{"id":4332,"date":"2019-01-08T14:26:56","date_gmt":"2019-01-08T12:26:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4332"},"modified":"2025-01-08T14:30:21","modified_gmt":"2025-01-08T12:30:21","slug":"afektet-e-demokracise","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/afektet-e-demokracise\/","title":{"rendered":"Afektet e demokracis\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Artikulli orgjinal n\u00eb\u00a0\u2018Critique & Humanism\u2019, via Eurozine<\/a><\/p>\n

Mungesa e p\u00ebrplasjes s\u00eb ashp\u00ebr mes projekteve t\u00eb ndryshme politike n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb liberale ka \u00e7uar deri te kriza e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit. Demonizimi i \u2018armiqve\u2019 t\u00eb konsensusit dypartiak mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb ngush\u00ebllues moralisht, por \u00ebsht\u00eb shfuqizues politikisht. Na duhet nj\u00eb populliz\u00ebm progresiv q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb mobilizoj\u00eb afektet e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta drejt mbrojtjes s\u00eb barazis\u00eb dhe drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb sociale.<\/em><\/p>\n

Emocionet dhe afektet, s\u00eb fundmi, jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb tem\u00eb n\u00eb mod\u00eb mes filozof\u00ebve dhe njer\u00ebzve q\u00eb punojn\u00eb n\u00eb shkenca sociale dhe ka pasur rritje n\u00eb literatur\u00ebn rreth asaj q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb quajtur \u2018kthes\u00eb \u00a0afektuese\u2019. Kjo ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me nj\u00eb num\u00ebr shum\u00eb heterogjen veprash, mes t\u00eb cilave nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e leht\u00eb t\u00eb hasen \u2018ngjasime famijare\u2019, ngase teoricen\u00ebt q\u00eb vihen me raste n\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb ombrell\u00eb, vijn\u00eb nga nj\u00eb shum\u00ebllojshm\u00ebri qasjesh q\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se harmonizohen. Ata nuk bien dakord p\u00ebr vet\u00eb kuptimin e termave \u2018afekt\u2019 dhe \u2018emocione\u2019, e l\u00ebre m\u00eb p\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien mes tyre. Disa prej syresh jan\u00eb t\u00eb ndikuar nga Deleuze dhe Guattari, t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt nga neuroshkenca, nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt nga nj\u00eb shum\u00ebllojshm\u00ebri e shkollave konstruktiviste. P\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, n\u00eb vepr\u00ebn time kam v\u00ebn\u00eb theks t\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebm mbi rolin e \u2018pasioneve\u2019 n\u00eb politik\u00eb dhe do t\u00eb doja q\u00eb k\u00ebtu t\u00eb sqaroj se \u00e7far\u00eb kuptoj me \u2018pasionet\u2019 dhe si e shoh rolin e tyre n\u00eb politik\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fakt, shpesh m\u00eb kan\u00eb pyetur pse flas p\u00ebr pasionet e jo p\u00ebr emocionet. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye dua t\u00eb theksoj se, nga pik\u00ebpamja q\u00eb avokoj, \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb dallohen \u2018pasionet\u2019 nga \u2018emocionet\u2019. Qasja ime \u00ebsht\u00eb elaboruar p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket domenit politik; nj\u00eb prej mendimeve kryesore \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb, n\u00eb at\u00eb fush\u00eb, kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb m\u00eb identitete kolektive \u2013 di\u00e7ka q\u00eb termi \u2018emocione\u2019 nuk e shpreh mjaftuesh\u00ebm, ngaq\u00eb zakonisht emocionet jan\u00eb t\u00eb bashk\u00ebgjitura me individ\u00ebt. Natyrisht se \u2018pasionet\u2019, poashtu, mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb invididuale p\u00ebr nga natyra, por kam zgjedhur t\u00eb p\u00ebrdor at\u00eb term, me konotacionet e tij m\u00eb t\u00eb dhunshme, sepse m\u00eb lejon q\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebnvizoj dimensionin e konfliktit dhe t\u00eb sugjeroj p\u00ebrplasjen mes identiteteve kolektive politike, dy aspekte t\u00eb cilat i marr si p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebse t\u00eb politik\u00ebs. Mbaj q\u00ebndrimin q\u00eb, pa kuptuar rolin vendimtar q\u00eb luajn\u00eb afektet e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta n\u00eb themelimin e formave politike t\u00eb identifikimit, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur t\u00eb p\u00ebrballohet ajo p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn luftohet n\u00eb politik\u00ebn demokratike. Pas prezantimit t\u00eb mendimeve kryesore t\u00eb qasjes sime teorike, do t\u00eb tregoj sesi kjo qasje \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht e p\u00ebrshtatshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar natyr\u00ebn e momentit popullist q\u00eb e karakterizon gjendjen e tashme kritike dhe sesi t\u2019i p\u00ebrgjigjemi sfid\u00ebs q\u00eb ajo paraqet.<\/p>\n

