q\u00eb pretendon t\u00eb misheroj\u00eb vullnetin e nj\u00eb komuniteti t\u00eb till\u00eb t\u00eb izoluar.<\/p>\n

Pasoj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ka qen\u00eb rigjall\u00ebrimi i anktheve tradicionale rreth demokracis\u00eb dhe rreziqeve t\u00eb saj t\u00eb dukshme, sikurse n\u00eb Mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb e Bashkuar dhe n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, pse duhet q\u00eb t\u2019i besojm\u00eb fatin e Tok\u00ebs nj\u00eb numri t\u00eb madh t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb r\u00ebndomt\u00eb, aq t\u00eb pamend sa t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesin politika vet\u00ebshkat\u00ebrruese dhe udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs duksh\u00ebm t\u00eb paaft\u00eb?<\/p>\n

Shumica e autoriteteve t\u00eb lashta e shanin demokracin\u00eb n\u00eb Athin\u00eb. Platoni, mbase shkrimtari m\u00eb i adhuruar i lasht\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe dikush q\u00eb jetoi n\u00ebn sundimin demokratik n\u00eb shekullin e kat\u00ebrt p.e.s., kritikonte besimet e rreme q\u00eb mbizot\u00ebronin n\u00eb qytetin e qeverisur nga opinion public, e jo nga dija e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb dhe vajtonte \u201cpafytyr\u00ebsin\u00eb, anarkin\u00eb, rruga\u00e7\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe paturp\u00ebsin\u00eb\u201d q\u00eb ato besime p\u00ebrligjnin. Historiani Tukididi [Thucydides], tjet\u00ebr qytetar i Athin\u00ebs demokratike, q\u00eb shkroi kronik\u00ebn e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Peleponezit me Spart\u00ebn q\u00eb mori fund me disfat\u00ebn e Athin\u00ebs m\u00eb 404, p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb rezultat katastrofal faktikisht faj\u00ebsoi pushtetin e qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Athin\u00ebs dhe prirjen e tyre p\u00ebr t\u2019u \u00a0manipuluar nga orator\u00ebt rrenacak\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Fal\u00eb kritikave t\u00eb tilla \u2013 si dhe zhvillimeve politike q\u00eb pasuan, q\u00eb prej Perandoris\u00eb maqedonase t\u00eb Aleksandrit t\u00eb Madh deri te monarkit\u00eb moderne europiane q\u00eb pretendonin t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn hyjnore p\u00ebr t\u00eb sunduar \u2013 p\u00ebr shum\u00eb koh\u00eb, askush nuk u interesua fort p\u00ebr sistemin politik athinas, e as p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb si form\u00eb t\u00eb qeverisjes.<\/p>\n

Demokracia athinase v\u00ebrtet nuk vler\u00ebsohet me standardet moderne liberale: n\u00eb zenitin e saj n\u00eb shekujt pes\u00eb dhe kat\u00ebr p.e.s., nuk zgjidhte shumic\u00ebn e qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb saj p\u00ebrmes zgjedhjeve; as nuk mbronte t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb saj, meq\u00eb i mungonte \u00e7far\u00ebdo nocioni i t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb tilla; e as nuk kishte pushtete themelore t\u00eb polisit athinas t\u00eb mishnuara n\u00eb nj\u00eb dokument t\u00eb shkruar t\u00eb gjithmbarsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Ajo \u00e7far\u00eb kishte Athina ishte nj\u00eb komunitet ku nga secili qytetar pritej q\u00eb t\u00eb merrte pjes\u00eb n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike t\u00eb qytetit \u2013 dhe at\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb aktivisht se sa n\u00eb cil\u00ebndo demokraci moderne. N\u00eb kulmin e demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb Athin\u00eb, nj\u00eb asamble qytetar\u00ebsh e hapur p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, mblidhej s\u00eb paku 40 her\u00eb n\u00eb vit. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb postet politike mbaheshin prej qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm t\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhur r\u00ebndom dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb gjykimet ligjore n\u00eb gjykatat e qytetit nxirreshin nga juri t\u00eb m\u00ebdha qytetar\u00ebsh t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm, poashtu t\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhur r\u00ebndom. E gjith\u00eb kjo ngjau n\u00eb nj\u00eb qytet bukur t\u00eb madh tregtar q\u00eb mbizot\u00ebroi bot\u00ebn e Mesdheut lindor p\u00ebr afro dy shekuj.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto institucione qen\u00eb pasoj\u00eb e kryengritjeve popullore m\u00eb 508 p.e.s., kund\u00ebr trupave spartane q\u00eb kishin pushtuar Akropolisin. N\u00eb vend se t\u2019i n\u00ebnshtroheshin pushtimit t\u00eb huaj, qytetar\u00ebt e zakonsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Athin\u00ebs u mblodh\u00ebn spontanisht te Akropolisi dhe rrethuan ushtrin\u00eb spartane. Iu desh\u00ebn vet\u00ebm tre dit\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i p\u00ebrzinin spartan\u00ebt \u2013 q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se kryengritja popullore kishte edhe njer\u00ebz edhe forc\u00eb n\u00eb an\u00ebn e saj.<\/p>\n

