{"id":4294,"date":"2018-11-20T13:11:36","date_gmt":"2018-11-20T11:11:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4294"},"modified":"2024-11-07T13:13:41","modified_gmt":"2024-11-07T11:13:41","slug":"marredheniet-ekonomike-kosove-serbi-dhe-pafuqia-e-tyre-per-te-normalizuar-raportet","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/marredheniet-ekonomike-kosove-serbi-dhe-pafuqia-e-tyre-per-te-normalizuar-raportet\/","title":{"rendered":"Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet ekonomike Kosov\u00eb-Serbi dhe pafuqia e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb normalizuar raportet"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-up\"><\/div>\n<div class=\"news-down\">\n<div class=\"img-wrapper\"><\/div>\n<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>N\u00eb tradit\u00ebn liberale t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dominon ideja se \u201ctregtia sjell paqe\u201d. Sipas saj shk\u00ebmbimet tregtare harmonizojn\u00eb interesat ekonomike mes shteteve dhe si rrjedhoj\u00eb rrit gatishm\u00ebrin\u00eb p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim t\u00eb thell\u00eb politik. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shkoll\u00eb me ndikim t\u00eb madh n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare shtetet p\u00ebrshkruhen si akter\u00eb racional\u00eb q\u00eb ndjekin maksimalizimin e interesit t\u00eb tyre ekonomik. Aty ku kan\u00eb interes ekonomik, sipas k\u00ebsaj teorie, shtetet mundohen t\u00eb shmangin konfliktin dhe t\u00eb ruajn\u00eb paqen, sepse vet\u00ebm n\u00eb ato rrethana mund t\u00eb ndiqet p\u00ebrfitimi. Sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb shk\u00ebmbime tregtare, aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb paqe. Paqja, thuhet, m\u00eb pas do t\u00eb p\u00ebrcillet edhe me m\u00eb shum\u00eb prosperitet ekonomik.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo doktrin\u00eb politike e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ka qen\u00eb bosht i qasjes s\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian (BE-s\u00eb) p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur konfliktin Kosov\u00eb-Serbi. P\u00ebrmes dialogut ku mund t\u00eb arrihen marr\u00ebveshje q\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsojn\u00eb jet\u00ebn e qytetar\u00ebve dhe rrisin p\u00ebrfitimet ekonomike p\u00ebr agjent\u00ebt e biznesit, BE-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb munduar q\u00eb t\u2019i bind\u00eb dy shtetet q\u00eb t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb se paqja dhe stabiliteti \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e t\u00eb dy popujve. Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebrpjekjet e BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur problemin Kosov\u00eb-Serbi deri tash kan\u00eb pasur efekte tejet t\u00eb kufizuara, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos th\u00ebn\u00eb sterile. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb artikull do t\u00eb japim nj\u00eb kronologji mbi shk\u00ebmbimet tregtare Kosov\u00eb-Serbi dhe do t\u00eb mundohemi t\u00eb shpjegojm\u00eb se pse formati i dialogut, i dizajnuar nga BE-ja, nuk ka pasur sukses.<\/p>\n<p>Jav\u00ebn q\u00eb lam\u00eb pas, qeveria miratoi vendimin e Ministris\u00eb s\u00eb Tregtis\u00eb dhe Industris\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019u vendoset masa prej 10 p\u00ebr qind dy shteteve, Serbis\u00eb e Bosnj\u00ebs dhe Hercegovin\u00ebs. Qeveria e Kosov\u00ebs ka vendosur q\u00eb t\u00eba sanksionoj\u00eb Serbin\u00eb ekonomikisht si kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigje ndaj qasjes s\u00eb saj politike agresive ndaj Kosov\u00ebs. N\u00eb prag t\u00eb fillimit t\u00eb faz\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit t\u00eb dialogut p\u00ebr normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve Kosov\u00eb-Serbi, kjo e fundit ka filluar nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb agresive q\u00eb ka synim t\u00eb bind\u00eb shtetet q\u00eb e kan\u00eb njohur Kosov\u00ebn t\u00eb t\u00ebrheqin njohjen. Kjo fushat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi e p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb pand\u00ebrprera t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb minuar shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb nga shpallja e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb orvatjet e saj kund\u00ebr stabilitetit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb i gjurmojm\u00eb q\u00eb nga p\u00ebrfundimi i luft\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Njoh\u00ebsit e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare po e interpretojn\u00eb vrazhd\u00ebsin\u00eb e fundit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb si tentativ\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb forcuar pozicionin e saj n\u00eb negociata n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje sa m\u00eb t\u00eb leverdisshme. Mir\u00ebpo, p\u00ebrgjigja e Kosov\u00ebs nuk vonoi shum\u00eb dhe Qeveria e Kosov\u00ebs filloi t\u00eb aplikoj\u00eb taks\u00ebn e 10 p\u00ebr qind\u00ebshit p\u00ebr produktet serbe. Ndaj k\u00ebtij vendimi reagoi menj\u00ebher\u00eb shteti serb. Drejtori i Zyr\u00ebs p\u00ebr Kosov\u00eb dhe Metohi, Marko Gjuriq, k\u00ebrc\u00ebnoi se dialogu mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb do t\u00eb nd\u00ebrpritet, n\u00ebse nuk t\u00ebrhiqen masat e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Kund\u00ebr mas\u00ebs reagoi edhe BE-ja, duke kritikuar iniciativ\u00ebn e ekzekutivit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Z\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebsja e BE-s\u00eb Maja Ko\u00e7ijan\u00e7iq deklaroi se kjo mas\u00eb pengon bashk\u00ebpunimin rajonal dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb harmoni me principet e Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Stabilizim-Asociimit (MSA) mes BE-s\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs. \u201cK\u00ebto vendime jan\u00eb nj\u00eb shkelje e qart\u00eb e obligimeve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb CEFTA-s. BE-ja pret nga Kosova, e cila aktualisht drejton CEFTA-n, p\u00ebr t\u00eb realizuar t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht detyrimet e saj dhe t\u00eb t\u00ebrheq\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mas\u00eb\u201d, &#8211; tha Ko\u00e7ijan\u00e7iq. Mir\u00ebpo, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr trysnis\u00eb nga BE-ja, qeveria e Kosov\u00ebs u deklarua se ky vendim nuk do t\u00eb anulohet.<\/p>\n<p>Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet ekonomike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me Serbin\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb tensionuara q\u00eb nga paslufta e k\u00ebtej. P\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar p\u00ebrmbajtjen e k\u00ebtyre relacioneve duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrvijohet nj\u00eb kronologji e shkurt\u00ebr e tyre. Pas intervenimit t\u00eb NATO-s m\u00eb 1999 dhe adoptimit t\u00eb rezolut\u00ebs 1244 n\u00eb K\u00ebshill t\u00eb Sigurimit n\u00eb OKB, P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesi Special i Sekretarit t\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm (PSSP) formoi Korniz\u00ebn Kushtetuese p\u00ebr Vet\u00ebqeverisjen e p\u00ebrkohshme n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Kjo Korniz\u00eb parashihte q\u00eb doganat dhe procedurat n\u00eb lidhje me to t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00ebn juridiksionin e Institucioneve p\u00ebr Vet\u00ebqeverisje t\u00eb P\u00ebrkohshme.<\/p>\n<p>Doganat e vjetra ishin shpallur t\u00eb skaduara dhe nj\u00eb taks\u00eb prej 10% ishte vendosur p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha produktet e importuara nga Kosova. Ky vendim nuk ishte aplikuar p\u00ebr produktet q\u00eb vinin prej Republik\u00ebs Federale t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb (Serbia dhe Mali i Zi), q\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte se tregtia mes k\u00ebtyre dy territoreve trajtohej si tregti e brendshme. Kjo situat\u00eb mbeti deri n\u00eb 1 qershor 2001, kur TVSH-ja ishte vendosur n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha importet, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Serbin\u00eb dhe Malin e Zi. Serbia m\u00eb pas vendosi nj\u00eb taks\u00eb 5% p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha produktet e importuara nga Kosova n\u00eb Serbi.