Antagonizmi dhe hegjemonia<\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se \u00e7\u2019dua t\u00eb them me \u2018pasionet\u2019 dhe si e shoh rolin e tyre n\u00eb politik\u00eb k\u00ebrkohet njohuri e korniz\u00ebs teorike q\u00eb e form\u00ebson qasjen time. Kjo qasje \u00ebsht\u00eb elaboruar s\u00eb pari te\u00a0Hegjemonia dhe Strategjia Socialiste [Hegemony and Socialist Strategy]<\/em>, e shkruar s\u00eb bashku me Ernesto Laclau-n, ku argumentojm\u00eb se nevojiten dy koncepte themelore p\u00ebr t\u00eb elaboruar teorin\u00eb e politikes: antagonizmi dhe hegjemonia [1]. Koncepti i antagonizmit \u00ebsht\u00eb qendror, sepse pranon si postulat ekzistenc\u00ebn e negativitetit radikal q\u00eb pengon totalizimin e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrjashton mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebrtej ndarjes dhe pushtetit. Ky koncept lidhet me konceptin e hegjemonis\u00eb. T\u00eb pohosh pa\u00e7rr\u00ebnjosshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e antagonizmit k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb pranuarit e pamund\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur pik\u00ebn p\u00ebrfundimtare dhe n\u00eb v\u00ebnd t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, t\u00eb njohurit e dimensionit t\u00eb pavendosshm\u00ebris\u00eb dhe kontingjenc\u00ebs q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkon \u00e7do rend. Katergoria e hegjemonis\u00eb i referohet pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtij dimensioni, meq\u00eb d\u00ebshmon se \u00e7do shoq\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb produkt i praktikave q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb nj\u00eb rend, n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb kontigjenc\u00ebs. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje, socialja themelohet nga praktikat hegjemonike sedimentare. Kjo perspektiv\u00eb tregon se \u00e7do rend vjen si pasoj\u00eb e artikulimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm e t\u00eb brisht\u00eb t\u00eb praktikave kontingjente. \u00c7do rend \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehje e strukturave t\u00eb posa\u00e7me t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb pushtetit dhe gjithmon\u00eb themelohet p\u00ebrmes p\u00ebrjashtimit t\u00eb mund\u00ebsive tjera, prej ku rrjedh edhe karakteri i tij politik.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb von\u00eb propozova q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet dallimi mes politikes, p\u00ebr t\u2019iu referuar dimensionit t\u00eb negativitetit radikal, t\u00eb antagonizmit \u2013 i till\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb shfaqet p\u00ebrbrenda nj\u00eb shum\u00ebllojshm\u00ebrie t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve shoq\u00ebrore \u2013 dhe politik\u00ebs, e cila merret me manifestimet ontike t\u00eb k\u00ebtij dimensioni ontologjik. Politika synon themelemin e nj\u00eb rendi dhe organizimin e bashk\u00ebjetes\u00ebs njer\u00ebzore n\u00eb kushtet q\u00eb kund\u00ebrvihen nga politikja, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb ato jan\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb konfliktuoze. K\u00ebt\u00eb dallim mes politikes dhe politik\u00ebs e gjejm\u00eb n\u00eb teori t\u00eb tjera, ndon\u00ebse jo gjithmon\u00eb me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin kuptim. N\u00eb fakt, mund t\u00eb dallojm\u00eb dy m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta t\u00eb karakterizimit t\u00eb politikes. Ka prej tyre, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebt politikja i referohet hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs s\u00eb liris\u00eb dhe veprimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, nd\u00ebsa t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt e shohin politiken si hap\u00ebsir\u00eb t\u00eb konfliktit dhe antagonizmit. Un\u00eb avokoj qasjen e dyt\u00eb dhe teza q\u00eb mbroj \u00ebshte se vet\u00ebm at\u00ebher\u00eb kur t\u00eb njihet karakteri i pa\u00e7rr\u00ebnjossh\u00ebm i ndarjes dhe i antagonizmit, do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur t\u00eb mendohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb duhur politike dhe t\u00eb zot\u00ebrohet sfida me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn p\u00ebrballet politika demokratike.<\/p>\n

Marrja parasysh e dimensionit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs, n\u00ebnkupton pranimin e ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb konflikteve q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb zgjidhje t\u00eb arsyeshme \u2013 pik\u00ebrisht me k\u00ebt\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptoj \u2018antagonizmin\u2019. Sigurisht se jo t\u00eb gjitha konfliktet jan\u00eb antagoniste p\u00ebr nga natyra, por ato q\u00eb jan\u00eb tamam politike jan\u00eb ashtu sepse gjithmon\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb vendime q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb zgjedhje mes alternativash, t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb t\u00eb pavendosshme prej nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamjeje t\u00eb past\u00ebr racionale. Jeta politike nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb kurr\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb heq\u00eb qafe antagonizmin, meq\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me veprimin publik dhe formimin e identiteteve kolektive. Ai synon themelimin e \u2018ne\u2019 n\u00eb kontekstin e diversitetit dhe konfliktit. Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb themelojm\u00eb \u2018ne\u2019, duhet ta dallojm\u00eb nga \u2018ata\u2019, ku gjithmon\u00eb ekziston mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb, n\u00eb kushtet t\u00eb caktuara, kjo ne\/ata t\u00eb marr\u00eb form\u00ebn e nj\u00eb p\u00ebrplasjeje antagoniste mik\/armik. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pse kam argumentuar se \u00e7\u00ebshtja vendimtare p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn demokratike nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb arriturit e konsensusit pa p\u00ebrjashtim \u2013 q\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte barabar me krijimin e \u2018ne\u2019 pa korresponduesen \u2018ata\u2019 \u2013 por t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuarit e diskriminimit ne\/ata, n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrputhej me institucionet pluraliste demokratike.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka q\u00eb shumica e teoricien\u00ebve liberaldemokrat\u00eb duhet ta shmangin, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs joadekuate sesi e konceptojn\u00eb pluralizmin. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb pranojn\u00eb se jetojm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku bashk\u00ebjeton nj\u00eb shum\u00ebllojshm\u00ebri perspektivash e vlerash dhe se \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur q\u00eb secili prej nesh t\u2019i adoptoj\u00eb t\u00eb gjithat prej tyre; k\u00ebta teoricien\u00eb paramendojn\u00eb se, me t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb bashk\u00eb, k\u00ebto perspektiva e vlera p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb ansamb\u00ebl harmonik e jokonfliktuoz. Pra, ky tip i mendimit \u00ebsht\u00eb i paaft\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb shpjegoj\u00eb natyr\u00ebn domosodoshm\u00ebrisht konfliktuoze t\u00eb pluralizmit, q\u00eb rrjedh prej pamund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb pajtimit t\u00eb t\u00eb gjita pik\u00ebpamjeve, dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse \u00ebsht\u00eb i destinuar t\u00eb mohoj\u00eb [negate] politiken n\u00eb dimensionin e saj antagonist. Sigurisht se pluralist\u00ebt liberal\u00eb pranojn\u00eb se, n\u00eb demokraci \u2018populli\u2019 nuk mund t\u00eb konsiderohet m\u00eb \u2018nj\u00eb\u2019, por ata e shohin si t\u00eb \u2018shum\u00ebfisht\u00eb\u2019, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb sipas perspektiv\u00ebs hegjemonike do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb kuptohet si \u2018i ndar\u00eb\u2019.<\/p>\n