Si pasoj\u00eb, ngjau nj\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrim i plot\u00eb i institucioneve athinase dhe p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb histori u shfaq \u201cdemokracia\u201d, si fjal\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruan nj\u00eb regjim ku pushteti\u00a0(kratos)\u00a0<\/em>qe n\u00eb duart e qyetar\u00ebve t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm\u00a0(demos)<\/em>. K\u00ebtej e tutje, t\u00eb gjitha ligjet e Athin\u00ebs duhej t\u00eb miratoheshin n\u00eb parlament, q\u00eb tash hapej p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt, pa marr\u00eb parasysh sa t\u00eb varf\u00ebr. Edhe m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm qe p\u00ebrdorimi i shortit p\u00ebr shumic\u00ebn e pozitave zyrtare dhe jurive, q\u00eb asgj\u00ebsonte p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsit\u00eb koruptive q\u00eb jepeshin n\u00eb zgjedhjet n\u00eb saj\u00eb t\u00eb pasuris\u00eb dhe emrit t\u00eb familj\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Me t\u00eb fuqizuar k\u00ebshtu shumic\u00ebn e varf\u00ebr, akuzonin kritik\u00ebt, parlamenti dhe orator\u00ebt demokratik\u00eb kishin krijuar n\u00eb fakt nj\u00eb lloj tjet\u00ebr tiranie \u2013 tiranin\u00eb kolektive t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs, nj\u00eb de facto shtet t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies q\u00eb i ndante hise t\u00eb parave dhe patronazhit qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm q\u00eb mbushnin radh\u00ebt e flot\u00ebs perandorake dhe gjykatave e posteve pulike.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr Platonin, problemi ky\u00e7 ishte epistemologjik: shumica e njer\u00ebzve \u2013 \u201cshumica\u201d \u2013 nuk kishte njohuri n\u00eb mendjet e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn dhe as ndonj\u00eb sens t\u00eb qart\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. Demokracia korupton bile edhe qytetar\u00ebt m\u00eb intelegjent\u00eb duke i shtyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb banalizojn\u00eb politikat e tyr\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i k\u00ebnaqin turmat e padishme. Kur mblidheshin \u201cn\u00eb asamble, gjykata, teatro, kampe ushtrie, apo \u00e7far\u00ebdo takimi t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb turm\u00ebs,\u201d demosi athinas, tregon Platoni, \u201cdo t\u00eb faj\u00ebsonte disa prej gj\u00ebrave q\u00eb thuheshin a b\u00ebheshin, e do t\u00eb lavd\u00ebronte t\u00eb tjerat, q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja me tepric\u00eb, me b\u00ebrtitje e duartrokitje; e p\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, gur\u00ebt e vet vendi q\u00eb i rr\u00ebthon, jehon dhe e dyfishon zhurm\u00ebn e lavd\u00ebrimit e fajit.\u201d<\/p>\n

Pas eklipsit t\u00eb vet\u00ebqeverisjes s\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e lasht\u00eb, ideja e demokracis\u00eb mbijetoi, pothuajse. N\u00eb Per\u00ebndim u p\u00ebrdor kryesisht si term arti, i p\u00ebrmendur nga studiuesit e ligjit p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebisht n\u00eb dy p\u00ebrdorime kontradiktore. N\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb, demokracia u b\u00eb sinonim p\u00ebr anarkin\u00eb e dhunshme: historiani romak Polybius thot\u00eb se \u201cliria e tepruar dhe shthurja\u201d e demokracis\u00eb, pashmangsh\u00ebm \u201cprodhon sundimin e turm\u00ebs\u201d, q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyll\u00eb ciklin p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilit t\u00eb gjitha qeverit\u00eb duhej t\u00eb kalonin, q\u00eb prej m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebs (monarkis\u00eb) te m\u00eb e keqja (demokracia, e pastaj sundimi i turm\u00ebs).<\/p>\n