<\/p>\n<p>Procesi i riorganizimit t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Tregtis\u00eb s\u00eb Lir\u00eb p\u00ebr Evrop\u00ebn Qendrore (CEFTA) kishte p\u00ebrfunduar m\u00eb 2006. Si p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i Kosov\u00ebs, UNMIK-u e kishte n\u00ebnshkruar k\u00ebt\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje dhe automatikisht t\u00eb gjitha aranzhimet bilaterale ekzistuese n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb ishin anuluar. Duke e n\u00ebnshkruar k\u00ebt\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje, Serbia praktikisht e njohu Kosov\u00ebn si territor i ndar\u00eb dhe i pavarur doganor. N\u00eb periudh\u00ebn paraprake nuk kishte pasur asnj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje tregtare mes k\u00ebtyre dy entiteteve. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb paaft\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb autoriteteve n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ushtruar kontroll efektiv n\u00eb pikat e kalimit kufitar me Serbin\u00eb, veriu i Kosov\u00ebs ishte shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb zon\u00eb de fakto t\u00eb lir\u00eb tregtare.<\/p>\n<p>Relacionet tregtare ndryshuan drastikisht pas shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. U shfaq\u00ebn probleme, mes tjerash, edhe rreth qarkullimit t\u00eb lir\u00eb t\u00eb mallrave dhe t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve. Serbia refuzonte t\u00eb pranonte dokumentet doganore, ku figuronin vula dhe simbolet e Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Pushteti i UNMIK-ut kishte r\u00ebn\u00eb pas deklarat\u00ebs s\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Sigurimit m\u00eb 26 n\u00ebntor 2008.<\/p>\n<p>M\u00eb pas, BE-ja, duke e shfryt\u00ebzuar d\u00ebshir\u00ebn e Serbis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsohen n\u00eb union, filloi t\u00eb organizoj\u00eb dialogun e Brukselit q\u00eb ka p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve Kosov\u00eb-Serbi. Konkretisht, Serbia synonte hapjen e negociatave p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim, nd\u00ebrsa Kosova MSA-n\u00eb dhe liberalizimin e vizave p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt e saj. Q\u00eb nga ajo koh\u00eb, kusht\u00ebzimi vleror dhe normativ i BE-s\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb faktor i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb procesin negociator.<\/p>\n<p>Fillimisht pal\u00ebt negociuan p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje teknike dhe arrit\u00ebn disa marr\u00ebveshje. Liria e l\u00ebvizjes dhe vulat doganore ishin temat e para n\u00eb axhend\u00ebn e dialogut teknik. Pas 5 rretheve t\u00eb dialogut, pal\u00ebt arrit\u00ebn, ve\u00e7 tjerash, edhe marr\u00ebveshjen p\u00ebr liri t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes. Por \u00e7do marr\u00ebveshje n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje, sikur edhe n\u00eb tjerat, kishte pasoja p\u00ebr situat\u00ebn n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, ku Serbia dominonte. Serbia refuzoi t\u00eb njihte dokumentet doganore p\u00ebr shkak q\u00eb nuk ishin neutrale ndaj statusit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr arsyen se bartnin simbolet e Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. P\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb, pranimi i k\u00ebtyre dokumenteve ishte i barabart\u00eb me pranimin de fakto t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Pas k\u00ebtij refuzimi, m\u00eb 20 korrik t\u00eb vitit 2011, institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs vendos\u00ebn t\u00eb bllokojn\u00eb eksportin serb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb k\u00ebto masa kuptoheshin si reciprocitet. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb moskontrollit n\u00eb pikat e kalimit kufitar me Serbin\u00eb 1 dhe 31 n\u00eb veri t\u00eb vendit, Kosova d\u00ebrgoi nj\u00ebsin\u00eb speciale policore (ROSU) p\u00ebr t\u00eb imponuar embargon n\u00eb importet nga Serbia. Popullsia lokale serbe vendosi bllokada n\u00eb rrug\u00ebt q\u00eb \u00e7onin n\u00eb k\u00ebto pika. Tensionet rezultuan me dhun\u00eb mes ROSU-s dhe popullsis\u00eb lokale dhe Enver Zymberi, pjes\u00ebtar i ROSU-s, u vra.<\/p>\n<p>Dialogu teknik u rihap prap\u00eb n\u00eb shtator t\u00eb 2011. Pas 58 dit\u00ebve, bllokada e dyanshme tregtare u t\u00ebrhoq m\u00eb 16 shtator 2011. Marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebr liri tregtare dhe vulat doganore u arrit m\u00eb 2 shtator 2011. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje Serbia pranoi dokumentet q\u00eb vuloseshin me \u201cDogana e Kosov\u00ebs\u201d, por jo me shenj\u00ebn e Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Marr\u00ebveshja nuk e k\u00ebnaqi t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht asnj\u00ebr\u00ebn pal\u00eb dhe kjo prodhoi probleme t\u00eb implementimit n\u00eb terren. Pjes\u00ebrisht k\u00ebto probleme jan\u00eb zgjidhur p\u00ebrmes marr\u00ebveshjes p\u00ebr Menaxhimin e Integruar t\u00eb Kufijve (IBM). N\u00eb linj\u00eb me praktikat evropiane, pal\u00ebt do t\u00eb vendoseshin n\u00eb pika t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta kufitare s\u00eb bashku me zyrtar\u00ebt e EULEX-it. Pal\u00ebt u pajtuan q\u00eb taksat e mbledhura n\u00eb pikat 1 dhe 31 do t\u00eb alokoheshin n\u00eb kat\u00ebr komunat e banuara me shumic\u00eb serbe n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Sa u p\u00ebrket numrave zyrtar\u00eb t\u00eb shk\u00ebmbimit tregtar mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb ka nj\u00eb diskrepanc\u00eb t\u00eb madhe. P\u00ebr periudha t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta kohore, numrat zyrtar\u00eb t\u00eb paraqitur nga institucionet serbe jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt sesa ata t\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Ky dallim fluktuon prej 10% n\u00eb 2008 tek 38% m\u00eb 2007. Kjo p\u00ebr shkak se jan\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur kanale ilegale p\u00ebr qarkullim t\u00eb mallrave, korrupsionit n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimin civil dhe p\u00ebr shkak se Serbia nuk ka pasur zyrtar\u00eb n\u00eb zyret e doganave n\u00eb pikat kufitare me Kosov\u00ebn deri n\u00eb vitin 2008.<\/p>\n<p>Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr k\u00ebtyre shp\u00ebrputhjeve, disa trende dominante t\u00eb fluksit t\u00eb kapitalit mes dy vendeve mund t\u00eb identifikohen. N\u00eb vitin 2001 vlera e p\u00ebrgjithshme e tregtis\u00eb mes dy vendeve mb\u00ebrriti shifr\u00ebn e 30 milion\u00eb eurove. Kjo shum\u00eb u dyfishua n\u00eb vitin 2004, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb eksporti i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb Serbi preku vler\u00ebn e 6 milion\u00eb eurove. Megjithat\u00eb, kjo rritje nuk i parandaloi trazirat e marsit t\u00eb vitit 2004 ku u vran\u00eb af\u00ebr 20 persona. Shk\u00ebmbimet tregtare erdh\u00ebn duke u rritur, sidomos pas marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb CEFTA-s. Eksportet e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb CEFTA u rrit\u00ebn, por me nj\u00eb rat\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt n\u00eb krahasim me importet nga vendet e CEFTA-s.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo rritje ka vazhduar deri n\u00eb shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Nga ai moment eksportet e Kosov\u00ebs kishin r\u00ebn\u00eb duksh\u00ebm, p\u00ebr 65%, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb importi nga Serbia ishte rritur me kalimin e koh\u00ebs. M\u00eb von\u00eb, pas marr\u00ebveshjeve p\u00ebr liri t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes mes dy shteteve, eksportet e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb Serbi jan\u00eb rritur p\u00ebr 107% m\u00eb 2012 dhe 88.7% m\u00eb 2014. Marr\u00ebveshja e fundit q\u00eb ka lidhje me lirin\u00eb e l\u00ebvizjes \u00ebsht\u00eb arritur m\u00eb 24 qershor m\u00eb 2015. Kjo ishte marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebr siguri ku pal\u00ebt u pajtuan p\u00ebr njohjen e sigurimit t\u00eb makinave dhe p\u00ebr kompletimin e pagesave. Si\u00e7 shihet n\u00eb figur\u00ebn e m\u00ebposhtme, nga ajo koh\u00eb ka pasur rritje t\u00eb m\u00ebtutjeshme t\u00eb eksporteve nga Kosova n\u00eb Serbi p\u00ebr \u00e7do vit, por importet nga Serbia vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb mbesin shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha se eksportet. Kosova dhe Serbia jan\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhura n\u00eb nj\u00eb raport asimetrik ekonomik.