Pas botimit t\u00eb\u00a0Hegjemonia dhe Strategjia Socialiste<\/em>, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb studioja diskutimin mes teoricien\u00ebve liberaldemokrat\u00eb, kuptova se as modeli agregativ as ai deliberativ nuk na lejojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb parashohim mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e politik\u00ebs hegjemonike demokratike. T\u00eb shpjegosh pa\u00e7rr\u00ebnjosshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e antagonizmit dhe natyr\u00ebn hegjemonike t\u00eb politik\u00ebs, duhej nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr qasje \u2013 nj\u00eb qasje e cila ishte e zonja t\u2019i p\u00ebrgjigjej k\u00ebtyre pyetjeve: Si do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb njihte dhe menaxhonte nj\u00eb rend demokratik ekzistenc\u00ebn e konflikteve q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb zgjidhje t\u00eb arsyeshme? Si t\u00eb konceptohet demokracia n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb lejoj\u00eb n\u00eb mesin e saj p\u00ebrplasje mes projekteve hegjemonike n\u00eb konflikt me nj\u00ebra tjetr\u00ebn? P\u00ebrgjigjja ime p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb pyetje \u00ebsht\u00eb modeli agonist i demokracis\u00eb, i cili ofron nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb analitike, t\u00eb domosdoshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfytyruar mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e p\u00ebrplasjes demokratike mes projekteve hegjemonike.<\/p>\n

Sipas modelit \u2018agonist\u2019, t\u00eb ideosh demokracin\u00eb pluraliste, n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb nuk e mohon dimensionin antagonist, do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb parafytyrosh dy m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb mundshme t\u00eb manifestimit t\u00eb dimensionit antagonist: si p\u00ebrplasje mik\/armik ose si p\u00ebrplasje mes kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebsh. K\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb fundit kam propozuar ta quaj \u2018agoniste\u2019. P\u00ebrplasja agoniste \u00ebsht\u00eb ndryshe prej asaj antagoniste, jo sepse l\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr konsensus t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm, por sepse kund\u00ebrshtari nuk konsiderohet si armik p\u00ebr t\u2019u shkat\u00ebrruar, por si kund\u00ebrshtar – ekzistenca e t\u00eb cilit perceptohet si legjitime. Idet\u00eb e saj do t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtohen fuqish\u00ebm, por nuk do t\u00eb vihet kurr\u00eb n\u00eb pyetje e drejta e saj p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbrojtur ato.<\/p>\n

Duke pohuar karakterin p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebs t\u00eb ndarjes shoq\u00ebrore dhe pamund\u00ebsin\u00eb e pajtimit p\u00ebrfundimtar, perspektiva agoniste njeh karakterin e domosdosh\u00ebm partiak t\u00eb politik\u00ebs demokratike. Duke konceptuar k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje n\u00eb terma t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve dhe jo n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn mik\/armik, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb te lufta civile, b\u00ebhet e mundur q\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje e till\u00eb t\u00eb ngjaj\u00eb p\u00ebrbrenda institucioneve demokratike. \u00c7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi n\u00eb betej\u00ebn antagoniste \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00eb konfigurimi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb pushtetit q\u00eb strukturojn\u00eb nj\u00eb rend shoq\u00ebror dhe tipi i hegjemonis\u00eb q\u00eb ato nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje mes projekteve hegjemonike n\u00eb konflikt q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb zgjidhet kurr\u00eb racionalisht. Prandaj, dimensioni antagonist \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrher\u00eb i pranish\u00ebm, por ai vihet n\u00eb sken\u00eb me mjete t\u00eb p\u00ebrplasjes, precedurat e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs pranohen nga kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt. Nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb e till\u00eb agoniste merr p\u00ebr baz\u00eb faktin se \u00e7do rend shoq\u00ebror \u00ebsht\u00eb i themeluar politikisht dhe se hap\u00ebsira ku ndodhin nd\u00ebrhyrjet hegjemonike nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb kurr\u00eb neutral, meq\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb produkt i praktikave t\u00eb m\u00ebhershme hegjemonike. Ajo e sheh sfer\u00ebn publike si fush\u00ebbetej\u00eb ku projektet hegjemonike p\u00ebrplasen me nj\u00ebra tjetr\u00ebn, pa mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e zgjidhjes p\u00ebrfundimtare.<\/p>\n

Dallimi mes antagonizmit (marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia mik\/armik) dhe agonizmit (marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia mes kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve) na lejon t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb pse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00eb besojn\u00eb shum\u00eb teoricien\u00eb demokratik\u00eb, t\u00eb mohohet pa\u00e7rr\u00ebnjosshm\u00ebria e antagonizmit n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb parafytyrohet themelimi i rendit demokratik. Larg s\u00eb paraqituri rrezik p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb, p\u00ebrplasja agoniste \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb realitet vet kushti i ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb saj. Natyrisht, demokracia nuk mund t\u00eb mbijetoj\u00eb pa nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar konsensusi, nj\u00eb \u2018konsensus konfliktuoz\u2019 q\u00eb i referohet besnik\u00ebris\u00eb ndaj vlerave etiko-politike q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb parimet e tij t\u00eb legjitimitetit, si dhe ndaj institucioneve n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb t\u00eb gdhendura k\u00ebto. Megjithat\u00eb, ajo duhet gjithashtu t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb t\u00eb mundur disponueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e interpretimeve t\u00eb ndryshme, e ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb konfliktuoze, t\u00eb atyre vlerave t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta etiko-politike, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt t\u00eb ken\u00eb v\u00ebrtet mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb zgjedhin mes alternativave reale.<\/p>\n

Te\u00a0Mbi Politiken [On the Political] (2005)\u00a0<\/em>dhe te\u00a0Agonistika [Agonistika] (2013),<\/em>\u00a0duke shqyrtuar gjendjen e tanishme t\u00eb demokracive europiane, argumentova se jemi d\u00ebshmitar\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb krize t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit q\u00eb ngjan p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb korniz\u00ebs agoniste [2]. \u00cbsht\u00eb pasoj\u00eb e asaj q\u00eb e quaj konsensus \u2018pas-politik\u2019 [post-political] n\u00eb qendr\u00ebn q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb themeluar mes partive t\u00eb qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb djatht\u00eb dhe qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb majt\u00eb. Ky konsensus, q\u00eb bazohet n\u00eb iden\u00eb se nuk ka alternativ\u00eb ndaj globalizimit neoliberal, sh\u00ebrben p\u00ebr t\u00eb fortifikuar hegjemonin\u00eb ekzistuese. Duke mos ofruar mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e p\u00ebrplasjes agoniste mes projekteve t\u00eb ndryshme politike, i privon qytetar\u00ebve z\u00ebrin n\u00eb zgjedhje. Si\u00e7 pretendojn\u00eb Indignados n\u00eb Spanj\u00eb, \u2018kemi vot\u00eb por nuk kemi z\u00eb\u2019.<\/p>\n