N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, Polybius gjithashtu argumentonte se demokracia ka nj\u00eb rol me potencial konstruktiv. Ai propozonte se regjimi m\u00eb i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm politik \u00ebsht\u00eb republika q\u00eb kombinon n\u00eb deg\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhura t\u00eb tri format e pastra t\u00eb qeverisjes (monarkin\u00eb, aristokracin\u00eb dhe demokracin\u00eb) q\u00eb do t\u00eb kontrollonin pushtetin e nj\u00ebra tjetr\u00ebs, duke i mund\u00ebsuar republik\u00ebs s\u00eb mir\u00ebrregulluar t\u00eb lundroj\u00eb er\u00ebrat e koh\u00ebs \u201csi bark\u00eb e manovruar mir\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb shekujt m\u00eb pas, u shfaq nj\u00eb tradit\u00eb e mendimit republikan, e bazuar n\u00eb shembullin e Rom\u00ebs s\u00eb lasht\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb Rilindjes, disa teoricien\u00eb q\u00eb punonin p\u00ebrbrenda tradit\u00ebs republikane propozuan me maturi q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit e zakonsh\u00ebm mund t\u00eb luajn\u00eb nj\u00eb rol posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht t\u00eb dobish\u00ebm, sidomos si kujdestar\u00eb dhe ushtar\u00eb. Duke qen\u00eb se ishin xheloz\u00eb p\u00ebr lirin\u00eb e tyre, ata do t\u00eb ishin spektator\u00eb vigjilent\u00eb t\u00eb sjelljes ekzekutive dhe administrative, roje t\u00eb mbrapshtive. Vet\u00eb pasionet e popullit, t\u00eb cilat mund t\u00eb prodhojn\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb\u00a0esprit de corps,<\/em>\u00a0mund t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzohen gjithashtu p\u00ebr rritjen e fuqis\u00eb ushtarake t\u00eb republik\u00ebs. Duke \u00ebndrruar rigjall\u00ebrimin e lavdis\u00eb italiane t\u00eb Rilindjes, Machiavelli ishte i etur t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzonte afshet popullore: \u201cUshtrit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mira jan\u00eb ato t\u00eb popujve t\u00eb armatosur,\u201d e jo ato t\u00eb mercenar\u00ebve t\u00eb paguar.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb njejt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, shkrimtar\u00ebt republikan\u00eb prireshin t\u00eb pajtohen q\u00eb rreziku kryesor ndaj nj\u00eb kushtetute t\u00eb p\u00ebrzier vinte nga elementi demokratik, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb prirjes q\u00eb t\u00eb degjeneronte n\u00eb dhun\u00eb dhe anarki. Marchiavelli t\u00ebrhiqte v\u00ebrejtjen q\u00eb populli, me t\u2019u l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb si t\u2019i teket, b\u00ebh\u00ebt \u201cpromovues i shthurjes\u201d. Republikani anglez Algernon Sidney, i ekzeketuar p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pik\u00ebpamjeve tradhtare m\u00eb 1683, mohoi t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb ithtar i demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb past\u00ebr. Ashtu b\u00ebri edhe filozofi i Iluminizmit Montesquieu, i cili brengosej p\u00ebr \u201cfrym\u00ebn e barazis\u00eb ekstreme\u201d q\u00eb e merrte me mend si tipike p\u00ebr demokracit\u00eb. Edhe n\u00eb SH.B.A. madje, fill pas luft\u00ebs kund\u00ebr sundimit kolonial nga nj\u00eb monark i larg\u00ebt mes pohimesh t\u00eb reja t\u00eb zgjeruara t\u00eb pushtetit t\u00eb popullit, teoricien\u00ebt politik\u00eb e mor\u00ebn shtruar iden\u00eb e demokracis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, shkrimet politike t\u00eb Jean-Jacques Rousseau-it shkaktuan tronditje. Kryesorja qe m\u00ebnyra e guximshme si e rip\u00ebrkufizoi sovranitetin n\u00eb kushtet e demokracis\u00eb. Para Rousseau-it, \u201csovraniteti n\u00ebnkuptonte dhun\u00ebn, perandorin\u00eb dhe zot\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb komanduar. Pas tij, sovraniteti p\u00ebrkufizonte jo pushtetin e monark\u00ebve, por pushtetin legjitim t\u00eb popullit. Fill pas Revolucionit Francez, ai u mor si profet, p\u00ebr shkrimet sikurse kjo nga Emile, i botuar s\u00eb pari m\u00eb 1763: \u201cT\u00eb m\u00ebdhenjt\u00eb b\u00ebhen t\u00eb vegj\u00ebl, t\u00eb pasurit t\u00eb varf\u00ebr, monarku b\u00ebhet n\u00ebnshtetas; a jan\u00eb goditjet e fatit aq t\u00eb rralla sa t\u00eb mendosh se je i p\u00ebrjashtuar nga to? Po i afrohemi gjendjes s\u00eb kriz\u00ebs dhe shekullit t\u00eb revolucioneve.\u201d<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb ver\u00ebs s\u00eb vitit 1792, militant\u00ebt e frym\u00ebzuar nga Rousseau argumentonin se pushteti politik i kuptuar si duhet, i p\u00ebrket as mbretit as ndonj\u00eb grupi t\u00eb larg\u00ebt t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb zgjedhur, por popullit q\u00eb organizohet n\u00eb lagjet lokale, ku ata mund t\u00eb diskutojn\u00eb kok\u00eb m\u00eb kok\u00eb fatin e tyre t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. Ngjarjet zun\u00eb maj\u00eb m\u00eb 10 gusht 1792, kur shumica e k\u00ebtyre asambleve lokale erdhi n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim se vet\u00ebm revolta e armatosur do t\u00eb siguronte q\u00eb populli francez \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebrtet sovrani. N\u00eb mesnat\u00eb, ata shtin\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb sheshin e qytetit; n\u00eb m\u00ebngjes, sulmuan qarqet e mbretit n\u00eb Pallatin Tuileries, edhe pse deri at\u00ebher\u00eb ai dhe familja e tij ishin larguar p\u00ebr t\u00eb shp\u00ebtuar kok\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 do t\u00eb rikujtonte nj\u00eb d\u00ebshmitar i dhun\u00ebs at\u00eb dit\u00eb: \u201cUn\u00eb q\u00ebndrova\u2026 deri n\u00eb kat\u00ebr pasdite, duke par\u00eb me syt\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha tmerret q\u00eb po b\u00ebheshin. Disa prej burrave po b\u00ebnin ende k\u00ebrdin\u00eb; t\u00eb tjer\u00eb po prenin kokat e t\u00eb vrar\u00ebve; grat\u00eb, pa kurrfar\u00eb ndjenje turpi, po b\u00ebnin gjymtimet m\u00eb t\u00eb pahijshme mbi trupat e vdekur prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve k\u00ebputnin copa mishi q\u00eb i mbanin lart ngadhnjyesh\u00ebm \u2026 Me t\u00eb r\u00ebn\u00eb nata u nisa p\u00ebr Versailles \u2026 [dhe] kalova Pont Lous Seize, q\u00eb ishte mbuluar me kufoma t\u00eb zhveshura t\u00eb burrave tashm\u00eb t\u00eb kalbur nga nxeht\u00ebsia e madhe.\u201d<\/p>\n

