{"id":4340,"date":"2019-01-14T12:05:44","date_gmt":"2019-01-14T10:05:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4340"},"modified":"2024-11-18T12:09:25","modified_gmt":"2024-11-18T10:09:25","slug":"protestat-shpirti-i-pashuar-revolucionar-i-shqiptareve-dhe-domosdoshmeria-per-institucionalizem","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/uncategorized\/protestat-shpirti-i-pashuar-revolucionar-i-shqiptareve-dhe-domosdoshmeria-per-institucionalizem\/","title":{"rendered":"Protestat, shpirti i pashuar revolucionar i shqiptar\u00ebve dhe domosdoshm\u00ebria p\u00ebr institucionaliz\u00ebm"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-up\"><\/div>\n<div class=\"news-down\">\n<div class=\"img-wrapper\"><\/div>\n<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>Protestat e student\u00ebve n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb, ngjall\u00ebn jo vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb simpati t\u00eb madh en\u00eb publik, por edhe nj\u00eb shpres\u00eb se nj\u00eb val\u00eb e re ndryshimesh po i afrohej Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb prej brezit t\u00eb ri. Shum\u00ebkush madje evokoi edhe nostalgjin\u00eb e L\u00ebvizjes Studentore e cila p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb mitizuar e glorifikuar jasht\u00eb mase n\u00eb memorien kolektive t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare. N\u00eb kushtet e nj\u00eb kulture jo t\u00eb hershme e jo t\u00eb konsoliduar demokratike, vazhdon t\u00eb kemi nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb madh t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve q\u00eb kan\u00eb iluzionin se revolucioni apo p\u00ebrmbysja me dhun\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb arma m\u00eb e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb sjell\u00eb ndryshime pozitive n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri. Kjo magjepsje masive me protestat e student\u00ebve dhe iluzionet e m\u00ebdha q\u00eb u nd\u00ebrtuar bazuar n\u00eb to, mund t\u00eb konsiderohen si d\u00ebshmi q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri ende kan\u00eb nj\u00eb preferenc\u00eb t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebr radikalizmin, agresivitetin, revolucionin e dhun\u00ebn p\u00ebrkundrejt gradualizmit, reformave institucionale apo proceseve politike demokratike. \u00a0Kjo tendenc\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb padyshim rudiment i trash\u00ebguar nga shp\u00eblarja e trurit prej doktrin\u00ebs komuniste e cila himnizonte p\u00ebrmbysjen e regjimit si mjet t\u00eb preferuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pushtetin. Ende sot dominon n\u00eb kujtes\u00ebn ton\u00eb historike kolektive nj\u00eb admirim p\u00ebr revolucionin e qershorit t\u00eb Fan Nolit dhe nj\u00eb urrejtje p\u00ebr l\u00ebvizjen e Legalitetit t\u00eb Zogut q\u00eb promovonte marrjen e pushtetit me mjete legale. E nj\u00ebjta tendenc\u00eb masive e mahnitjes s\u00eb opinionit publik me protestat u vu re edhe n\u00eb vitet 2015-17 n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ku u krijua p\u00ebrshtypja e rrem\u00eb, tek nj\u00eb segment dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, se protestat e dhunshme me molotov e gaz kinse do i mbyllnin nj\u00ebher\u00eb e mir\u00eb plag\u00ebt e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs e do ishin \u201csi rrug\u00ebdalje p\u00ebr nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme t\u00eb ndritur\u201d. Mir\u00ebpo n\u00ebse n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb protestat iu printe nj\u00eb forc\u00eb e majt\u00eb me ndikim revolucionar marksist si L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebendosje, n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri mb\u00ebshtetja dhe simpatia p\u00ebr protestat si mjet i preferuar politik po vjen nga nj\u00eb forc\u00eb e djatht\u00eb q\u00eb tradicionalisht n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb nuk para p\u00ebrzgjedh protestat \u00a0dhe p\u00ebrmbysjen si mjet politik.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebrve\u00e7 ndarjes ideologjike klasike mes atyre q\u00eb kishin me t\u00eb shtrenjt\u00eb dhe atyre q\u00eb synonin m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti barazin\u00eb , historia moderne e Evrop\u00ebs ka pasur nj\u00eb ndarje t\u00eb madhe edhe p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket mjeteve apo metodave t\u00eb arritjes s\u00eb q\u00ebllimeve politike t\u00eb d\u00ebshiruara. Pra p\u00ebrtej ndarjes mes liberal\u00ebve q\u00eb promovojn\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb e lir\u00eb t\u00eb tregut bazuar tek prona private e sip\u00ebrmarrja n\u00eb kushtet e konkurrenc\u00ebs dhe socialist\u00ebve q\u00eb d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb barazin\u00eb, ekziston edhe nj\u00eb ndarje tjet\u00ebr mes revolucionar\u00ebve dhe evolucionar\u00ebve. T\u00eb par\u00ebt duan ndryshime t\u00eb shpejta apo t\u00eb menj\u00ebhershme n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet p\u00ebrmbysjes nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb dyt\u00ebt nj\u00eb ndryshim gradual t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtur e t\u00eb ngadalsh\u00ebm por t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm. Revolucionarizmi i p\u00ebrket kryesisht marksizmit q\u00eb e shikonte antagonizmin e klasave si pjes\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb historis\u00eb dhe propozonte revolucionin e proletariatit si mjetin e vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb sh\u00ebmbur borgjezin\u00eb e p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur socializmin, q\u00eb sipas tyre ishte niveli sip\u00ebror i organizimit shoq\u00ebror ku t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ishin t\u00eb barabart\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb krahun e majt\u00eb ishte edhe nj\u00eb rrym\u00eb tjet\u00ebr alternative ndaj revolucionarizmit marksist, ajo e gradualizmi. Kjo alternativ\u00eb u krijua n\u00eb Mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb e Bashkuar me Shoqat\u00ebn Fabian e cila po ashtu kishte socializmin si objektiv, por mendonte se mund ta arrinte vet\u00ebm n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb graduale duke ndryshuar legjislacionin, b\u00ebr\u00eb reforma e ndryshuar kultur\u00ebn e p\u00ebrgjithshme n\u00eb at\u00eb drejtim. Marksist\u00ebt avokonin p\u00ebrdorimin e dhun\u00ebs si mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb imponuar diktatur\u00ebn e proletariatit nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb t\u00eb moderuar q\u00eb u shtuan gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb num\u00ebr n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Per\u00ebndrimore, donin q\u00eb ndryshimet ti sillnin me mjete paq\u00ebsore n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs universale t\u00eb vot\u00ebs dhe procedur\u00ebs demokratike. \u00a0K\u00ebtu edhe u p\u00ebr\u00e7a e majta me forcimin gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb social-demokrat\u00ebve q\u00eb shikonin procesin demokratike e jo p\u00ebrmbysjen revolucionare si mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur q\u00ebllimin. N\u00eb krahun e djatht\u00eb t\u00eb spektrit politik q\u00ebndron konservatorizmi i cili n\u00eb thelb t\u00eb tij ka pik\u00ebrisht konservimin e tradit\u00ebs, vlerave, parimeve, zakoneve, traditave apo institucioneve dhe del kund\u00ebr ndryshimeve drastike e radikale n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb kultivuar tashme prej vitesh nj\u00eb tradit\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrshtypje e gabuar , se e vetmja opozit\u00eb dinjitoze \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo ku lideri i opozit\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb i gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb shkaktoj\u00eb \u00a0dhun\u00eb e t\u00eb mobilizoj\u00eb protesta masive q\u00eb trondisin qeverin\u00eb. \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb si t\u00eb thuash nj\u00eb etalon mat\u00ebs i suksesit t\u00eb opozitarizmit p\u00ebrmasa e protest\u00ebs apo dimensioni i dhun\u00ebs kund\u00ebr qeveris\u00eb. Bazuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mendim leninist, se fitorja mund t\u00eb arrihet vet\u00ebm n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet p\u00ebrmbysjes, lideri i opozit\u00ebs s\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, Lulzim Basha, konsiderohet opozitar i dob\u00ebt. Ajo q\u00eb e b\u00ebn akoma m\u00eb qesharake situat\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb se edhe brenda t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs, e vemtja alternative kritike q\u00eb i vjen Bash\u00ebs, po artikulohet nga nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb ish-titullar\u00ebsh t\u00eb PD-s\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt e qortojn\u00eb me qasje leniniste e ai nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm i ashp\u00ebr e i eg\u00ebr ndaj qeveris\u00eb pra jo aq revolucionar sa duhet. Th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe lideri i t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs po kritikohet se nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm idhtar i marksiz\u00ebm leninizmit p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket shpirtit revolucionar dhe p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysjes me dhun\u00eb p\u00ebr t&#8217;i ardhur hak qeveris\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb normale evropiane kritika kryesore do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb b\u00ebhej p\u00ebr mosparaqitjen e nj\u00eb vizioni t\u00eb qart\u00eb e t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm programor t\u00eb alternativ\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen, p\u00ebr paaft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb ep\u00ebrsi morale p\u00ebrkundrejt mazhoranc\u00ebs, p\u00ebr paaft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb rekrutuar kuadro t\u00eb rinj t\u00eb pakomprometuar e me nivel t\u00eb lart\u00eb