Duke postuluar se tash jetojm\u00eb n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri ku identitetet kolektive jan\u00eb zhdukur dhe ku kund\u00ebrshtia mes s\u00eb majt\u00ebs dhe s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs nuk ka kuptim, perspektiva paspolitike refuzon t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb se politika ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb me vendosjen e \u00a0kufijve politike mes ne dhe ata. Duke e shpallur t\u00eb tejkaluar modelin kund\u00ebrshtar [adversarial model], ajo cungon dinamik\u00ebn agoniste dhe pengon q\u00ebllimet politike demokratike. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb e shpjegon shum\u00ebzimin e formave t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb identiteteve kolektive t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs morale, fetare e etnike. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb poashtu zanafilla \u2013 dhe do t\u00eb kthehem t\u00eb kjo pik\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb \u2013 e suksesit n\u00eb rritje t\u00eb partive populliste t\u00eb djathta, t\u00eb cilat shpesh jan\u00eb t\u00eb vetmet q\u00eb pretendojn\u00eb se ka nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb dhe se ato do t\u2019i kthejn\u00eb popullit pushtetin q\u00eb u \u00ebsht\u00eb grabitur nga elitat.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb ta adresoj \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e popullizmit, duhet t\u2019i qasem \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb \u2018pasioneve\u2019 n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs. Si\u00e7 e kam b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb ditur m\u00eb her\u00ebt, duke p\u00ebrdorur termin \u2018pasione\u2019 dua t\u00eb dalloj reflektimin tim nga \u00e7\u00ebshtja e \u2018emocioneve\u2019 individuale. Me \u2018pasionet\u2019 sh\u00ebnjoj nj\u00eb tip t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb afekteve t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta, ato q\u00eb mobilizohen n\u00eb domenin politik n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e formave t\u00eb identifikimit ne\/ata. Synimi im \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb sfidoj pik\u00ebmapjen racionaliste q\u00eb mbizot\u00ebron n\u00eb teorin\u00eb e politik\u00ebs demokratike, duke n\u00ebnvizuar edhe karakterin kolektiv edhe at\u00eb partiak t\u00eb veprimit politik, duke v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pah rolin vendimtar q\u00eb luajn\u00eb afektet n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e identiteteve politike. Nj\u00eb prej kritikave t\u00eb mia ky\u00e7e ndaj teorive liberaldemokrate \u00ebsht\u00eb paaft\u00ebsia e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb pranuar k\u00ebt\u00eb dimension afektiv, nj\u00eb paaft\u00ebsi q\u00eb e kuptoj si pasoj\u00eb t\u00eb konceptimit q\u00eb ato kan\u00eb p\u00ebr individin, i cili si aktor n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs paraqitet si i nxitur o nga ndjekja e interesit personal o nga brengat morale. Kjo l\u00eb jasht\u00eb njohjen e natyr\u00ebs kolektive t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve politik\u00eb dhe na parandalon q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb nj\u00eb prej pyetjeve kryesore p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn: si krijohen format kolektive t\u00eb identifikimit dhe cili \u00ebsht\u00eb roli i afekteve n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces?<\/p>\n

Afektet<\/strong><\/p>\n

Vini re se po e shtroj k\u00ebt\u00eb pyetje p\u00ebrbrenda korniz\u00ebs ontologjike pasthemeltariste [post-foundationalist] t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e skicova m\u00eb her\u00ebt. Vendimtare p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb korniz\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb pohimi se natyra diskursive e sociales dhe teza se nuk ka identitete themeltare, por vet\u00ebm forma t\u00eb identifikimit. Ajo \u00e7far\u00eb vlen n\u00eb politik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimi i identiteteve politike; kjo gjithmon\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin dimensionin afektiv, ajo q\u00eb Freud-i e quan investim libidinal.<\/p>\n

Freud-i \u00ebsht\u00eb qendror p\u00ebr reflektimin tim. P\u00ebrkrah pohimit se lidhja shoq\u00ebrore \u00ebsht\u00eb lidhje libidinale, ai solli n\u00eb pah rolin vendimtar t\u00eb lidhjeve afektive libidinale n\u00eb proceset e identifikimit kolektiv. Si\u00e7 deklaronte te\u00a0\u2018Psikologjia e grupit dhe analiza e egos\u2019<\/em>: \u2018nj\u00eb grup mbahet s\u00eb bashku nga nj\u00eb fuqi e llojit t\u00eb vet: dhe fuqi s\u00eb cil\u00ebs mund t\u2019i atribuohet ky tipar m\u00eb mir\u00eb sesa Erosit, q\u00eb mban s\u00eb bashku \u00e7do gj\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb\u2019 [3]. P\u00ebr Freud-in, afektet jan\u00eb shprehje cil\u00ebsore t\u00eb sasis\u00eb s\u00eb energjis\u00eb libidinale t\u00eb instinkteve. Kjo energji libidinale \u00ebsht\u00eb e fark\u00ebtueshme dhe mund t\u00eb orientohet n\u00eb drejtime t\u00eb shumta, duke prodhuar afekte t\u00eb ndryshme. Q\u00ebllimi \u00ebsht\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb kuptohet se format e ndryshme t\u00eb politik\u00ebs mund t\u00eb ushqejn\u00eb lidhje t\u00eb ndryshme libidinale afektive. Kjo na ndihmon t\u00eb hedhim posht\u00eb pik\u00ebpamjen esencialiste q\u00eb afektet e dh\u00ebna iu atribuon agjent\u00ebve t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb shoq\u00ebror\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb shpjeguar k\u00ebt\u00eb argument, dua t\u00eb sjell disa v\u00ebshtrime nga koncepti i afekteve i Spinoz\u00ebs, me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb dallimi i tij mes dhembshuris\u00eb\u00a0(affection)<\/em>\u00a0dhe afektit\u00a0(affectus)\u00a0<\/em>[4]. Si Freud-i, Spinoza beson se \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshira ajo q\u00eb i shtyn qeniet njer\u00ebzore t\u00eb veprojn\u00eb dhe ai v\u00ebren se jan\u00eb afektet ato q\u00eb i b\u00ebjn\u00eb ata t\u00eb veprojn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb drejtim e jo n\u00eb tjetrin. P\u00ebr t\u00eb, dhembshuria \u00ebsht\u00eb gjendje e nj\u00eb trupi p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb subjekt i vepr\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb trupi tjet\u00ebr. Kur afektohet nga di\u00e7ka e jashtme, \u2018konatus-i\u2019 (p\u00ebrpjekja e p\u00ebrgjithshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb ngulmuar n\u00eb q\u00ebnien ton\u00eb) do t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetoj\u00eb afekte q\u00eb do ta shtyjn\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebshiroj\u00eb di\u00e7ka dhe t\u00eb veproj\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me t\u00eb. Kjo dinamik\u00eb e\u00a0affection\/affectus\u00a0<\/em>m\u00eb duket e dobishme, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ideohet procesi i prodhimit t\u00eb afekteve t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta dhe propozoj q\u00eb kjo dinamik\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret p\u00ebr t\u00eb shqyrtuar m\u00ebnyrat e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb identiteteve politike, duke i par\u00eb \u2018dhembshurit\u00eb\u2019 si hap\u00ebsir\u00eb ku diskursivja dhe afektivja artikulohen n\u00eb praktika t\u00eb posa\u00e7me.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb praktikave, frym\u00ebzohem nga Wittgenstein-i, i cili na m\u00ebsoi se duke qen\u00eb t\u00eb gdhendur [inscription] n\u00eb \u2018loj\u00ebra t\u00eb gjuh\u00ebs\u2019, n\u00eb ato \u00e7far\u00eb i quajm\u00eb praktika diskursive, agjent\u00ebt shoq\u00ebror\u00eb formojn\u00eb besime e d\u00ebshira t\u00eb posa\u00e7me dhe p\u00ebrftojn\u00eb subjektivitetin e tyre (lerm\u00ebni t\u00eb theksoj k\u00ebtu se me \u2018diskursiv\u2019 nuk i referohem praktikave q\u00eb merren p\u00ebrjashtimisht me t\u00eb folurit ose t\u00eb shkruarit, por praktikave sh\u00ebnjuese n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat sh\u00ebnjimi dhe vepra nuk mund t\u00eb ndahen). N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje, besnik\u00ebria ndaj demokracis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka q\u00eb bazohet jo n\u00eb arsyeshm\u00ebri, por n\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrje n\u00eb forma t\u00eb posa\u00e7me t\u00eb jet\u00ebs. Si\u00e7 ka v\u00ebrejtur shpesh Richard Rorty, perspektiva vitgenshtajniane na b\u00ebn t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb se besnik\u00ebria ndaj demokracis\u00eb dhe besimi n\u00eb vler\u00ebn e institucioneve t\u00eb saj, nuk varet nga ajo se a u japim atyre themel intelektual. Besnik\u00ebria ndaj vlerave demokratike \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje identifikimi; ajo krijohet jo p\u00ebrmes argumentimit racional, por p\u00ebrmes ansamblit t\u00eb loj\u00ebrave t\u00eb gjuh\u00ebs q\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb format demokratike t\u00eb individualitetit. Wittgenstein-i e njeh qart\u00eb dimensionin afektiv t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj besnik\u00ebrie, t\u00eb cilin ai e p\u00ebrqas me \u201cp\u00ebrkushtimin pasionant ndaj nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb referenc\u00ebs\u2019 [5].<\/p>\n

