{"id":4304,"date":"2018-12-10T11:55:12","date_gmt":"2018-12-10T09:55:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4304"},"modified":"2024-11-20T11:58:27","modified_gmt":"2024-11-20T09:58:27","slug":"princi-i-popullit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/uncategorized\/princi-i-popullit\/","title":{"rendered":"Princi i Popullit"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Emri i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb sinonim i dallavereve egoiste politike, por vepra e Machiavellit n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb demokratike n\u00eb thelbin e saj<\/em><\/p>\n

Niccolo Machiavelli ka nam t\u00eb keq. Q\u00eb prej shekullit 16, kur kopjet e dor\u00ebshkrimit t\u00eb vepr\u00ebs s\u00eb tij madhore\u00a0Princit<\/em>\u00a0filluan t\u00eb qarkullojn\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr Europ\u00eb, mbiemri i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruar nj\u00eb form\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht t\u00eb ndyr\u00eb t\u00eb politik\u00ebs: kalkuluese, t\u00eb pam\u00ebshirshme dhe t\u00eb shtyr\u00eb nga interesi vetjak. Sigurisht se ka arsye p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb moment, Machiavelli k\u00ebshillon udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsin politik i cili sapo ka aneksuar nj\u00eb territor t\u00eb ri q\u00eb t\u00eb sigurohej t\u00eb shfaroste t\u00eb gjith\u00eb prejardhjen e sunduesit t\u00eb m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm se mos formojn\u00eb konspiracion p\u00ebr ta rr\u00ebzuar nga froni. Ai gjithashtu lavd\u00ebron \u2018mizorin\u00eb \u2026 e p\u00ebrdorur si duhet\u2019 nga kapiteni mercenar Cesare Borgia gjat\u00eb v\u00ebnies s\u00eb themeleve t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb tij n\u00eb zon\u00ebn p\u00ebrreth Rom\u00ebs. Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, Machiavelli nuk shpiku \u2018politik\u00ebn makiaveliane\u2019. As nuk qe shkak avokimi i forc\u00ebs dhe mashtrimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb sht\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb dhe mbajtur pushtetin q\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit individual t\u2019i p\u00ebrdornin ato. \u00c7far\u00eb b\u00ebri at\u00ebher\u00eb Machciavelli? \u00c7far\u00eb deshi t\u00eb arrinte?<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Kapitullin 15 t\u00eb\u00a0Princit<\/em>, Machiavelli deklaron:<\/p>\n

Kam frik\u00eb se \u2026 do t\u00eb m\u00eb mbajn\u00eb p\u00ebr mendjemadh \u2026 Por meq\u00eb q\u00ebllimi im \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb shkruaj di\u00e7ka t\u00eb vlefshme p\u00ebr k\u00ebdo q\u00eb merr vesh, m\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb dukur m\u00eb me vend q\u00eb t\u00eb shkoj drejt e te e v\u00ebrteta aktuale e gj\u00ebs\u00eb, se sa te parafytyrimi i saj. Shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz kan\u00eb parafytyruar republika e principata q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb par\u00eb e as njihen se kan\u00eb ekzistuar ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb; se \u00ebsht\u00eb aq larg prej asaj se si jetohet te ajo se si duhet jetuar, sa q\u00eb ai i cili harron \u00e7far\u00eb b\u00ebhet n\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb asaj \u00e7far\u00eb duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb, m\u00ebson shkat\u00ebrrimin n\u00eb vend se prezervimin e tij. Se njeriu q\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb profesionin e t\u00eb mirit n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha aspektet do t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrohet mes t\u00eb shumt\u00ebve q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb.<\/em><\/p>\n