<\/p>\n<p>Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr rritjes s\u00eb totalit t\u00eb shk\u00ebmbimeve tregtare, Kosova dhe Serbia vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb mbesin t\u00eb ngulitura n\u00eb kontest. P\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve ekonomike n\u00eb periudhat 2001-2004, 2005-2008 dhe 2012-2018 nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrcjell\u00eb me rezultate efektive n\u00eb zgjidhjen e kontestit mbi shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs. Serbia ende vazhdon ta konsideroj\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn si territor t\u00eb vetin dhe refuzon q\u00eb ta njoh\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn brenda formatit t\u00eb d\u00ebritanish\u00ebm t\u00eb bisedimeve. P\u00ebrderisa shk\u00ebmbimet tregtare mund t\u00eb mos ken\u00eb lejuar p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimin e situat\u00ebs n\u00eb konflikt, ato t\u00eb vetme nuk kan\u00eb arritur t\u00eb hapin shtigje reale p\u00ebr gjetjen e nj\u00eb zgjidhjeje t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme dhe afatgjate.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00ebt\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb arritur ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb as BE-ja, as CEFTA e as MSA-ja. Kosova dhe Serbia ende jan\u00eb n\u00eb konflikt t\u00eb ngrir\u00eb. Qasja liberale e BE-s\u00eb nuk ka qen\u00eb shum\u00eb frytdh\u00ebn\u00ebse. Shkollar\u00ebt liberal\u00eb japin evidenc\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar sesi shtrirja e rrjeteve ekonomike n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb ka kontribuar n\u00eb stabilitetin global mes shteteve, mir\u00ebpo teoria e tyre prek limitet shpjeguese kur vjen puna tek marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mes shteteve t\u00eb cilat nuk kan\u00eb njohje t\u00eb dyanshme mes vete. N\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb tilla tregtia \u00ebsht\u00eb impotente n\u00eb zgjidhjen e kontesteve.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr shembull, Taiwani, ekonomikisht dhe sociologjikisht \u00ebsht\u00eb duke r\u00ebn\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb orbit\u00ebn e Kin\u00ebs, por pajtimi politik nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb horizontin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb tyre. Madje, me ardhjen e Xi Jinpingut n\u00eb krye t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mes tyre vet\u00ebm jan\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsuar. Shk\u00ebmbimet tregtare mes dy vendeve n\u00eb vitin 1999 kan\u00eb kapur vler\u00ebn totale prej 35 miliard\u00eb dollar\u00ebve, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb m\u00eb 2017 kan\u00eb prekur shifr\u00ebn e 181 miliard\u00eb dollar\u00ebve. Edhe pse \u00ebsht\u00eb partneri m\u00eb i madh i Taiwanit, Kina e bllokuar at\u00eb nga qasja n\u00eb shum\u00eb organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe u ka b\u00ebr\u00eb trysni koorporatave transnacionale q\u00eb Taiwanin ta listojn\u00eb si provinc\u00eb t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. Poashtu, viteve t\u00eb fundit Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb duke \u00a0kryer manovra ushtarake af\u00ebr Taiwanit me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb sinjale t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit. P\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimi i raporteve ekonomike n\u00eb nj\u00eb an\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb paralelizuar me p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsim t\u00eb raporteve politike.<\/p>\n<p>Poashtu, rasti i Palestin\u00ebs dhe i Izraelit demaskon pretendimet e teoris\u00eb liberale p\u00ebr kapacitetet e saj p\u00ebr paqe. Izraeli \u00ebsht\u00eb bindsh\u00ebm partneri m\u00eb i madh ekonomik i Palestin\u00ebs. Eksportet e Palestin\u00ebs n\u00eb Izrael jan\u00eb tet\u00ebfish m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha sesa eksportet e saj n\u00eb Jordani, q\u00eb mban vendin e dyt\u00eb n\u00eb list\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, importet e Palestin\u00ebs nga Izraeli jan\u00eb dhjet\u00ebfish m\u00eb t\u00eb larta sesa importet nga Turqia. Megjithat\u00eb, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet politike Palestin\u00eb-Izrael jan\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb ul\u00ebt. Deri n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb mileniumit t\u00eb ri Izraeli ka tentuar q\u00eb t\u00eb gjej\u00eb zgjidhje p\u00ebr konfliktin. Nga mesi i dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb kaluar, Izraeli ka filluar ta menaxhoj\u00eb konfliktin e jo ta zgjidh\u00eb at\u00eb. Pra nuk ka as p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr dialog efektiv, e aq m\u00eb pak zgjidhje p\u00ebr kontestin e vjet\u00ebr mes tyre.