profesionalizmi, mungesa e reflektimit dhe autokritik\u00ebs p\u00ebr abuzimet dhe d\u00ebshtimet e shumta t\u00eb qeverisjes s\u00eb kaluar q\u00eb qen\u00eb shkaktar\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb rotacionit etj etj. Por kurrsesi pse nuk arrin t\u00eb organizoj\u00eb protesta masive apo pse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm revolucionar i dhunsh\u00ebm si lider i djatht\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo lloj lidhje romantike q\u00eb kan\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt me revolucionarizmin e dhun\u00ebn si mjet politik i parap\u00eblqyer t\u00eb kujton gjithashtu n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre lidhjen mes d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimit dhe loj\u00ebrave t\u00eb fatit. Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr fenomenet m\u00eb interesante \u00a0p\u00ebr sjelljen konsumatore q\u00eb studiohet n\u00eb shkencat sociale \u00ebsht\u00eb lidhja e ngusht\u00eb shkak pasoj\u00eb mes varf\u00ebris\u00eb dhe loj\u00ebrave t\u00eb fati. Edhe pse kazinoja, bixhozi, kumari apo lotaria konsiderohen n\u00eb pamje t\u00eb par\u00eb si loj\u00ebra luksi p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb para p\u00ebr t\u00eb hedhur, analizat empirike nxjerrin se pjesa m\u00eb e varf\u00ebr e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb m\u00eb masivisht angazhohet n\u00eb loj\u00ebrat e fatit. Argumenti q\u00eb mbizot\u00ebron p\u00ebr t\u00eb shpjeguar k\u00ebt\u00eb fenomen, \u00ebsht\u00eb se, edhe pse kund\u00ebrintiuitiv e jo logjik, ata q\u00eb jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruar k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb gjithashtu zgjidhje t\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruara. Pra sa m\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb depresionuar t\u00eb jen\u00eb aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb prirur q\u00eb t\u00eb varin shpresat tek nj\u00eb zgjithje finale, radikale, t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb e t\u00eb prer\u00eb sikurse \u00ebsht\u00eb fitorja e milionave n\u00eb lotari apo bingo. N\u00eb kushte ekstreme, n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre njer\u00ebzit dor\u00ebzohen e nuk besojn\u00eb m\u00eb tek zgjidhjet konvencionale, graduale e t\u00eb natyrshme por ushqejn\u00eb nj\u00eb iluzion se p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimi do t\u00eb vij\u00eb i beft\u00eb si me shkop magjik. Kjo gjende e skajshme skamnore me sa duket i shtyn t\u00eb shpresojn\u00eb se problemet e tyre iu vjen fundi vet\u00ebm me loj\u00ebra t\u00eb fatit. Kjo sepse sipas tyre, \u00a0fundja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se kan\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb humbur , p\u00ebrve\u00e7 ndonj\u00eb bilete llotarie, ama shp\u00ebrblimi \u00ebsht\u00eb tejet i madh. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera m\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruarit, nuk mendojn\u00eb se mund t\u00eb dalin nga varf\u00ebria n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet pun\u00ebs, sip\u00ebrmarrjes, arsimit, talentit, durimit, k\u00ebmb\u00ebnguljes por n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet fatit.<\/p>\n<p>Lidhja mes d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimit dhe loj\u00ebrave t\u00eb fatit n\u00eb sjelljen ekonomike t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve po shikohet se \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e ngjashme edhe me sjelljen elektorale t\u00eb tyre. \u00a0Vitet e fundit kan\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar se jo vet\u00ebm mes shqiptar\u00ebve, por anemban\u00eb bot\u00ebs s\u00eb zhvilluar, ka nj\u00eb tendenc\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimi e dor\u00ebzimi me sistemin aktual dhe eksperimentimi me nisma politike jokonvenciale. Profesioni i politik\u00ebs dhe proceset demokratike konvencionale kan\u00eb humbur besimin n\u00eb syrin e publikut t\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjyer me establishmentin aktual n\u00eb politik. N\u00eb kushte t\u00eb tilla ekstreme t\u00eb mosbesimit n\u00eb demokracin\u00eb liberale edhe zgjidhjet po k\u00ebrkohen tek alternativa politike ekstreme. P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, anemban\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs, jan\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar e konsoliduar forca politike \u00a0populiste, t\u00eb ekstremit t\u00eb majt\u00eb e t\u00eb djatht\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb nj\u00eb ofert\u00eb politike q\u00eb i shkon p\u00ebrshtat k\u00ebsaj prirje n\u00eb elektoratin skeptik, cinik apo pesimist. Franca \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb t\u00eb lideri karizmatik populist i cili m\u00eb pas ndiqet nga nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr lidere ekstremiste e djatht\u00eb populiste si Le Pen me Frontin Nacional. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb golist\u00ebt dhe socialist\u00ebt jan\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb prapa skene n\u00eb politik\u00eb. N\u00eb Itali po ashtu kemi marrjen e pushtetit nga Cinque Stelle dhe Lega Nord nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb demokristian\u00ebt e socialist\u00ebt tradicional\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb hije. Greqia po qeveriset nga Syriza nd\u00ebrsa Nea Demokratia e Socialist\u00ebt jan\u00eb jasht\u00eb pushtetit. E nj\u00ebjta tendenc\u00eb mund t\u00eb shihet edhe n\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera me radh\u00eb t\u00eb bot\u00ebs demokratike. E th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe po shtohet po shtohet numri i votuesve q\u00eb mendojn\u00eb \u201cse k\u00ebta politikan\u00ebt q\u00eb kemi, i njohim mir\u00eb e skemi ndonj\u00eb iluzion ndaj tyre, p\u00ebrse mos t\u00eb eksperimentojm\u00eb me aktor\u00eb t\u00eb rinj q\u00eb mund t\u00eb sjellin ndonj\u00eb ndryshim, skemi \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb humbasim\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi p\u00ebrvojat me pasoja t\u00eb r\u00ebnda t\u00eb revolucioneve q\u00eb kan\u00eb ndodhur dhe shum\u00eb krimeve mizore t\u00eb b\u00ebra n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb revolucioneve, kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e shoq\u00ebrive t\u00eb avancuara t\u00eb zgjedhi evolucionin si rrug\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ecur p\u00ebrpara. Pra jan\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb favor t\u00eb reformave institucionale e gradualizmi\u00eb p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr ndryshimeve t\u00eb befta radikale t\u00eb paparashikueshme q\u00eb ngelen n\u00eb dor\u00eb t\u00eb fatit. Shtetet moderne dhe shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e zhvilluara funksionojn\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet institucioneve e procedurave demokratike e jo rast\u00ebsis\u00eb apo iluzioneve nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb nd\u00ebr vlerat kryesore stabilitetin e parashikueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi t\u00eb rregullave dhe e normave juridike. Shtetet e shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e prapambetura dallohen pik\u00ebrisht nga tipare si mungesa e stabilitetit, veprimeve ad-hoc, improvizimeve politike , qendrime e veprime impulsive t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzuara nga rrethanat si dhe tendenca tipike si paparashikueshm\u00ebria e dhuna.<\/p>\n<p>Zhg\u00ebnjimi m\u00eb i fresk\u00ebt dhe i preksh\u00ebm me revolucionet \u00ebsht\u00eb padyshim zhg\u00ebnjimi me pranver\u00ebn arabe apo t\u00eb ashtuquajturin \u201crevolucioni i jasemint\u00eb\u201d q\u00eb nisi n\u00eb vitin 2010. Shpresa ose m\u00eb sakt\u00eb iluzioni q\u00eb u krijua p\u00ebr nj\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysje t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb t\u00eb rregjimeve t\u00eb kalbura arabe dhe z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimi i tyre me demokraci funksionale shpejt u zbeh pasi shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb q\u00eb nis\u00ebn protestat n\u00eb bot\u00ebn arabe e gjet\u00ebn vet\u00ebn t\u00eb binin nga shiu n\u00eb bresh\u00ebr. Sot vazhdon t\u00eb kemi luft\u00eb civile n\u00eb Siri, Libi, Irak e Jemen, Egjipti vazhdon t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb regjim ushtarak e nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb nuk pati ndonj\u00eb ndryshim thelb\u00ebsor n\u00eb shtetet e tjera q\u00eb u prek\u00ebn nga vala e \u201cpranver\u00ebs arabe\u201d me p\u00ebrjashtim deri diku t\u00eb Tunizis\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo nuk ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkuar shum\u00eb larg n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr ta kuptuar se sa i d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb iluzioni i ndryshimeve radikale revolucionare. Mjafton t\u00eb kthehemi \u00a0dy dekada prapa n\u00eb historin\u00eb bashkohore t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, n\u00eb vitin e mbrapsht\u00eb 1997. N\u00eb at\u00ebbot\u00eb marrazi e agresiviteti i turmave \u00e7oi n\u00eb nj\u00eb shk\u00ebrmoqje t\u00eb shtetit si me pas qen\u00eb kala r\u00ebre, dhe nuk zgjati shum\u00eb por vendin e kaploi anarkia totale. T\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebt njer\u00ebz q\u00eb kishin goditur policin\u00eb me gur\u00eb e \u00e7kado t\u00eb kapnin n\u00eb dor\u00eb n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb vitit 1997 ishin t\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruar q\u00eb t\u00eb rishikonin kthimin e uniformave blu pas terrorit q\u00eb shkaktuan bandat e kriminel\u00ebve q\u00eb vepronin pa iu hyr\u00eb gjemb n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb. Madje mund t\u00eb hamend\u00ebsohet se protesta jo-partiake po organizohen nga t\u00eb rinj student\u00eb sot pik\u00ebrisht se ata nuk e kan\u00eb p\u00ebrjetuar e nuk iu ka ngordhur nervi i protest\u00ebs prej viteve t\u00eb turbullta 1997-98.