{"id":4476,"date":"2019-02-09T14:34:58","date_gmt":"2019-02-09T12:34:58","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4476"},"modified":"2025-02-06T14:38:12","modified_gmt":"2025-02-06T12:38:12","slug":"praktika-demokratike-dhe-autoritare","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/praktika-demokratike-dhe-autoritare\/","title":{"rendered":"Praktika demokratike dhe autoritare"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Teksti i m\u00ebposht\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fragment i p\u00ebrzgjedhur nga libri \u201cHegemony and Socialist Strategy\u201d, i shkruar n\u00eb bashkaautor\u00ebsi midis teoricien\u00ebve francez\u00eb, Chantal Mouffe dhe Ernesto Laclau. N\u00eb vitin 1985, kur neoliberalizmi po vendoste hyqmin andej e k\u00ebndej Atlantikut, autor\u00ebt marrin n\u00eb shqyrtim vet\u00eb l\u00ebvizjen e majt\u00eb, s\u00eb bashku, autor\u00eb e politikan\u00eb.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

[…] Por, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia hegjemoniste p\u00ebrfshin nj\u00eb konceptim t\u00eb politik\u00ebs q\u00eb potencialisht \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb demokratik se \u00e7do gj\u00eb q\u00eb gjendet brenda tradit\u00ebs s\u00eb Internacionales s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb. Detyrat dhe k\u00ebrkesat t\u00eb cilat n\u00eb ekonomizmin klasist[1] do t\u00eb kishin korresponduar n\u00eb faza t\u00eb ndryshme, shihet tani se bashk\u00ebjetojn\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn konjuktur\u00eb historike. Kjo rezulton n\u00eb pranimin e vlefshm\u00ebris\u00eb aktuale politike p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shum\u00ebsi antagonizmash dhe pikash \u00e7ar\u00ebse, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb legjitimiteti revolucionar t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb m\u00eb ekskluzivisht i p\u00ebrqendruar n\u00eb klas\u00ebn pun\u00ebtore. K\u00ebshtu lind zhvendosja strukturore mes ‘masave’ dhe ‘klasave’, duke marr\u00eb parasysh se linja q\u00eb ndan k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb fundit nga sektor\u00ebt dominant\u00eb nuk i \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebrv\u00ebn\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzimit klasor. Zhvillimi i kombinuar dhe i pabarabart\u00eb b\u00ebhet terren, i cili p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb lejon marksizmin ta b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb kompleks nocionin e tij mbi natyr\u00ebn e luft\u00ebrave shoq\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n

At\u00ebher\u00eb, si mund ta kuptojm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb paradoks: q\u00eb sakt\u00ebsisht n\u00eb momentin kur u zgjerua dimensioni demokratik i luft\u00ebs s\u00eb masave, nj\u00eb konceptim gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb pararoj\u00eb dhe antidemokratik u vendos n\u00eb praktik\u00ebn politike socialiste? Shum\u00eb thjesht, nga fakti q\u00eb privilegji ontologjik iu dha klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore nga marksizmi, b\u00ebri q\u00eb kjo t\u00eb transferohej nga baza shoq\u00ebrore tek udh\u00ebheqja politike e l\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb masave. N\u00eb konceptimin leninist, klasa pun\u00ebtore dhe pararoja e saj nuk e transformojn\u00eb identitetin e klas\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre duke e bashkuar at\u00eb me k\u00ebrkesat e shum\u00ebfishta demokratike q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb rikompozuara politikisht nga praktikat hegjemoniste; n\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, ata i konsiderojn\u00eb k\u00ebto k\u00ebrkesa si faza, si hapa t\u00eb domosdosh\u00ebm, por kalimtar\u00eb n\u00eb ndjekjen e synimeve t\u00eb klas\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre. N\u00eb kushte t\u00eb tilla, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrmjet ‘pararoj\u00ebs’ dhe ‘masave’ nuk munden p\u00ebrve\u00e7 se t\u00eb ken\u00eb karakter kryesisht t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm dhe manipulues. Prandaj, deri at\u00ebher\u00eb kur k\u00ebrkesat demokratike b\u00ebhen m\u00eb t\u00eb shum\u00ebllojshme dhe terreni i luft\u00ebs s\u00eb masave m\u00eb kompleks, nj\u00eb pararoj\u00eb q\u00eb vazhdon t\u00eb identifikohet me “interesat