Faza demokratike m\u00eb radikale e Revolucionit Francez filloi pra me nj\u00eb karneval mizorish. Sidoqoft\u00eb, dhuna \u00e7eli nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb mund\u00ebsive politike. P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb q\u00eb pas Athin\u00ebs s\u00eb lasht\u00eb, demokracia e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb u b\u00eb q\u00ebllim konkret kolektiv\u2013 t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn n\u00eb mendjet e njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb q\u00eb v\u00ebrshonin rrug\u00ebve me mushqeta e heshta n\u00eb dor\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kjo kryengritje solli shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjen e Parlamentit Francez, thirrjen e konvent\u00ebs kushtetuese dhe ekzekutimin publik t\u00eb mbretit pas nj\u00eb gjyqi sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb. Konventa i mund\u00ebsoi Condercet-it t\u00eb draftoj\u00eb kushtetut\u00ebn e par\u00eb demokratike n\u00eb bot\u00eb. Por ajo nuk u zbatua ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb \u2013 pu\u00e7i jakobin e detyroi Condorcet-in t\u00eb fshihej, si dhe solli sundim prej terrori, t\u00eb cilin udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi jakobin Robespierre-i e quajti t\u00eb domosdoshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur demokracin\u00eb e sapolindur prej armiqve t\u00eb shumt\u00eb, t\u00eb huaj e francez\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vjesht\u00ebn e vitit 1793, me nj\u00eb urdh\u00ebr nga Parisi, rekrut\u00ebt e republik\u00ebs s\u00eb re i hyn\u00eb nj\u00eb furie vras\u00ebse n\u00eb Vendee q\u00eb vrau rreth 250000 njer\u00ebz, shumica prej tyre t\u00eb pafajsh\u00ebm, gra e f\u00ebmij\u00eb. Revolucioni Francez kishte ringjallur iden\u00eb e demokracis\u00eb \u2013 dhe prodhoi nj\u00eb hekatomb\u00eb gjigande.<\/p>\n

\u201cP\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb jam i sigurt,\u201d deklaronte Burke, \u201cse n\u00eb demokraci, shumica e qytetar\u00ebve jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb ushtrojn\u00eb shtypjet m\u00eb mizore ndaj pakicave.\u201d Pas Revolucionit Francez, brengat e tij u shpreh\u00ebn edhe prej konservator\u00ebve t\u00eb vet\u00ebshpallur \u201cliberal\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb frik\u00ebsuar nga turmat e armatosura dhe nga mund\u00ebsia e sundimit t\u00eb turm\u00ebs, kushtetuta amerikane u krijua shprehimisht jo q\u00eb t\u00eb fuqizoj\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt e zakonsh\u00ebm, por \u201caristokracin\u00eb e natyrshme\u201d. Si\u00e7 shpjegonte Benjamin Rush, n\u00ebnshkrues i Deklarat\u00ebs s\u00eb Pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb: \u201cI gjith\u00eb pushteti rrjedh prej popullit\u201d \u2013 por ky pushtet nuk ushtrohet prej popullit: \u201cAta e posedojn\u00eb at\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e zgjedhjeve. Pas k\u00ebsaj, \u00ebsht\u00eb pron\u00eb e qeveritar\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre, e as mund ta ushtrojn\u00eb a ta rimarrin, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 n\u00eb rast abuzimi.\u201d<\/p>\n