Duke b\u00ebr\u00eb bashk\u00eb Spinoza-n, Freud-in dhe Wittgenstein-in, propozoj t\u00eb shohim gdhendjen n\u00eb praktikat diskursive si ofruese t\u00eb dhembshurive t\u00eb cilat, p\u00ebr Spinoza-n, sjellin afektet q\u00eb nxisin d\u00ebshir\u00ebn dhe \u00e7ojn\u00eb drejt nj\u00eb veprimi t\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebm. Kjo njeh q\u00eb afektet dhe d\u00ebshira luajn\u00eb rol vendimtar n\u00eb krijimin e formave kolektive t\u00eb identifikimit dhe se ato jan\u00eb forca motivuese t\u00eb veprimit politik. Parashtroj se kjo njohje e rolit ky\u00e7 t\u00eb afekteve dhe t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs sesi mund t\u00eb mobilizohen ato, \u00ebsht\u00eb vendimtare p\u00ebr konceptimin e politik\u00ebs demokratike. Gjithashtu, n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb prezantimit tim, do t\u00eb argumentoj se nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb e till\u00eb teorike \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar natyr\u00ebn e momentit popullist q\u00eb po e shohim sot, si dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb konceptuar se si t\u00eb p\u00ebrballemi me sfid\u00ebn q\u00eb paraqet.<\/p>\n

Popullizmi<\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u2019iu qasur si duhet \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb popullizmit, \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme q\u00eb s\u00eb pari t\u00eb heqim qafe vizionin thjesht\u00ebzues t\u00eb popullizmit si thjesht demagogji, si dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsojm\u00eb nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb analitike. Un\u00eb ndjek Ernesto Laclau-n, i cili p\u00ebrkufizon popullizmin si m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar kufirin politik ne\/ata duke i b\u00ebr\u00eb thirrje mobilizimit \u2018t\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrk\u00ebmburve\u2019 kundrejt \u2018atyre n\u00eb pushtet\u2019 [6]. Ai shfaqet kur synohet q\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet nj\u00eb subjekt i ri i veprimit kolektiv \u2013 populli \u2013 i aft\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb rikonfiguroj\u00eb nj\u00eb rend shoq\u00ebror q\u00eb jetohet si i padrejt\u00eb. Popullizmi, ngulmon Laclau, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ideologji e as regjim politik dhe nuk ka ndonj\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtje t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb programatike. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e t\u00eb b\u00ebrit politik\u00eb, strategji, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb marr\u00eb forma t\u00eb llojllojshme, var\u00ebsisht prej koh\u00ebs e vendit, dhe q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebrputhsh\u00ebm me forma t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb qeverisjes.<\/p>\n