Ndyshe nga republikat dhe principatat imagjinare, t\u00eb avokuara nga teoricien\u00ebt e m\u00ebhersh\u00ebm politik\u00eb si Platoni, Aristoteli, Agustini dhe Akuini, ku si qeveris\u00ebsit dhe t\u00eb qeverisurit do t\u00eb edukoheshin p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb sa m\u00eb t\u00eb virtytsh\u00ebm, Machiavelli propozon t\u00eb m\u00ebsoj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit politik\u00eb, si t\u00eb mundshmit dhe t\u00eb tashmit, \u2018q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb zot\u00eb t\u00eb mos t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin a t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrdorin at\u00eb dije sipas nevoj\u00ebs\u2019.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr namit si m\u00ebsues i tiran\u00ebve, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos th\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00ebsues i s\u00eb lig\u00ebs per se, lexuesi i kujdessh\u00ebm v\u00ebren menj\u00ebher\u00eb se ky nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb qen\u00eb q\u00ebllimi i Machiavelli-t. Kush do t\u00eb kishte nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebsoj\u00eb \u2018t\u00eb jet\u00eb i zoti q\u00eb t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb i mir\u00eb\u2019? Sigurisht se jo tip\u00ebt si Borgia ose perandori i ashp\u00ebr e dyfytyr\u00ebsh romak Severusi, t\u00eb cilin Machiavelli e lavd\u00ebron poashtu. Duke mashtruar e vrar\u00eb rival\u00ebt e tyre, t\u00eb till\u00eb burra d\u00ebshmuan se \u201cqen\u00eb t\u00eb zot\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos qen\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb\u2019 fare pa ndihm\u00ebn e tij. Megjithat\u00eb, mund t\u00eb mos ken\u00eb ditur si t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin e si mos t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin at\u00eb dije sipas nevoj\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Borgia u d\u00ebrgua n\u00eb ekzil nga njeriu i cili ky e ndihmoi t\u00eb b\u00ebh\u00ebt pap\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa Severus-i nuk qe i zoti t\u00eb m\u00ebsonte t\u00eb birin si t\u00eb mbante sundimin e familjes. Si\u00e7 v\u00ebren Machiavelli, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit priren t\u00eb ngulin k\u00ebmb\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorurit e mjeteve q\u00eb iu kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb mundur t\u00eb ken\u00eb sukses n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, edhe at\u00ebher\u00eb kur ato mjete nuk p\u00ebrkojn\u00eb me rrethanat. Gjaknxehtit vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7ajn\u00eb p\u00ebrpara edhe at\u00ebher\u00eb kur lypset maturi, dhe t\u00eb maturit nuk kapin mund\u00ebsit\u00eb q\u00eb iu dalin p\u00ebrpara. Duke i m\u00ebsuar lexuesit t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb zot\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb\u00a0mos\u00a0<\/em>jen\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin ose t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrdorin at\u00eb dij\u00eb sipas nevoj\u00ebs, Machiavelli duket sikur adreson dy lloje t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve politik\u00eb: t\u00eb mir\u00ebt, q\u00eb nuk din\u00eb si t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebqinj, por q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb m\u00ebsojn\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb ashtu n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb efektsh\u00ebm; si dhe t\u00eb k\u00ebqinjt\u00eb, q\u00eb nuk din\u00eb si t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin (a t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrdorin) \u2018zot\u00ebsin\u00eb\u2019 e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur regjim t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Pse mendonte Machiavelli q\u00eb ishte i nevojsh\u00ebm nj\u00eb m\u00ebsim i till\u00eb? Sipas tij, shumica e qenieve njer\u00ebzore nuk duan n\u00eb fakt t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb virtytsh\u00ebm e t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Marr\u00eb si individ\u00eb, qeniet njer\u00ebzore jan\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebta dhe nevojtare. Duke u p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb fitojm\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb dhe t\u00eb ruajm\u00eb at\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb kemi akumuluar, natyrsh\u00ebm do t\u00eb gjendemi n\u00eb konflikt. K\u00ebshtu pastaj, bashkohemi p\u00ebr t\u00eb formuar komunitete politike jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb marrim \u00e7far\u00eb na duhet, por gjithashtu t\u00eb mbrojm\u00eb ato q\u00eb kemi prej grabitjes s\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve. E sapo komunitete t\u00eb tilla politike t\u00eb jen\u00eb formuar, an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e tyre p\u00ebr\u00e7ahen poashtu nga \u2018humore\u2019 ose \u2018apetite\u2019 reciprokisht t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta: d\u00ebshira e \u2018t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenjve\u2019 (apo, si\u00e7 themi sot, elitave) q\u00eb t\u00eb komandoj\u00eb dhe shtyp\u00eb popullin, dhe d\u00ebshira e popullit p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos u komanduar dhe shtypur. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb iluzion t\u00eb mendohet se udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit apo qytetar\u00ebt e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb komuniteti politik p\u00ebrpiqen p\u00ebr \u2018nj\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt\u2019, p\u00ebrtej t\u00eb mbrojturit t\u00eb komunitetit nga predator\u00ebt e jasht\u00ebm. Gjithnj\u00eb do t\u00eb ket\u00eb konflikt pak a shum\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb mes atyre q\u00eb duan t\u00eb sundojn\u00eb dhe atyre q\u00eb nuk duan t\u00eb sundohen.<\/p>\n

Te\u00a0Princi,<\/em>\u00a0Machiavelli deklaron se ka tre rezultate t\u00eb mundshme t\u00eb konfliktit mes dy humoreve: principata, liria ose shthurja. Por n\u00eb librin q\u00eb gjoja i dedikohet edukimit t\u00eb \u2018princit\u2019, ai nuk shpjegon si mund t\u00eb arrihet \u2018liria\u2019 p\u00ebrmes balancimit t\u00eb dy humoreve; ai e ruan at\u00eb m\u00ebsim p\u00ebr\u00a0Diskurset mbi Livi-n,<\/em>\u00a0n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin lavd\u00ebron Republik\u00ebn Romake si shembull. Te\u00a0Princi<\/em>, ai kufizohet n\u00eb inkurajimin q\u00eb lider\u00ebt politik\u00eb, me t\u00eb marr\u00eb pushtetin, t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e popullit t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