Deri n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dit\u00eb, SHBA-t\u00eb mbesin demokraci me shum\u00eb t\u00eb meta. Ende kan\u00eb kolegjin zgjedhor t\u00eb krijuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb frenuar shumicat. Ende ka senatin q\u00eb garanton pabarazin\u00eb e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit politik. Ende \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sken\u00eb e betejave t\u00eb ashpra p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vot\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Prap\u00eb se prap\u00eb, ky paragjykim i q\u00ebmotsh\u00ebm amerikan ndaj demokracis\u00eb u shnd\u00ebrrua gati menj\u00ebher\u00eb fill pas Revolucionit Francez, n\u00eb nj\u00eb shp\u00ebrthim po aq t\u00eb zjarrt\u00eb t\u00eb entuziazmit amerikan p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb. Mes entuziast\u00ebve qe Thomas Jefferson i cili, m\u00eb 1800, solli n\u00eb pushtet partin\u00eb e tij Demokratike Republikane dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb solli demokracin\u00eb \u2013 t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn si fjal\u00eb \u2013 n\u00eb leksikonin amerikan.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb gjenerat\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb, Andrew Jackson, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi i par\u00eb i madh demokratik n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb \u2013 ose, demagogu, sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur termin e lasht\u00eb grek\u00eb p\u00ebr artin e nj\u00eb lideri t\u00eb till\u00eb \u2013 u b\u00eb presidenti i par\u00eb plebeshitar amerikan, i mbrujtur me autoritet perandorak n\u00eb syt\u00eb e p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsve t\u00eb tij m\u00eb t\u00eb flakt\u00eb. Ai qe, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, i vetmi p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i zgjedhur nominalisht nga i gjith\u00eb kombi (natyrisht, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 grave, skllev\u00ebrve ose amerikan\u00ebve vendas \u2013 demokracia n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e Jackson-it ishte \u00e7\u00ebshtje e t\u00eb bardh\u00ebve).<\/p>\n

Jackson-i provoi dhe d\u00ebshtoi q\u00eb t\u00eb eliminonte kolegjin zgjedhor. Kufij t\u00eb till\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul\u00ebs ndaj demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb SHBA ishin paradoksalisht arsyeja pse ishin vendi i par\u00eb q\u00eb solli n\u00eb jet\u00eb popullizmin, si fjal\u00eb ashtu edhe si fenomen. Q\u00eb prej 1892 deri m\u00eb 1896, Partia e Popullit luajti rol madhor politik n\u00eb disa pjes\u00eb t\u00eb SHBA-ve.<\/p>\n

Po n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb, Woodrow Wilson-i, me gjas\u00eb flamurtari m\u00eb i flakt\u00eb i demokracis\u00eb i vendit, kritikoi l\u00ebvizjen populliste dhe n\u00eb vend t\u00eb saj ofroi nj\u00eb vision t\u00eb ri t\u00eb sistemit demokratik. Nj\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtar politik q\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej presidenti i 28-t\u00eb, Wilson-i e mendoi thell\u00eb kuptimin e demokracis\u00eb, jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb SHBA, por n\u00eb historin\u00eb e bot\u00ebs, q\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb sh\u00ebnonte shkall\u00ebn me t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb evolucionit njer\u00ebzor. N\u00eb letrat e tij private, pasi hodhi posht\u00eb konceptimet europiane t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb si primitive dhe t\u00eb koruptuara nga konflikti i klasave, ai p\u00ebrkufizoi demokracin\u00eb moderne \u201cme m\u00eb s\u00eb paku fjal\u00eb\u201d si \u201cqeveri t\u00eb opinionit popullor\u201d.<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 pranon kalimthi Wilson-i, n\u00eb praktik\u00eb demokracia gjithmon\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton \u201cshumic\u00ebn q\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqet prej disave: mendjet e disave t\u00eb disciplinuara p\u00ebrmes bindjes, dhe masat e njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb shkolluar e t\u00eb dirigjuar permes bindjes\u201d. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, vizioni i vet\u00ebqeverisjes i Wilson-it i afrohet m\u00eb shum\u00eb \u201caristokracis\u00eb natyrore\u201d t\u00eb Adams-it se sa sovranitetit popullor p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin luftuan revolucionar\u00ebt francez\u00eb dhe popullist\u00ebt amerikan\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sipas Wilson-it, k\u00ebtu gjejm\u00eb nj\u00eb dykuptim\u00ebsi thelb\u00ebsore n\u00eb zemr\u00ebn e demokracis\u00eb liberale moderne. N\u00eb teori, i t\u00ebr\u00eb pushteti rrjedh prej popullit \u2013 por n\u00eb praktik\u00eb, kanali m\u00eb i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb i shpresave t\u00eb popullit do t\u00eb jet\u00eb zyrtari m\u00eb i lart\u00eb i zgjedhur prej tij kur ai ka p\u00ebrkrahjen e \u201copinionit publik\u201d.<\/p>\n

Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, pati probleme me p\u00ebrdorimin e opinionit publik nga Wilson-i. Pik\u00ebpamjet mund t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb shpejt, e madje edhe nj\u00eb orator bind\u00ebs si Wilson-i nuk mund t\u00eb sigurohej n\u00eb i kishte bindur bashk\u00ebqytetar\u00ebt nj\u00ebher\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb. Edhe m\u00eb keq \u2013 si\u00e7 v\u00ebren Walter Lippmann n\u00eb studimin e tij Opinioni Publik t\u00eb vitit 1922,\u2013 n\u00eb nj\u00eb ambient politik t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuar, ku vet\u00ebm cop\u00ebzat e e palidhura t\u00eb informacionit jan\u00eb n\u00eb dispozicion p\u00ebr qytetarin e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb, n\u00eb praktik\u00eb qe gati e pamundur q\u00eb opinion i publikut p\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00ebdo \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb momentit t\u00eb ishte o bind\u00ebs o i logjiksh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Lippmann p\u00ebrdori si mbishkrim figur\u00ebn e mbinjohur t\u00eb Platonit p\u00ebr banor\u00ebt e shpell\u00ebs t\u00eb magjepsur me hijet e tyre dhe pa dijeni p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn e jashtme. Shumica e njer\u00ebzve modern\u00eb, thot\u00eb Lippmann-i, jan\u00eb t\u00eb burgosur t\u00eb hamendjeve t\u00eb turbullta e t\u00eb pashqyrtuara, t\u00eb kredhur n\u00eb jet\u00ebt private n\u00eb ndjekje t\u00eb interesave personale, me koh\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuar e me fare pak v\u00ebmendje p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet publike.<\/p>\n