Disa popullizma kan\u00eb sjell\u00eb regjime fashiste, por ka edhe shum\u00eb forma t\u00eb tjera. \u00cbsht\u00eb gabim t\u00eb pohohet se t\u00eb gjitha prej tyre jan\u00eb t\u00eb papajtueshme me ekzistenc\u00ebn e institucioneve liberal demokratike. \u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, ky tip mobilizimi mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb pasoja demokratike. Ky qe rasti, p\u00ebr shembull, me l\u00ebvizjen populliste n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara n\u00eb shekullin 19, e cila qe n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb rishp\u00ebrndaj\u00eb pushtetin politik n\u00eb favor t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs pa v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje t\u00ebr\u00eb sistemin demokratik. N\u00eb fakt, popullizmi p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb dimension t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, meq\u00eb i referohet dimensionit t\u00eb sovranitetit popullor dhe nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb demosit q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Duke shqyrtuar me kujdes rritjen e tipit popullist t\u00eb politik\u00ebs n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, mund t\u00eb konstatojm\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb saj\u00eb t\u00eb puqjes s\u00eb fenomeneve t\u00eb ndryshme q\u00eb n\u00eb vitet e fundit kan\u00eb ndikuar n\u00eb kushtet mbi t\u00eb cilat ushtrohet demokracia. Fenomeni i par\u00eb, t\u00eb cilin e p\u00ebrmenda m\u00eb her\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb cilin e quaj \u2018paspolitik\u00eb\u2019, i referohet turbullimit t\u00eb kufijve politik\u00eb mes s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs dhe s\u00eb majt\u00ebs. Si\u00e7 e kemi par\u00eb, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pasoj\u00eb e konsensusit t\u00eb vendosur mes partive t\u00eb qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb djatht\u00eb dhe qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb majt\u00eb, me iden\u00eb se nuk ka alternativ\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ndaj globalizimit neoliberal. N\u00ebn pretekstin e \u2018modernizimit\u2019 t\u00eb imponuar nga globalizmi, partit\u00eb socialdemokrate kan\u00eb pranuar diktatet e kapitalizmit finaciar dhe limitet q\u00eb ato kan\u00eb mbivendosur ndaj nd\u00ebrhyrjes shtet\u00ebrore dhe politikave t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb rishp\u00ebrndarjes. Roli i parlamenteve dhe i institucioneve t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb i lejojn\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb ndikojn\u00eb n\u00eb vendimet politike \u00ebsht\u00eb reduktuar drastikisht. Zgjedhjet nuk ofrojn\u00eb m\u00eb ndonj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur p\u00ebr alternativa reale p\u00ebrmes partive tradicionale t\u00eb \u2018qeveris\u00eb\u2019, dhe qytetar\u00ebt jan\u00eb privuar nga mund\u00ebsia e ushtrimit t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb tyre demokratike. Sovraniteti popullor, nocioni q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebn vet\u00eb zemr\u00ebn e idealit demokratik \u2013 pushteti i popullit \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb shpallur si i vjet\u00ebruar dhe demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb reduktuar n\u00eb komponent\u00ebn e saj liberale. Politika \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb thjesht \u00e7\u00ebshtje teknike e menaxhimit t\u00eb rendit ekzistues, domen i rezervuar p\u00ebr ekspert\u00ebt. E vetmja gj\u00eb q\u00eb lejon paspolitika \u00ebsht\u00eb alternimi dypartiak i pushtetit mes partive t\u00eb qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb djatht\u00eb dhe qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb majt\u00eb. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb ata q\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb \u2018konsensus t\u00eb qendr\u00ebs\u2019 diskualifikohen si \u2018popullist\u00eb\u2019 dhe akuzohen si \u2018ekstremist\u00eb\u2019.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto ndryshime n\u00eb nivelin politik kan\u00eb ngjar\u00eb p\u00ebrbrenda kontekstit t\u00eb formulimit hegjemonik \u2018neoliberal\u2019, t\u00eb karakterizuar nga nj\u00eb form\u00eb e regullimit t\u00eb kapitalizmit ku roli i kapitalit finaciar \u00ebsht\u00eb qendror. Kemi par\u00eb ngritje eksponenciale t\u00eb pabarazis\u00eb q\u00eb prek jo vet\u00ebm klas\u00ebn pun\u00ebtore, por poashtu nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb klasave t\u00eb mesme, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb hyr\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb varf\u00ebrimit n\u00eb mas\u00eb dhe pasiguris\u00eb. Jemi d\u00ebshmitar\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb procesi t\u00eb \u2018oligarkizimit\u2019 t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrive per\u00ebndimore. Partit\u00eb e qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb majt\u00eb kan\u00eb braktisur betej\u00ebn p\u00ebr barazi dhe tash parullat e tyre kryesore kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me \u2018zgjedhjen\u2019[choice] dhe \u2018paan\u00ebshm\u00ebrin\u00eb\u2019 [fairness]. Dy idealet demokratike t\u00eb barazis\u00eb dhe sovranitetit popullor jan\u00eb braktisur dhe mund t\u00eb thuhet se tash jetojm\u00eb n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri \u2018pas-demokratike\u2019. Patjet\u00ebr q\u00eb ende flitet p\u00ebr \u2018demokracin\u00eb\u2019, por vet\u00ebm sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptuar t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn universale t\u00eb vot\u00ebs dhe respektin p\u00ebr sundimin e shumic\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Ky evolucion, larg prej s\u00eb qeni p\u00ebrparim drejt nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie m\u00eb t\u00eb pjekur, si\u00e7 pretendohet ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb, minon vet\u00eb themelet e modelit ton\u00eb per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, q\u00eb zakonisht sh\u00ebnjohet si \u2018demokraci liberale\u2019. Si\u00e7 tregon C.B. MacPherson, ai model ishte pasoj\u00eb e artikulimit mes dy traditave [7]. E para \u00ebsht\u00eb tradita liberale e sundimit t\u00eb ligjit, ndarjes s\u00eb pushteteve dhe e afirmimit t\u00eb liris\u00eb individuale; e dyta \u00ebsht\u00eb tradita demokratike e barazis\u00eb dhe e sovranitetit popullor. Pa dyshim, k\u00ebto dy logjika politike jan\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimisht t\u00eb papajtueshme; gjithmon\u00eb do t\u00eb ket\u00eb tension mes parimeve t\u00eb liris\u00eb dhe barazis\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, si\u00e7 argumentoj te\u00a0Paradoksi Demokratik [The Democratic Paradox]<\/em>, ai tension \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebs i modelit ton\u00eb demokratik, ngaq\u00eb ofron hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn p\u00ebr p\u00ebrplasje agoniste dhe garanton pluralizmin [8]. P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb historis\u00eb europiane, ky tension \u00ebsht\u00eb negociuar p\u00ebrmes betejes \u2018agoniste\u2019 mes s\u00eb \u2018djatht\u00ebs\u2019, q\u00eb favorizon lirin\u00eb, dhe s\u00eb \u2018majt\u00ebs\u2019, q\u00eb e v\u00eb theksin te barazia. N\u00eb vitet e fundit, me hegjemonin\u00eb e neoliberalizmit, kufiri e djatht\u00eb\/e majt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb turbulluar dhe hap\u00ebsira ku do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndodhte p\u00ebrplasja agoniste mes kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb zhdukur. Karakteristik\u00eb e gjendjeve tona pas-demokratike \u00ebsht\u00eb se aspiratat demokratike nuk mund t\u00eb gjejn\u00eb m\u00eb kanale t\u00eb shprehjes p\u00ebrbrenda korniz\u00ebs tradicionale politike. Pasioni p\u00ebr barazin\u00eb, i cili sipas Tocqueville-it, \u00ebsht\u00eb pasioni demokratik par excellence, nuk gjen terren politik ku mund t\u00eb kanalizohet drejt q\u00ebllimeve emancipuese.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst q\u00eb l\u00ebvizjet e llojllojshme populliste jan\u00eb shfaqur, duke mos pranuar pas-politik\u00ebn dhe pas-demokracin\u00eb. Ato pretendojn\u00eb t\u2019i kthejn\u00eb popullit z\u00ebrin q\u00eb u \u00ebsht\u00eb konfiskuar nga elitat. Pa marr\u00eb parasysh format problematike q\u00eb marrin disa prej k\u00ebtyre l\u00ebvizjeve, \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb kuptohet se ato jan\u00eb shprehje t\u00eb aspiratave legjitime demokratike, t\u00eb cilat fatkeq\u00ebsisht shprehen me nj\u00eb fjalor ksenofobik. Kjo mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb k\u00ebrkesat demokratike t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb ksenofobike, \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka q\u00eb shumica e partive nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb qasjes s\u00eb tyre esencialiste. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pse un\u00eb konstatoj se pa p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsimin e nj\u00eb qasjeje diskursive antiesencialiste, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur q\u00eb t\u00eb kuptohet natyra e sfid\u00ebs populliste. Kjo sfid\u00eb k\u00ebrkon pranimin se \u2018populli\u2019, si kategori politike, mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra krejt t\u00eb ndryshme dhe se jo t\u00eb gjitha prej tyre kan\u00eb orientim progresiv. \u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, n\u00eb disa prej vendeve europiane, aspirata p\u00ebr rikthimin e idealeve demokratike t\u00eb barazis\u00eb dhe sovranitetit popullor, t\u00eb hedhura posht\u00eb n\u00ebn pas-demokracin\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb kapur prej partive populliste t\u00eb djatha. Ato kan\u00eb mobilizuar me sukses afektet e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta duke nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb popull, z\u00ebri i t\u00eb cilit th\u00ebrret p\u00ebr nj\u00eb demokraci q\u00eb synon t\u00eb mbroj\u00eb interesat e \u2018bashk\u00ebkombasve t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb\u2019. Ata nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb popullin p\u00ebrmes diskursit etnonacionalist q\u00eb p\u00ebrjashton imigrant\u00ebt, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt konsiderohen k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr identitetin dhe prosperitetin komb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