objektive t\u00eb klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore” duhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb ta zgjeroj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn nd\u00ebrmjet identitetit t\u00eb vet dhe atij t\u00eb sektor\u00ebve q\u00eb ajo k\u00ebrkon t\u2019i udh\u00ebheq\u00eb. Vet\u00eb rritja e potencialit demokratik t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb masave sjell n\u00eb nj\u00eb kuptim strikt klasist, nj\u00eb praktik\u00eb politike gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb autoritare. P\u00ebrderisa demokratizimi i luft\u00ebs s\u00eb masave varet nga shp\u00ebrhapja e pikave \u00e7ar\u00ebse t\u00eb cilat tejshkojn\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e klas\u00ebs, autoritarizmi politik del at\u00ebher\u00eb kur, me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb etablimit t\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb hegjemonis\u00eb klasore, krijohet nj\u00eb dallim nd\u00ebrmjet udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit dhe t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequrit brenda l\u00ebvizjeve t\u00eb masave. N\u00ebse ky dallim do t\u00eb bazohej n\u00eb nj\u00eb aft\u00ebsi m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe praktike p\u00ebr vetorganizim n\u00eb luft\u00ebn p\u00ebr q\u00ebllimet e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta nga e gjith\u00eb l\u00ebvizja, pasojat nuk do t\u00eb ishin domosdoshm\u00ebrisht autoritare.<\/p>\n

Por, si\u00e7 e kemi par\u00eb, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb parashtruar n\u00eb kushte shum\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme: nj\u00eb sektor e njeh l\u00ebvizjen bazike t\u00eb historis\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb njeh karakterin e p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm t\u00eb k\u00ebrkesave q\u00eb bashkojn\u00eb masat n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi. Qend\u00ebrsia q\u00eb i atribuohet klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb qend\u00ebrsi praktike, por\u00a0ontologjike,\u00a0<\/em>e cila n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe\u00a0ul\u00ebsja<\/em>\u00a0e nj\u00eb privilegji\u00a0epistemologjik<\/em>: ashtu si klasa ‘universale’, proletariati – ose m\u00eb mir\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb partia e tij – \u00ebsht\u00eb vend\u00a0 i rezervuar p\u00ebr shkenc\u00ebn. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, p\u00ebr\u00e7arja midis identitetit klasor dhe identitetit t\u00eb masave b\u00ebhet e p\u00ebrhershme. Mund\u00ebsia e k\u00ebsaj kthese autoritare ishte n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre e pranishme q\u00eb nga fillimet e ortodoksis\u00eb marksiste; q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb, q\u00eb nga momenti kur nj\u00eb aktor i kufizuar – klasa pun\u00ebtore – u ngrit n\u00eb statusin e ‘klas\u00ebs universale’. N\u00ebse asnj\u00eb prej teoricien\u00ebve t\u00eb Internacionales s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb nuk ka l\u00ebvizur n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim autoritar, kjo ishte sepse p\u00ebr ta qend\u00ebrsia politike e klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb p\u00ebrkonte me proletarizimin e shtresave\u00a0 tjera shoq\u00ebrore, dhe nuk kishte hap\u00ebsir\u00eb ??p\u00ebr nj\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7arje midis klas\u00ebs dhe masave. Gjith\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb ishte e domosdoshme q\u00eb kthesa autoritare t\u00eb b\u00ebhej e pashmangshme, ishte \u00a0marrja e pushtetit i cili do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb konceptohej si nj\u00eb veprim i masave m\u00eb t\u00eb gjera se klasa pun\u00ebtore, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb qend\u00ebrsia politike e k\u00ebsaj t\u00eb fundit u mb\u00ebshtet si parim n\u00eb terma klasik\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Le t\u2019i b\u00ebjm\u00eb bashk\u00eb disa lidhje n\u00eb argumentin ton\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb e qart\u00eb se pse tensioni midis dy marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb p\u00ebrqafuara nga koncepti i hegjemonis\u00eb – lidhja nd\u00ebrmjet detyr\u00ebs s\u00eb hegjemonizuar dhe klas\u00ebs q\u00eb e hegjemonizon at\u00eb, dhe