Arsyeja e par\u00eb pse propozon q\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi duhet t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e popullit n\u00eb vend se favorizimin e aleat\u00ebve \u2018t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj\u2019 ose partiak\u00ebve \u00ebshte se \u2018t\u00eb medhenjt\u00eb\u2019 ambicioz\u00eb e marrin veten p\u00ebr t\u00eb barabart\u00ebt e tij dhe prandaj d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb ta zhvendosin. Ata do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb pozita dhe t\u00eb mira si \u00e7mim p\u00ebr mb\u00ebshtjetjen s\u00eb vazhdueshme. P\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u2019i k\u00ebnaqur do t\u00eb d\u00ebshtojn\u00eb domosdo dhe me t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar, do t\u2019i kthejn\u00eb n\u00eb armiq. Nj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs mund t\u00eb k\u00ebnaq\u00eb popullin e tij, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, sepse \u2018q\u00ebllimi i popullit \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i ndersh\u00ebm\u00a0(onesto)<\/em>\u00a0se ai i t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenjve, ngaq\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenjt\u00eb duan t\u00eb shtypin dhe populli nuk do q\u00eb t\u00eb shtypet\u2019.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti dhe m\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsorja \u00ebsht\u00eb se fuqia \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb numra: populli \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i num\u00ebrt se t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenjt\u00eb. Machiavelli-t i p\u00eblqen t\u00eb p\u00ebrdor shembuj dhe gjuh\u00eb trondit\u00ebse. Ai drejton gishtin kah shembulli historik i Borgia-s si dhe Oliverotto Euffreducci-t, sunduesit t\u00eb pam\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Fermo-s, si dhe Agathocles-i, tiranit t\u00eb Sirakuz\u00ebs, p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar q\u00eb \u2018t\u00eb medhenjt\u00eb\u2019 relativisht t\u00eb pakt\u00eb n\u00eb num\u00ebr mund t\u00eb mblidhen n\u00ebn pretendime t\u00eb rrejshme dhe t\u00eb masakrohen n\u00eb \u00e7do sistem politik t\u00eb caktuar, por rikujton lexuesit se \u2018princi\u2019 nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb k\u00eb t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb po vrau shumic\u00ebn e popullit. Nj\u00eb lideri politik do t\u2019i duhen vart\u00ebsit p\u00ebr ta ndihmuar n\u00eb qeverisje, por ai mund t\u2019ia dal\u00eb p\u00ebr bukuri edhe pa nj\u00eb grup t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb personave \u2018t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj\u2019, meq\u00eb \u2018mund t\u2019i b\u00ebj\u00eb e t\u2019i zhb\u00ebj\u00eb ata \u00e7do dit\u00eb\u2019. Mund t\u2019i b\u00ebj\u00eb disa \u2018t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj\u2019 duke iu dh\u00ebn\u00eb toka e poste, e t\u2019i zhb\u00ebj\u00eb duke iu marr\u00eb t\u00eb njejtat, si dhe jet\u00ebn. K\u00ebshtu, Machiavelli l\u00eb t\u00eb kuptoj\u00eb se \u2018t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenjt\u00eb\u2019 nuk dallojn\u00eb prej shumic\u00ebs p\u00ebr nga natyra \u2013 natyra njer\u00ebzore \u00ebsht\u00eb e njejt\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb. Duke qen\u00eb se ata me poste t\u00eb larta kan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb pushtet e t\u00eb mira, nuk do t\u00eb ndjehen aq t\u00eb preksh\u00ebm nga shtypja, se sa populli q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht i n\u00ebnshtuar ndaj qeveris\u00eb. N\u00eb vend se t\u00eb d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb thjesht q\u00eb t\u00eb mos shtypen, si pasoj\u00eb e pozitave t\u00eb tyre relative, \u2018t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenjt\u00eb\u2019 vijn\u00eb e d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb marrin m\u00eb shum\u00eb duke shtypur t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Me t\u00eb vrojtuar q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha qeniet njer\u00ebzore n\u00eb themel d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb t\u00eb ruajn\u00eb vetveten dhe duke u p\u00ebrpjekur n\u00eb at\u00eb drejtim, k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb posedojn\u00eb edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb, Machiavelli te\u00a0Princi\u00a0<\/em>provon t\u00eb bind\u00eb ambicioz\u00ebt politik\u00eb q\u00eb, sido q\u00eb t\u00eb marrin pushtetit, m\u00ebnyra m\u00eb e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbetur n\u00eb pozit\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebnaq\u00ebsh d\u00ebshirat e popullit p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar jet\u00ebt, familjet dhe pronat e tyre. Me t\u2019i m\u00ebsuar lider\u00ebt politik\u00eb \u2018q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb zot\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos qen\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb\u2019, Machiavelli pra nuk avokon p\u00ebr sjellje thjesht egoiste, t\u00eb pamoralshme dhe amorale. Ai i flet d\u00ebshir\u00ebs s\u00eb ambicioz\u00ebve politik\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i bind\u00eb se m\u00ebnyra m\u00eb e mir\u00eb e plot\u00ebsimit t\u00eb d\u00ebshir\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqin d\u00ebshir\u00ebn e popullit p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos u shtypur. Duke k\u00ebnaqur d\u00ebshir\u00ebn e popullit p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt n\u00eb jet\u00ebt, familjet dhe pronat e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb dhe duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb q\u00ebllimi dhe pik\u00ebsynimi i qeveris\u00eb, si\u00e7 e sheh Machiavelli. Megjithat\u00eb, meq\u00eb i dedikoi shprehimisht\u00a0Princin\u00a0<\/em>nj\u00eb princi dhe i adresoi k\u00ebshill\u00ebn e tij ambicioz\u00ebve politik\u00eb, shum\u00eb lexues e komentues nuk e kan\u00eb v\u00ebrejtur k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim qendror demokratik n\u00eb argumentin e tij.<\/p>\n