Drejt nj\u00eb popullizmi progresiv<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb urgjente t\u00eb kuptohet se \u00ebsht\u00eb mungesa s\u00eb nj\u00eb narrative q\u00eb ofron fjalor t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm p\u00ebr formulimin e k\u00ebtyre k\u00ebrkesave demokratike, q\u00eb shpjegon suksesin e popullizmit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb rritje t\u00eb sektor\u00ebve shoq\u00ebror\u00eb. \u00c7far\u00eb nevojitet \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb narrativ\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, e trup\u00ebzuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb ansamb\u00ebl praktikash q\u00eb ofrojn\u00eb gdhendjet diskursive, t\u00eb afta p\u00ebr t\u00eb ushqyer forma t\u00eb tjera identifikimi. Diskualifikimi i atyre partive si \u2018t\u00eb ekstremit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb\u2019 apo \u2018neofashiste\u2019, \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e leht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb hequr qafe k\u00ebrkesat e tyre, meq\u00eb nuk pranon t\u00eb njoh\u00eb dimensionin demokratik te shumica e tyre. Natyrisht se \u00ebsht\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht e p\u00ebrshtatshme p\u00ebr forcat e qendr\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u2019i atribuoj\u00eb joshjen e tyre munges\u00ebs s\u00eb edukimit, ose ndikimit t\u00eb faktor\u00ebve atavist\u00eb. Kjo iu lejon atyre q\u00eb, me shfaqjen e k\u00ebtyre partive, t\u00eb shmangin p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb. P\u00ebrgjigjja e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mbroj\u00eb \u2018demokrat\u00ebt e mir\u00eb\u2019 kund\u00ebr rrezikut t\u00eb pasioneve \u2018t\u00eb paarsyeshme\u2019, duke vendosur nj\u00eb kufi \u2018moral\u2019, sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtuar \u2018ekstremist\u00ebt\u2019 prej debatit demokratik. Ky demonizim i \u2018armiqve\u2019 t\u00eb konsensusit dypartiak mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb ngush\u00ebllues moralisht, por shfuqizues politikisht.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vend se k\u00ebto k\u00ebrkesa t\u00eb denigrohen, puna \u00ebsht\u00eb si t\u2019i formulojm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb progresive, duke p\u00ebrkufizuar kund\u00ebrshtarin si konfigurim forcash q\u00eb fuqizojn\u00eb dhe promovojn\u00eb projektin neoliberal. Strategjia p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar popullizmin e djatht\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb jet\u00eb promovimi i l\u00ebvizjes populliste progresive, nj\u00eb populliz\u00ebm i majt\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb pranues ndaj atyre aspiratave demokratike dhe q\u00eb p\u00ebrmes nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr populli do t\u00eb mobilizonte afektet e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta drejt mbrojtjes s\u00eb barazis\u00eb dhe drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb sociale. Sepse nj\u00eb afekt, si\u00e7 kishte d\u00ebshir\u00eb t\u00eb theksonte Spinoza, mund t\u00eb zhvendoset vet\u00ebm nga nj\u00eb afekt i kund\u00ebrt, m\u00eb i fort\u00eb se ai q\u00eb po shtypet.<\/p>\n