<\/p>\n<p>Pa dashur q\u00eb t\u00eb teprohet pa mas\u00eb me histori, thelbi \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb historia ka d\u00ebshmuar se rruga e duhur drejt progresit dhe mir\u00ebq\u00ebnies nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rruga e rrug\u00ebs, rruga e p\u00ebrmbysjes s\u00eb dhunshme apo protestave por rruga e institucionalizmit, e procedurave demokratike dhe e ligjit. N\u00ebse p\u00ebrmbysja ishte e kuptueshme \u00a0dhe e pritshme p\u00ebr Republik\u00ebn e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1997 pak vite pas rr\u00ebnies s\u00eb diktatur\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb eg\u00ebr e m\u00eb t\u00eb izoluar t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs, \u00ebsht\u00eb e papranueshme q\u00eb t\u00eb shikohet si rrug\u00ebdalje apo mjeti i preferuar politik m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy dekada m\u00eb pas. E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb vlen edhe p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn. Ne kemi nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb institucione t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme demokratike t\u00eb bazuara mbi ligjin dhe kur flasim p\u00ebr institucione, nuk duhet patur parasysh nd\u00ebrtesa madh\u00ebshtore por p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn institucionale. Pra forcimi i institucioneve demokratike n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb institucionaliste dhe k\u00ebtu b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00a0zakonet, traditat, rutinat , p\u00ebrvojat e rip\u00ebrs\u00ebritura, konstitucionaliz\u00ebm dhe rrug\u00eb ligjore, rregullat e e q\u00ebndrueshme e t\u00eb pandryshueshme, parimet themelore t\u00eb pal\u00ebkundura, praktikat standarde, proceset periodike si zgjedhjet e lira e t\u00eb ndershme. Ka ardhur koha q\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt kudo q\u00eb jan\u00eb ti thon\u00eb boll e mos t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb bast tek improvizimeve, agresivitetit , instabilitetit duke hequr dor\u00eb nga magjepsja p\u00ebr ndryshimet revolucionare radikale e p\u00ebrmbysjet e dhunshme e tek ndryshimet e shpejta fatlume, por t\u00eb q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb me k\u00ebmb\u00eb n\u00eb tok\u00eb n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb normalitetit, institucionalizmit e gradualizmi<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Protestat e student\u00ebve n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb, ngjall\u00ebn jo vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb simpati t\u00eb madh en\u00eb publik, por edhe nj\u00eb shpres\u00eb se nj\u00eb val\u00eb e re ndryshimesh po i afrohej Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb prej brezit t\u00eb ri. Shum\u00ebkush madje evokoi edhe nostalgjin\u00eb e L\u00ebvizjes Studentore e cila p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb mitizuar e glorifikuar jasht\u00eb mase n\u00eb memorien [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":373,"featured_media":10433,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[1865,1675,1866],"ppma_author":[367],"class_list":["post-4340","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-institucionalizmi","tag-protestat","tag-tirane"],"authors":[{"term_id":367,"user_id":373,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adri-nurellari","display_name":"Adri Nurellari","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Nurellari","first_name":"Adri","description":"Adri Nurellari \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, k\u00ebshilltar dhe kolumnist i angazhuar kryesisht n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs dhe medias. Ai ka vijuar studimet universitare n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe ato pasuniversitare n\u00eb Cambridge, London School of Economics dhe University College London. Adri \u00ebsht\u00eb ish-k\u00ebshilltar i kryeministrit Sali Berisha dhe ish-sekretar i PDIU-s\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ka punuar si pedagog n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb. Ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar si analist dhe konsulent nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb prej vitit 2013 punon si k\u00ebshilltar i Hashim Tha\u00e7it."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4340","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/373"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4340"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4340\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10434,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4340\/revisions\/10434"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10433"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4340"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4340"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4340"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4340"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}