Machiavelli i m\u00ebson lexuesit e\u00a0Princit\u00a0<\/em>t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb zot\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos qen\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb duke iu treguar se praktikat dhe qendrimet q\u00eb mendohen si t\u00eb virtytshme te individ\u00ebt privat\u00eb kan\u00eb pasoja shkat\u00ebrrimtare p\u00ebr zyrtar\u00ebt publik\u00eb. Mendjegj\u00ebr\u00ebsia lavd\u00ebrohej nga moralist\u00ebt e lasht\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa zem\u00ebrgj\u00ebr\u00ebsia dhe bamir\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb lavd\u00ebruar nga t\u00eb krishter\u00ebt (e t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt) deri n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme. Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, Machiavelli v\u00ebren se nj\u00eb lider politik i cili shteron burimet e veta duke dh\u00ebn\u00eb pa karar poste, toka, tituj e shp\u00ebrblime t\u00eb tjera miqve aristokrat\u00eb a partiak\u00ebve, do t\u00eb humb p\u00ebrkrahjen e tyre at\u00ebher\u00eb kur ajo i duhet, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 n\u00ebse ai lider merr fonde t\u00eb reja duke taksuar popullin dhe duke nxitur k\u00ebshtu urrejtjen e tyre. N\u00eb vend se t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb rrush e kumbulla kapitalin duke shp\u00ebrblyer nj\u00eb pakic\u00eb jofalenderuese, nj\u00eb lider politik do t\u2019i d\u00ebshmoj\u00eb shumic\u00ebs se \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebrtet liberal duke konservuar resurset e veta n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i p\u00ebrdor\u00eb p\u00ebr ta mbrojtur veten e qeverin\u00eb kur \u00ebsht\u00eb nevoja. N\u00eb t\u00eb njejt\u00ebn m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, nj\u00eb lider politik i cili fal\u00eb kriminel\u00ebt mund t\u2019iu duket i m\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm disave, por \u00ebsht\u00eb mizor n\u00eb syt\u00eb e bashk\u00ebqytetar\u00ebve q\u00eb frik\u00ebsohen p\u00ebr jet\u00ebt dhe pronat e tyre at\u00ebher\u00eb kur ligji nuk zbatohet.<\/p>\n

Machiavelli argumenton se lider\u00ebve politik\u00eb iu duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin si forc\u00ebn ashtu edhe mashtrimin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb marrin dhe t\u00eb mbajn\u00eb pushtetin. Por ai paralajm\u00ebron se ata duhet q\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqen\u00a0t\u00eb duken<\/em>\u00a0se jan\u00eb plot\u00eb m\u00ebshir\u00eb, besim, ndershm\u00ebri, p\u00ebrul\u00ebsi dhe fe \u2013 sidomos fe \u2013 edhe po t\u00eb mos jen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb ashtu n\u00eb realitet. (Prandaj, kushdo q\u00eb akuzohet se \u00ebsht\u00eb \u2018princ makiavelian\u2019 nuk ka pasur sukses n\u00eb t\u00eb qenit i till\u00eb.) Pse t\u00eb gjith\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb besojn\u00eb, por do t\u00eb lavd\u00ebrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb shef shteti kur ai pretendon t\u00eb jet\u00eb duke b\u00ebr\u00eb luft\u00eb, duke zbatuar rigorozisht ligjin, ose duke rritur taksat p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb besimit t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb apo njer\u00ebzis\u00eb? N\u00ebse nj\u00eb lider politik b\u00ebn \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u2018fituar dhe mbajtur shtetin\u2019, siguron lexuesit Machiavelli. \u2018mjetet gjithmon\u00eb do t\u00eb gjykohen si t\u00eb nderuara dhe do t\u00eb lavd\u00ebrohen nga t\u00eb gjith\u00eb\u2019.<\/p>\n