Konkluzioni i Lippmann-it paraqitet tro\u00e7 te Publiku Fantom [The Phantom Public]: \u201cIndividi nuk ka opinion p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha \u00e7\u00ebshtjet publike. Ai nuk di si t\u2019i drejtoj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet publike. Ai nuk di \u00e7far\u00eb po ndodh, pse po ndodh, e \u00e7far\u00eb do duhet t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb. Nuk mund t\u00eb paramendoj se si mund t\u00eb dij\u00eb, dhe s\u2019ka m\u00eb t\u00eb vogl\u00ebn arsye p\u00ebr t\u00eb menduar ashtu, si\u00e7 mendonin demokrat\u00ebt mistik\u00eb, se p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebsi i padijenive individuale n\u00eb masa t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve mund t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb nj\u00eb forc\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdueshme udh\u00ebzuese n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet publike.\u201d<\/p>\n

M\u00eb 1942, ekonomisti Joseph Schumpeter, i cili qe lindur n\u00eb Moravi dhe rritur n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb para se t\u00eb shp\u00ebrngulej n\u00eb SHBA m\u00eb 1932 p\u00ebr t\u00eb ligj\u00ebruar n\u00eb Harvard, p\u00ebrmblodhi me p\u00ebrpikm\u00ebri rezultatet e \u00e7uditshme t\u00eb shkrirjes s\u00eb besimit liberal demokratik n\u00eb opinionin publik me metodat e marketingut t\u00eb p\u00ebrsosura nga shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebt bihejviorist\u00eb [q\u00eb studiojn\u00eb sjelljet]. \u201cAjo me \u00e7far\u00eb p\u00ebrballemi n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e proceseve politike,\u201d shkruante ai, \u201c\u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe nj\u00eb vullnet jo i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, por i fabrikuar.\u201d<\/p>\n

N\u00eb koh\u00eb e tij, veglat par\u00ebsore t\u00eb manipulimit t\u00eb opinionit ishin reklamat dhe propaganda, t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatura sipas sondazheve t\u00eb opinionit publik. N\u00eb koh\u00ebn ton\u00eb, integriteti i opinionit publik k\u00ebrc\u00ebnohet edhe m\u00eb tej nga fsheht\u00ebsia e shum\u00eb aspekteve t\u00eb vendim-marrjes ekzekutive dhe nga kontrolli gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb i sofistikuar i informacionit prej shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebve bihejviorist\u00eb dhe tregtar\u00ebve t\u00eb v\u00ebmendjes, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin teknologji t\u00eb reja q\u00eb me precizitet t\u00eb paprecedent\u00eb t\u2019i d\u00ebrgojn\u00eb porosi audiencave t\u00eb bindura.<\/p>\n

Schumpeter-i argumentonte se roli par\u00ebsor i popullit n\u00eb demokracin\u00eb liberale qe dosido tejet i kufizuar: roli i tij qe \u201ct\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb nj\u00eb qeveri, ose ndryshe nj\u00eb trup t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebm i cili nga ana e tij do t\u00eb prodhonte ekzekutivin komb\u00ebtar apo qeverin\u00eb \u2026 metoda demokratike \u00ebsht\u00eb ai rregullim institucional p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur te vendimet politike ku individ\u00ebt fitojn\u00eb pushtetin p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur p\u00ebrmes betej\u00ebs garuese p\u00ebr vot\u00ebn e popullit.\u201d<\/p>\n

Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, demokracia moderne nuk qe sundimi i popullit sovran \u2013 n\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, \u201cdemokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb sundimi i politikan\u201d, dikush i aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb komanduar opinionin publik dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar zgjedhjet, pushteti i t\u00eb cilit balancohet kryesisht nga nevoja e tij p\u00ebr t\u2019u rizgjedhur dhe nga k\u00ebrkesa q\u00eb n\u00eb rast humbjeje, t\u00eb l\u00ebr\u00eb postin n\u00eb paqe.<\/p>\n