<\/p>\n<p>Edhe rasti i Kosov\u00ebs dhe i Serbis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebrshkuar me problematika t\u00eb tilla t\u00eb kontestimit politik. Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet ekonomike kan\u00eb rezultuar si t\u00eb paafta p\u00ebr t\u00eb shtendosur tensionet e ngulitura n\u00eb relacionet politike mes k\u00ebtyre dy shteteve. Ekonomia dhe politika vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb mos e ndihmojn\u00eb direkt nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn. Projekti i BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr paqe afatgjate mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb vazhdon t\u00eb l\u00ebngoj\u00eb nga pafuqia p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb raport dialektik mes tregtis\u00eb dhe stabilitetit. \u00cbsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht kjo shterp\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb prodhuar rezultate t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqshme ajo q\u00eb ka krijuar nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb menduar gjetjen e nj\u00eb zgjidhjeje jasht\u00eb matric\u00ebs s\u00eb deritanishme t\u00eb dialogut. Fuqia transformative e BE-s\u00eb ka mb\u00ebrritur n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e saj, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb zgjidhja e problemit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb duket t\u00eb jet\u00eb andej kufirit, ku ShBA-ja dhe Rusia duket t\u00eb ken\u00eb n\u00eb dispozicion platforma m\u00eb efektive p\u00ebr ta zgjidhur kontestin Kosov\u00eb-Serbi.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>N\u00eb tradit\u00ebn liberale t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dominon ideja se \u201ctregtia sjell paqe\u201d. Sipas saj shk\u00ebmbimet tregtare harmonizojn\u00eb interesat ekonomike mes shteteve dhe si rrjedhoj\u00eb rrit gatishm\u00ebrin\u00eb p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim t\u00eb thell\u00eb politik. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shkoll\u00eb me ndikim t\u00eb madh n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare shtetet p\u00ebrshkruhen si akter\u00eb racional\u00eb q\u00eb ndjekin maksimalizimin e interesit t\u00eb tyre ekonomik. Aty [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":415,"featured_media":9826,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1719,1236,1639],"ppma_author":[778],"class_list":["post-4294","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-ekonimia","tag-kosove-serbi","tag-marredheniet"],"authors":[{"term_id":778,"user_id":415,"is_guest":0,"slug":"shkodran-ramadani","display_name":"Shkodran Ramadani","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/shkodran-e1729253403162.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/shkodran-e1729253403162.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ramadani","first_name":"Shkodran","description":"Shkodran Ramadani  \u00ebsht\u00eb hulumtues  n\u00eb Institutin \u201cCompass\u201d n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb. Ai ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet Bachelor n\u00eb Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb dhe studimet Master n\u00eb Sociologji n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Shkodrani \u00ebsht\u00eb aktiv n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e hulumtimeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb tranzicionale, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, populizmit, sekularizmit, demokracis\u00eb konsociacionale dhe autonomis\u00eb."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4294","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/415"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4294"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4294\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9827,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4294\/revisions\/9827"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9826"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4294"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4294"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4294"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4294"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}