Shpesh lexuesit k\u00ebt\u00eb e kuptojn\u00eb thjesht si q\u00ebllimi arsyeton mjetet. Por, Machiavelli i referohet nj\u00eb q\u00ebllimi t\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebm: vendosja dhe mbajtja e rendit dhe ligjit, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb interesin e popullit po aq sa edhe t\u00eb sunduesit. \u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr v\u00ebzhguesit, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos th\u00ebn\u00eb e pamundshme, q\u00eb t\u00eb zbulojn\u00eb se cilat jan\u00eb motivet e v\u00ebrteta t\u00eb nj\u00eb personi. N\u00eb fakt, lider\u00ebt politik\u00eb veprojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb marrin dhe mbajn\u00eb pushtetin p\u00ebr vete. Por n\u00ebse nj\u00eb lider vepron p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur shtetin q\u00eb mbron jet\u00ebt dhe pronat e vart\u00ebsve apo bashk\u00ebqytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb tij prej agresionit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm dhe krimit t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm, ata do t\u2019i besojn\u00eb kur thot\u00eb se ka vepruar p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, populli gjykon karakterin dhe fjal\u00ebt e liderit n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb efekteve q\u00eb kan\u00eb veprat e tij. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb \u2018e v\u00ebrteta e efektshme\u2019 q\u00eb Machiavelli p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb arrij\u00eb te\u00a0Princi.<\/em><\/p>\n

Patjet\u00ebr q\u00eb rip\u00ebrkufizimi i Machiavelli-t i \u2018virtyteve\u2019 t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta t\u00eb sunduesit p\u00ebrb\u00ebn shkundje t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr si t\u00eb \u2018virtytit\u2019 ashtu edhe t\u00eb \u2018sundimit\u2019. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb nj\u00eb orvatjeje t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb prej ndjenj\u00ebs s\u00eb detyr\u00ebs n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb arrihet e mira e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, sundimi i frytsh\u00ebm do t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmerret dhe b\u00ebhet vet\u00eb n\u00eb baza t\u00eb kalkulimit t\u00eb men\u00e7ur t\u00eb mjeteve m\u00eb t\u00eb mira q\u00eb njeriu ambicioz mund t\u2019i p\u00ebrdor p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur d\u00ebshir\u00ebn e tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb komanduar, pa u urryer dhe rr\u00ebzuar nga pushteti. Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, Machiavelli tregon poashtu se ka \u2013 ose mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn \u2013 bashk\u00eblidhje t\u00eb caktuar mes d\u00ebshir\u00ebs s\u00eb princit p\u00ebr t\u00eb komanduar dhe d\u00ebshir\u00ebs s\u00eb popullit p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur siguri, edhe at\u00ebher\u00eb kur k\u00ebto d\u00ebshira mbeten thelb\u00ebsisht t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta, por q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon shkatht\u00ebsi t\u00eb madhe q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrftohen mjetet p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilave do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqeshin deri n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt. Te\u00a0Princi<\/em>, ai t\u00ebrheq v\u00ebmendjen te nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb se si b\u00ebhet kjo, duke p\u00ebrkujtuar lexuesit se ka\u00a0dy<\/em>\u00a0m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb t\u00eb luftuarit \u2013 m\u00ebnyra njer\u00ebzore me ligjet dhe m\u00ebnyra shtazarake me forc\u00ebn dhe mashtrimin.<\/p>\n