Ballafaqimi me sfid\u00ebn q\u00eb paraqet momenti popullist p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e demokracis\u00eb, k\u00ebrkon artikulimin e nj\u00eb vullneti kolektiv q\u00eb krijon sinergji mes shum\u00ebllojshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeve shoq\u00ebrore dhe forcave politike, q\u00ebllimi i s\u00eb cilave \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb rikthejn\u00eb dhe thellojn\u00eb demokracin\u00eb. Duke qen\u00eb se sektor\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00eb shoq\u00ebror\u00eb vuajn\u00eb efektet e kapitalizmit financiar, ka potencial q\u00eb ky vullnet kolektiv t\u00eb ket\u00eb karakter t\u00eb t\u00ebrthort\u00eb, q\u00eb tejkalon dallimin i djatht\u00eb\/i majt\u00eb, si\u00e7 konfigurohet tradicionalisht. Konceptuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb progresive, larg s\u00eb qenit perversion i demokracis\u00eb, popullizmi p\u00ebrb\u00ebn forc\u00ebn politike m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshatshme n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn e sotme p\u00ebr ta mbrojtur at\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Pengesa kryesore p\u00ebr nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se shumica e partive t\u00eb majta nuk e kuptojn\u00eb rolin vendimtar t\u00eb afekteve t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta n\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebrjen e identiteteve politike dhe r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e mobilizimit t\u00eb pasioneve n\u00eb drejtimin demokratik. Ato jan\u00eb t\u00eb ndikuara nga pik\u00ebpamja mbizot\u00ebruese n\u00eb teorin\u00eb politike demokratike, sipas s\u00eb cil\u00ebs pasionet duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtohen prej politik\u00ebs demokratike, e cila duhet t\u00eb kufizohet n\u00eb argumentet tradicionale dhe procedurat e diksutimit. Kjo pa dyshim se \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebra prej arsyeve q\u00eb shpjegon armiq\u00ebsin\u00eb liberaldemokrate ndaj popullizmit dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pse liberaldemokrat\u00ebt nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u2019u p\u00ebrgjigjen sfidave q\u00eb paraqet ngritja e l\u00ebvizjeve populliste t\u00eb djatha. L\u00ebvizjet e tilla kuptojn\u00eb se politika gjithmon\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb partiake dhe se k\u00ebrkon krijimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnies ne\/ata. Ata jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr nevoj\u00ebn e mobilizimit t\u00eb afekteve n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohen identitetet kolektive politike.<\/p>\n

Jam e bindur se n\u00eb vitet e ardshme, aksi qendror i konfliktit politik do t\u00eb jet\u00eb mes popullizmit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb dhe popullizmit t\u00eb majt\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore q\u00eb sektor\u00ebt progresiv\u00eb t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihen vet\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb betej\u00eb. M\u00ebnyra m\u00eb e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar kund\u00ebr atyre partive nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb duke i akuzuar ata p\u00ebr \u2018populliz\u00ebm\u2019, duke d\u00ebnuar joshjen e tyre ndaj afekteve. Vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb populli tjet\u00ebr, nj\u00eb vullneti kolektiv t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb mobilizimin e pasioneve n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb barazis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb sociale, do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur q\u00eb t\u00eb luftohen politikat ksenofobe q\u00eb promovohen nga popullizmi i djatht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rikrijimin e kufijve politik\u00eb, \u2018momenti popullist\u2019 q\u00eb po e shohim sot n\u00eb Europ\u00eb sh\u00ebnjon \u2018rikthimin te politikja\u2019. Rikthim q\u00eb mund t\u00eb hap\u00eb rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebr zgjidhje autoritare \u2013 p\u00ebrmes regjimeve q\u00eb dob\u00ebsojn\u00eb institucionet liberaldemokrate \u2013 por q\u00eb poashtu mund t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb drejt rip\u00ebrqafimit dhe thellimit t\u00eb vlerave demokratike. \u00c7do gj\u00eb do t\u00eb varet nga lloji i popullizmit q\u00eb do t\u00eb ngadh\u00ebnjej\u00eb n\u00eb betej\u00ebn kund\u00ebr pas-politik\u00ebs dhe pas-demokracis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

—-<\/p>\n

[1]<\/strong>\u00a0Laclau, E. dhe C. Mouffe, Hegjemonia dhe Strategjia Socialiste: Drejt Politik\u00ebs Radikalisht Demokratike, Nju\u00a0Jork dhe Lond\u00ebr, 2014.<\/p>\n

[2]\u00a0<\/strong>Mouffe, C. Mbi Politiken, Abingdon 2005; Mouffe, C., Agonistika: T\u00eb Mendosh Bot\u00ebn Politikisht, Lond\u00ebr dhe Nju Jork 2013.<\/p>\n

[3]\u00a0<\/strong>Freud, S., \u2018Psikologjia e Grupit dhe Analiza e Egos\u2019,\u00a0Lond\u00ebr\u00a0 2001.<\/p>\n

[4]\u00a0<\/strong>Spinoza B., Etika, Nju\u00a0York 1994, pjesa 3.<\/p>\n

[5]\u00a0<\/strong>Wittgenstein, L. Kultura dhe Vlera, \u00c7ikago 1984, pjesa\u00a064.<\/p>\n

[6]\u00a0<\/strong>Laclau, E., Mbi Arsyen Populliste,\u00a0\u00a0Lond\u00ebr dhe Nju Jork 2005.<\/p>\n

[7]<\/strong>\u00a0MacPherson, C.B., Jeta dhe Koh\u00ebt e Demokracis\u00eb Liberale, Oxford 1977.<\/p>\n

[8]\u00a0<\/strong>Mouffe, C., Paradoksi Demokratik, 2000,\u00a0\u00a0Nju\u00a0Jork dhe Lond\u00ebr, 2000.<\/p>\n

—<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrktheu:\u00a0Bardhi Bakija<\/strong><\/p>\n

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Artikulli orgjinal n\u00eb\u00a0\u2018Critique & Humanism\u2019, via Eurozine Mungesa e p\u00ebrplasjes s\u00eb ashp\u00ebr mes projekteve t\u00eb ndryshme politike n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb liberale ka \u00e7uar deri te kriza e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit. Demonizimi i \u2018armiqve\u2019 t\u00eb konsensusit dypartiak mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb ngush\u00ebllues moralisht, por \u00ebsht\u00eb shfuqizues politikisht. Na duhet nj\u00eb populliz\u00ebm progresiv q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb mobilizoj\u00eb afektet e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":72,"featured_media":11713,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[81],"class_list":["post-4332","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize"],"authors":[{"term_id":81,"user_id":72,"is_guest":0,"slug":"chantal-mouffe","display_name":"Chantal Mouffe","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-3-4.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-3-4.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Mouffe","first_name":"Chantal","description":"Chantal Mouffe \u00ebsht\u00eb profesoresh\u00eb e Teoris\u00eb Politike n\u00eb Qendr\u00ebn p\u00ebr Studimin e Demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin Westminster n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr. Ajo ka ligj\u00ebruar dhe hulumtuar n\u00eb shum\u00eb universitete n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, Amerik\u00eb t\u00eb Veriut dhe Amerik\u00eb t\u00eb Jugut."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4332","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/72"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4332"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4332\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11714,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4332\/revisions\/11714"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11713"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4332"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4332"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4332"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4332"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}