Schumpeteri shkruante gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, q\u00eb kishte \u00e7uar n\u00eb mobilizimin total t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs civile n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha shtetet e p\u00ebrfshira n\u00eb luft\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn, ky mobilizim i paprecedent\u00eb solli kasaphan\u00ebn e 60 milion\u00eb njer\u00ebzve, shumica prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve civil\u00eb, e gjasht\u00eb milion\u00eb prej tyre hebrenj. N\u00eb SHBA, ajo shkaktoi rritje dramatike t\u00eb pushteteve t\u00eb shtetit administrative dhe t\u00eb forcave t\u00eb armatosura; gjithashtu, nxiti ngritje n\u00eb perceptimin se \u00ebsht\u00eb nevoja q\u00eb vendimet dhe diskutimet politike t\u00eb mbaheshin t\u00eb fshehura nga publiku.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrball fakteve t\u00eb tilla, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e habitshme pse Schumpeteri ishte pesimist\u00eb p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket prospekteve politike, duke shprehur breng\u00ebn se \u201cdemokracia socialiste p\u00ebrfundimisht mund t\u00eb dal\u00eb nj\u00eb mashtrim edhe m\u00eb i madh se sa demokracia kapitaliste ka qen\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb.\u201d<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebrderisa zhvillohej Lufta e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, ashtu si\u00e7 kishte ndodhur gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, u shp\u00ebrfaq nj\u00eb rigjall\u00ebrim paradoksal i idealizmit demokratik, i frym\u00ebzuar nga pohimet e p\u00ebrt\u00ebritura t\u00eb aleat\u00ebve se fitorja e tyre do t\u00eb ndihmonte n\u00eb krijimin e nj\u00eb bote \u201ct\u00eb sigurt p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb,\u201d ashtu si\u00e7 kishte premtuar Wilson-i dy gjenerata m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Pas tmerreve t\u00eb t\u00eb dy luft\u00ebrave, shum\u00eb shpresuan q\u00eb njer\u00ebzimi kurr\u00eb m\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00eb dhun\u00eb t\u00eb shkall\u00ebs s\u00eb till\u00eb industriale. Pas ca hezitimesh dhe me paralajm\u00ebrime komprometuese, t\u00eb ngjashme me ato q\u00eb d\u00ebmtuan Lig\u00ebn e Kombeve \u2013 mbi t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje e vazhdueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur privilegjet perandorake dhe racore t\u00eb fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha \u2013 fituesit ran\u00eb dakord t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb t\u00eb re nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare –\u00a0 Kombet e Bashkuara \u2013 dhe t\u00eb miratojn\u00eb nj\u00eb rend t\u00eb ri parimesh globale \u2013 Deklarat\u00ebn Universale t\u00eb t\u00eb Drejtave t\u00eb Njeriut (DUDNJ), t\u00eb miratuar m\u00eb 1948.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb leht\u00eb t\u00eb minimizohet r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e nj\u00eb dokumenti politik t\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb pa q\u00ebllimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbatuar noramat q\u00eb deklaronte bot\u00ebrisht. Prap\u00eb se prap\u00eb, gjuha e deklarat\u00ebs frym\u00ebzoi l\u00ebvizje t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut dhe paragrafi 21 shprehimisht pohon se \u201c\u00e7dokush ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb qeverin\u00eb e vendit t\u00eb tij, drejtp\u00ebrdrejt ose p\u00ebrmes p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb zgjedhur lirsh\u00ebm\u201d.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron ironia e madhe e bot\u00ebs moderne: deri n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme, n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha regjimet ekzistuese, qoft\u00eb liberale, socialiste a nacionaliste, demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb pak a shum\u00eb mashtrim, madje edhe sipas kritereve t\u00eb shtruara n\u00eb DUDNJ dhe pik\u00ebrisht si\u00e7 kishte th\u00ebn\u00eb Schumpeter-i.<\/p>\n

Prap\u00eb se prap\u00eb, ky \u201cmashtrim\u201d gjithashtu p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb transformim epokal: n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shekullit 21, ndryshe prej shumic\u00ebs prej tyre n\u00eb shekullin e 18-t\u00eb, shum\u00eb pak regjime mund t\u00eb sundojn\u00eb mbi popullat\u00ebn me pand\u00ebshkueshm\u00ebri. P\u00ebrkundrazi, pushtetar\u00ebt e secilit regjim bashk\u00ebkohor q\u00eb thirret n\u00eb vlera demokratike, sado pak t\u00eb realizuara, duhet q\u00eb her\u00eb pas here t\u00eb ballafaqohet me k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin mondan q\u00eb i paraqitet nga qytetar\u00ebt e zakonsh\u00ebm, sado t\u00eb painformuar, q\u00eb vihen n\u00eb radh\u00eb para kutive t\u00eb votimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb ushtruar t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vot\u00ebs dhe k\u00ebshtu t\u00eb kalojn\u00eb pushtetin, po zgjodh\u00ebn ashtu, te nj\u00eb grup t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht i ri i udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve politik\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 thot\u00eb historian John Dunn n\u00eb konkluzionin e tij dispeptik p\u00ebor t\u00eb sakt\u00eb te historia e tij e demokracis\u00eb, \u201cnj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku besimi, nderimi e madje edhe besnik\u00ebria kan\u00eb nd\u00ebrruar jet\u00eb dhe ku adhurimi personal rrall\u00eb zgjat\u201d \u2013 p\u00ebrshkrim i zbeht\u00eb i asaj \u00e7far\u00eb ka prodhuar fryma moderne demokratike.<\/p>\n