Ai l\u00eb t\u00eb kuptoj\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb me m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn njer\u00ebzore t\u00eb t\u00eb luftuarit me ligjet, kur v\u00ebren se Franca \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shembull i mbret\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb mir\u00ebqeverisur dhe mir\u00ebrregulluar dhe se i pari prej \u2018institucioneve pafund\u00ebsisht t\u00eb mira mbi t\u00eb cilat varet liria dhe siguria e mbretit [francez] \u2026 \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0parlamenti\u2019<\/em>. Kjo gjykat\u00eb franceze i mund\u00ebsoi popullit q\u00eb t\u00eb rezistoj\u00eb ambicien dhe arroganc\u00ebn e fisnik\u00ebve duke i akuzuar dhe d\u00ebnuar p\u00ebr krime kund\u00ebr mbretit. K\u00ebshtu,\u00a0Parlamenti<\/em>\u00a0i kontribuoi jo vet\u00ebm siguris\u00eb s\u00eb popullit, por gjithashtu edhe siguris\u00eb s\u00eb mbretit. N\u00eb monarki, ligjet jan\u00eb ligje t\u00eb mbretit; dhe ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb pushtetin p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar sundimin e tij jan\u00eb fisnik\u00ebt ose \u2018t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenjt\u00eb\u2019, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt marrin veten p\u00ebr t\u00eb barabart\u00eb me mbretin dhe k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb vazhdimisht t\u00eb marrin sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb pasuri e pushtet p\u00ebr veten, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos th\u00ebn\u00eb thjesht ta z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojn\u00eb at\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb popullit pushtetin q\u00eb t\u00eb kontrolloj\u00eb arroganc\u00ebn dhe ambicien e fisnik\u00ebve, institucioni i nj\u00eb gjykate t\u00eb till\u00eb i mund\u00ebsoi mbretit t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorte popullin si mjet p\u00ebr sigurimin e sundimit, pa pasur nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb veproj\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt apo me forc\u00eb kund\u00ebr fisnik\u00ebris\u00eb. Ashtu si Borgia solli qeverisjen e mir\u00eb n\u00eb Romanj\u00eb duke p\u00ebrdorur nj\u00eb administrator mizor p\u00ebr t\u00eb frik\u00ebsuar secilin deri n\u00eb n\u00ebnshtrim dhe pastaj duke shmangur p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrdorimin e mjeteve t\u00eb tilla mizore duke z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar asistentin e tij me nj\u00eb gjyq civil, ashtu, propozon Machiavelli, edhe mbreti i Franc\u00ebs ka vepruar p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar sundimin e tij dhe shmangien e \u00a0fajit p\u00ebr mjetet duke themeluar nj\u00eb gjyq ku populli gjykon fisnik\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu at\u00ebher\u00eb, te\u00a0Princi<\/em>\u00a0Machiavelli k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb bind\u00eb lexuesit e tij me ambicie politike q\u00eb t\u00eb themelojn\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb e njohim si \u2018monarki kushtetuese\u2019, t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb ushtri t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga populli dhe karakterizuar nga balanci i pushteteve q\u00eb siguron sundimin e ligjit. Duke qen\u00eb se shtetkombet e tilla do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb formoheshin n\u00eb territore relativisht t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, Machiavelli konkludon\u00a0Princin<\/em>\u00a0me nj\u00eb thirrje p\u00ebr Medici-n q\u00eb t\u00eb grumbulloj\u00eb dhe st\u00ebrvis\u00eb nj\u00eb ushtri \u2018q\u00eb t\u00eb pushtoj\u00eb Italin\u00eb dhe ta \u00e7liroj\u00eb prej barbar\u00ebve\u2019.<\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb Machiavelli nuk p\u00ebrmend te\u00a0Princi<\/em>, por q\u00eb e deklaron shprehimisht te\u00a0Diskurset<\/em>, \u00ebsht\u00eb se nj\u00eb lider politik i virtytsh\u00ebm n\u00eb krye t\u00eb nj\u00eb ushtrie qytetar\u00ebsh, q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon dhe merr p\u00ebrkrahjen popullore ashtu si\u00e7 thot\u00eb Machiavelli se do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb b\u00ebnte \u2018princi\u2019, p\u00ebrb\u00ebn k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh p\u00ebr ruajtjen e republik\u00ebs. Njer\u00ebzit e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb nuk i v\u00ebrejn\u00eb farat e tiranis\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb fshehura pas favoreve q\u00eb iu b\u00ebn atyre nj\u00eb lider popullor. T\u00eb lumtur q\u00eb nj\u00eb lider i till\u00eb popullor ka rr\u00ebzuar \u2018t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenjt\u00eb\u2019 t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kan\u00eb sunduar mbi ta n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, populli shpesh shprehet i gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb shoh\u00eb nj\u00eb lider (si psh, ish presidenti i Venezuel\u00ebs Hugo Chavez) q\u00eb shfuqizon kontrollet dhe kufizimet kushtetuese q\u00eb parandalojn\u00eb \u00e7do individ t\u00eb p\u00ebrve\u00e7\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb tiran. K\u00ebshtu, p\u00ebrderisa te\u00a0Princi<\/em>\u00a0Machiavelli avokon p\u00ebr nj\u00eb lloj aleance mes princit dhe popullit q\u00eb t\u2019i mbaj\u00eb n\u00ebn kontroll t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenjt\u00eb, te\u00a0Diskurset<\/em>\u00a0p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj aleance mes burrave t\u00eb tjer\u00eb \u2018t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj\u2019 dhe popullit karshi ak\u00ebcilit princ apo tiran.<\/p>\n

Rrug\u00ebzgjidhjet q\u00eb propozon Machiavelli p\u00ebr t\u2019i b\u00ebr\u00eb ball\u00eb kanosjes q\u00eb i paraqet republik\u00ebs nj\u00eb lider popullor jan\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i b\u00ebj\u00eb dyshues edhe popullin edhe qytetar\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb ambicioz\u00eb p\u00ebr motivet dhe ambiciet e lider\u00ebve t\u00eb rinj q\u00eb paraqiten si t\u00eb virtytsh\u00ebm. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, ai i inkurajon q\u00eb t\u00eb mos mashtrohen nga \u2018paraqitja\u2019 e religjionit, m\u00ebshir\u00ebs dhe njer\u00ebzis\u00eb t\u00eb cilat vet ai i k\u00ebshilloi \u2018princit\u2019 q\u00eb t\u2019i projektoj\u00eb. P\u00ebrkundrazi, populli duhet t\u00eb dyshoj\u00eb se \u2018kapiten\u00ebt\u2019 e tij kan\u00eb ambicie t\u00eb fshehta e m\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikshme. Ai gjithashtu k\u00ebshillon qytetar\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb ambicioz\u00eb \u2018t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj\u2019 q\u00eb t\u00eb garojn\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkrahjen popullore me heronjt\u00eb e rinj t\u00eb saposhfaqur. P\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar rotacionin n\u00eb pozita dhe respektimin e kufizimeve n\u00eb mandate, qytetar\u00ebt ambicioz\u00eb duhen t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm jo vet\u00ebm t\u2019i l\u00ebn\u00eb garuesve postet q\u00eb kan\u00eb mbajtur, por madje edhe t\u2019iu sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb atyre. P\u00ebr t\u00eb ekspozuar p\u00ebrpjekjet n\u00eb an\u00ebn e individ\u00ebve ambicioz\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb rr\u00ebzuar republik\u00ebn, \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme t\u00eb themelohen procedura ku individ\u00ebt e tilla do t\u00eb akuzohen dhe gjykohen para jurive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha popullore.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto gjykime jo domosdoshm\u00ebrisht do t\u00eb ofrojn\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi p\u00ebr individ\u00ebt n\u00eb fjal\u00eb, por rreziku i p\u00ebrballjes me gjykime t\u00eb tilla do t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb si kontroll ndaj ambicieve individuale. \u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, vet gjykimet b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb mundur q\u00eb populli t\u00eb \u2018shfrej\u00eb \u2026 ato humore q\u00eb rriten n\u00eb qytete\u2019. Rezistenca popullore e paorganizauar \u2018spontane\u2019 ndaj d\u00ebshirave shtyp\u00ebse t\u00eb t\u00eb \u2018m\u00ebdhenjve\u2019 nuk mjafton p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbajtur ato n\u00ebn kontroll, thekson Machiavelli. Furia e verb\u00ebr e turm\u00ebs mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb pamas\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruese, por shpejt shfryhet dhe k\u00ebshtu nuk sjell efekt pozitiv afatgjat\u00eb. \u00a0Duhet nj\u00eb mendje e vetme q\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb institucionet dhe nj\u00eb lider i vet\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb armatos\u00eb e organizoj\u00eb nj\u00eb forc\u00eb efektive t\u00eb aft\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mbroj\u00eb qytetin prej agresionit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb rendin p\u00ebrbrenda. P\u00ebrpar\u00ebsia e madhe e republik\u00ebs mbi principatat nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se atyre nuk iu duhen \u2018princat\u2019 ose udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit; por se ato nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb ngujuara ve\u00e7 me nj\u00ebrin prej tyre. Ato mund t\u00eb zgjedhin nj\u00eb vazhd\u00eb individ\u00ebsh t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm t\u00eb aft\u00eb n\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb ndryshme.<\/p>\n

Pse mendon Machiavelli q\u00eb republikat jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mira se \u2018principatat\u2019, sundimin e nj\u00eb njeriu? N\u00eb republik\u00ebn e strukturuar si duhet, ku njer\u00ebzit ndihen t\u00eb sigurt p\u00ebr jet\u00ebt, familjet dhe pronat e tyre, si individ\u00ebt ashtu edhe komunitetet rriten e prosperojn\u00eb:<\/p>\n

Aty shihen popuj m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj, ngase martesat jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb lira dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebshirueshme p\u00ebr burrat meq\u00eb secili lind me d\u00ebshir\u00eb ata f\u00ebmij\u00eb q\u00eb beson se mund t\u2019i mbaj\u00eb me buk\u00eb. Ai nuk frik\u00ebsohet se mund t\u2019ia marrin trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb, dhe e di se jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb jan\u00eb lindur t\u00eb lir\u00eb e jo skllev\u00ebr, por q\u00eb munden, p\u00ebrmes virtytit t\u00eb tyre, t\u00eb b\u00ebhen princ\u00ebr. Aty t\u00eb mira shum\u00ebfishohen me t\u00eb madhe, si ato q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga bujq\u00ebsia ashtu edhe ato q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga artet. Ngase secili me d\u00ebshir\u00ebn e tij \u2026 p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb arrij\u00eb ato t\u00eb mira q\u00eb beson se mund t\u2019i g\u00ebzoj\u00eb sapo t\u2019i ket\u00eb marr\u00eb. Prej ku mund t\u00eb kuptohet se njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb rivalitet mendojn\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsit\u00eb private dhe publike, dhe q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja \u2026 rriten p\u00ebr mrekulli.<\/em><\/p>\n