Megjithk\u00ebt\u00eb, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku ideali i demokracis\u00eb nderohet bot\u00ebrisht m\u00eb shum\u00eb se kurr\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb dhe ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb merret shum\u00eb seriozisht, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00eb a p\u00ebr t\u00eb keq.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr shembull, n\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebt q\u00eb prej ratifikimit t\u00eb DUDNJ m\u00eb 1948, shumica e president\u00ebve dhe diplomat\u00ebve amerikan\u00eb kan\u00eb ndjekur gjurm\u00ebt e \u00cbilson-it p\u00ebr t\u00eb promovuar pritjet liberale demokratike n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn \u2013 ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00ebn k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin e arm\u00ebve \u2013 ashtu si regjimet komuniste p\u00ebrpiqeshin q\u00eb nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht t\u00eb shisnin versionin rival t\u00eb \u201ccentralizmit demokratik\u201d.<\/p>\n

Kemi par\u00eb gjithashtu zgjedhjen e demagog\u00ebve q\u00eb ngashnjejn\u00eb impulset m\u00eb t\u00eb thella t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm, si dhe shfaqjen e partive politike fort armiq\u00ebsore ndaj elitave t\u00eb ve\u00e7uara \u2013 edhe pse shumica e k\u00ebtyre elitave mbajn\u00eb kontrollin e pushtetit dhe nj\u00eb pakic\u00eb tep\u00ebr e pasur vazhdon t\u00eb pasurohet dhe izolohet prej aksidenteve t\u00eb fatit q\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizojn\u00eb jet\u00ebn e p\u00ebrditshme t\u00eb 99 % t\u00eb mbetur t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs s\u00eb globit.<\/p>\n

Mbase at\u00ebher\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb befasi q\u00eb bota jon\u00eb, gati n\u00eb secilin vend, t\u00eb varf\u00ebr a t\u00eb zhvilluar, socialist a komunist, autokrat a liberal, ka qen\u00eb gjithashtu d\u00ebshmitare e nj\u00eb vargu kryengritjesh e protestash popullore, her\u00eb me vend e her\u00eb t\u00eb kota, kur turma njer\u00ebzish t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm bashkohen p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar hise m\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb pasuris\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt \u2013 dhe q\u00eb t\u00eb pretendojn\u00eb p\u00ebr vete nj\u00eb hise m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb institucione m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta demokratike. K\u00ebto revolta kund\u00ebr elitave t\u00eb ve\u00e7uara jan\u00eb t\u00eb qen\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr vitalitetin dhe mbarshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e demokracis\u00eb modern \u2013 edhe p\u00ebr shkak q\u00eb (dhe pik\u00ebrisht sepse) ato sfidojn\u00eb stauskuon\u00eb, sado destruktive qoft\u00eb ajo sfid\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ka arsye t\u00eb forta p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb mosbesues p\u00ebr at\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb nj\u00eb popull q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat e tij sovrane. Revoltat demokratike mund t\u00eb sjellin pasoja perverse \u2013 njejt\u00eb mund t\u00eb thuhet p\u00ebr zgjedhjet demokratike. Perkund\u00ebr rreziqeve t\u00eb dukshme, si Rousseau-i dhe Jefferson-i i drejtohen nj\u00eb maksime relevante n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb besimit t\u00eb tyre n\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt e zakonsh\u00ebm:\u00a0Malo periculosam, libertatem quam quietam servitutem\u00a0<\/em>\u2013 \u201cPreferoj liri t\u00eb rrezikshme se sa rob\u00ebrin\u00eb paq\u00ebsore.\u201d \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb moto e p\u00ebrshtatshme p\u00ebr k\u00ebto koh\u00eb t\u00eb err\u00ebta.<\/p>\n

——–<\/p>\n

James Miller<\/strong><\/em>\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb profesor i studimeve liberale dhe politik\u00ebs dhe drejtor i fakultetit t\u00eb gazetaris\u00eb kritike n\u00eb New School n\u00eb New York.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrktheu: Bardhi Bakija<\/p>\n

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Nj\u00eb val\u00eb e revoltave populliste i ka b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz t\u00eb humbin besimin n\u00eb urtin\u00eb e pushtetit t\u00eb popullit. Megjithat\u00eb, shp\u00ebrthime t\u00eb tilla jan\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr vitalitetin e politik\u00ebs moderne. Artikulli origjinal\u00a0i botuar n\u00eb The Guardian T\u00eb gjith\u00eb duket se pajtohen se demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rrezik. E habitshmja \u00ebsht\u00eb se sa nga miqt\u00eb e saj […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":113,"featured_media":9829,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1047,1307],"ppma_author":[133],"class_list":["post-4288","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-demokracia","tag-popullizmi"],"authors":[{"term_id":133,"user_id":113,"is_guest":0,"slug":"james-miller","display_name":"James Miller","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-5-6.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-5-6.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Miller","first_name":"James","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4288","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/113"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4288"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4288\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9831,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4288\/revisions\/9831"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9829"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4288"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4288"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4288"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4288"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}