Kriteri kryesor me t\u00eb cilin qeverit\u00eb do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb gjykoheshin si t\u00eb mira a t\u00eb k\u00ebqija nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb karakteri moral apo inteligjenca e personit a personave q\u00eb qeverisin. N\u00eb fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0e mira e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt<\/em>\u00a0q\u00eb rezulton nga nj\u00eb qeveri q\u00eb siguron jet\u00ebt, familjet dhe pronat e qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb saj. Machiavelli pra avokon p\u00ebr nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim kryek\u00ebput demokratik p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb. Megjithk\u00ebt\u00eb, ai nuk mendon se proceset apo mjetet e past\u00ebrta demokratike jan\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb m\u00ebnyrat m\u00eb t\u00eb mira, apo madje edhe adekuate p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur at\u00eb q\u00ebllim. Ka nevoj\u00eb, gjithashtu, p\u00ebr lider\u00eb q\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb se m\u00ebnyra m\u00eb e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushur d\u00ebshir\u00ebn e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqin d\u00ebshirat e popullit t\u00eb tyre p\u00ebr siguri, prosperitet dhe p\u00ebrparim.<\/p>\n

Ngase i gjith\u00eb veprimi politik efektiv k\u00ebrkon organizim dhe lidership, Machiavelli i adreson t\u00eb gjitha shkrimet e tij politik individ\u00ebve n\u00eb pozita t\u00eb pushtetit ose q\u00eb kan\u00eb ambicie p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbajtur ato. Duke i inkurajuar q\u00eb t\u00eb themelojn\u00eb dhe t\u00eb mbajn\u00eb \u2018qeverisje t\u00eb mir\u00eb\u2019 duke siguruar jet\u00ebt, familjet dhe pronat e vart\u00ebsve apo bashk\u00ebqytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre, ai nuk iu flet sensit t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, m\u00ebshir\u00ebs apo guximit publik. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ai iu flet ambicieve t\u00eb tyre \u2013 d\u00ebshir\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre njer\u00ebzore p\u00ebr status dhe pasuri. Diskreditimi q\u00eb Machiavelli i b\u00ebn nocioneve tradicionale t\u00eb virtytit e vesit, \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e domosdoshme e mendimit m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb se qeveria nuk do t\u00eb duhej t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbente interesave t\u00eb disave, por se do t\u00eb duhej t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb d\u00ebshirave m\u00eb modeste t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs. Ai nuk pret q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb kompleksitetet e strategjis\u00eb ushtrake apo dizajnit institucional \u2013 fjala \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr mjetet me t\u00eb cilat mund t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqen d\u00ebshirat e tyre bazike. Megjithat\u00eb, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb i sigurt se ata jan\u00eb gjykat\u00ebsit me t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb rezultateve ose efekteve.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

Catherine Zuckert\u00a0<\/strong>\u00ebsht\u00eb profesoresh\u00eb e shkencave politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Notre Dame n\u00eb Indiana. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb autore e librit Politika e Machiavellit (2017) dhe Leo Strauss mbi Filozofin\u00eb Poltike: P\u00ebrgjigje ndaj Sfidave t\u00eb Pozitivizmit dhe Historicizmit (2018)<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkthyer nga\u00a0Bardhi Bakija<\/strong><\/p>\n

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  Emri i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb sinonim i dallavereve egoiste politike, por vepra e Machiavellit n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb demokratike n\u00eb thelbin e saj Niccolo Machiavelli ka nam t\u00eb keq. Q\u00eb prej shekullit 16, kur kopjet e dor\u00ebshkrimit t\u00eb vepr\u00ebs s\u00eb tij madhore\u00a0Princit\u00a0filluan t\u00eb qarkullojn\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr Europ\u00eb, mbiemri i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruar […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":71,"featured_media":10516,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[1901,1900],"ppma_author":[80],"class_list":["post-4304","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-machiavelli","tag-princi"],"authors":[{"term_id":80,"user_id":71,"is_guest":0,"slug":"catherine-zuckert","display_name":"Catherine Zuckert","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-2-4.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-2-4.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Zuckert","first_name":"Catherine","description":"Catherine Zuckert \u00ebsht\u00eb profesoresh\u00eb e shkencave politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Notre Dame n\u00eb Indiana. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb autore e librit Politika e Machiavellit (2017) dhe Leo Strauss mbi Filozofin\u00eb Poltike: P\u00ebrgjigje ndaj Sfidave t\u00eb Pozitivizmit dhe Historicizmit (2018)."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4304","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/71"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4304"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4304\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10517,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4304\/revisions\/10517"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10516"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4304"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4304"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4304"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4304"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}