lidhja midis detyr\u00ebs s\u00eb hegjemonizuar dhe klas\u00ebs q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb agjenti i saj “natyror” – nuk mund t\u00eb zgjidhet asnj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb artikulim efektiv konceptual. Kushti p\u00ebr ruajtjen e unitetit dhe identitetit t\u00eb klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore n\u00eb terrenin e ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb fazave[2] – i vetmi terren i aft\u00eb p\u00ebr ta formuar at\u00eb si ‘klas\u00eb universale’ \u2013 ishte se detyrat e hegjemonizuara nuk duhet ta transformojn\u00eb identitetin e klas\u00ebs hegjemoniste, por t\u00eb hyjn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie thjesht t\u00eb jashtme dhe faktike me t\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, e vetmja m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb afirmuar karakterin e jasht\u00ebm t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj lidhjeje ishte shtr\u00ebngimi i lidhjes midis detyr\u00ebs s\u00eb hegjemonizuar dhe agjentit \u2018natyror\u2019 t\u00eb klas\u00ebs. Terreni i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve hegjemoniste ishte pra, nj\u00eb nga ligj\u00ebrimet thelb\u00ebsisht pragmatike. T\u00eb gjitha prurjet terminologjike q\u00eb leninizmi dhe Kominterni i prezantojn\u00eb marksizmit, i p\u00ebrkasin fjalorit ushtarak (aleanca taktike, vija strategjike, kaq shum\u00eb hapa p\u00ebrpara dhe shum\u00eb prapa); asnj\u00ebra nuk i referohet vet\u00eb strukturimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve shoq\u00ebrore, t\u00eb cilat Gramshi m\u00eb von\u00eb do t\u2019i trajtonte n\u00eb konceptet e tij t\u00eb bllokut historik, shtetit integral dhe k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. Tani, ky tension midis dy marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb p\u00ebrqafuara nga koncepti i hegjemonis\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i ndar\u00eb nga ambiguiteti q\u00eb kemi gjetur midis nj\u00eb praktike demokratike dhe asaj autoritare t\u00eb hegjemonis\u00eb. Lidhja nd\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb klase hegjemoniste dhe nj\u00eb detyre ose k\u00ebrkese demokratike merr nj\u00eb karakter manipulues t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm p\u00ebr aq koh\u00eb sa kjo detyr\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e lidhur me nj\u00eb klas\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, dhe me nj\u00eb faz\u00eb t\u00eb domosdoshme brenda paradigm\u00ebs evolucioniste. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, potenciali demokratik mund t\u00eb zhvillohet vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse kjo lidhje prishet, vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse zhduken kushtet t\u00eb cilat lejojn\u00eb shfaqjen e nj\u00eb ndarjeje t\u00eb ngurt\u00eb midis udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve dhe t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequrve brenda masave. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, ne duhet t\u00eb paraqesim kushtet q\u00eb do t\u00eb lejonin q\u00eb ambiguiteti origjinal t\u00eb tejkalohej qoft\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb praktik\u00eb demokratike ose autoritare t\u00eb hegjemonis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Praktika Demokratike<\/strong><\/em>. Si\u00e7 kemi treguar, terreni i rikompozimit hegjemonist bart nj\u00eb potencial p\u00ebr zgjerimin demokratik dhe thellimin e praktik\u00ebs politike socialiste. Pa hegjemoni, praktika socialiste mund t\u00eb fokusohet vet\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebrkesat dhe interesat e klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore. Por, p\u00ebrderisa zhvendosja e fazave e shtr\u00ebngon klas\u00ebn pun\u00ebtore t\u00eb veproj\u00eb n\u00eb terrenin e masave, ajo duhet ta braktis\u00eb geton e klas\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb transformohet n\u00eb artikulues t\u00eb nj\u00eb shum\u00ebsie antagonizmash dhe k\u00ebrkesash q\u00eb shtrihen p\u00ebrtej vetes. Nga gjith\u00e7ka q\u00eb kemi th\u00ebn\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se thellimi i nj\u00eb praktike demokratike t\u00eb masave – e cila shmang manipulimin e pararoj\u00ebs dhe nj\u00eb karakterizim t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm t\u00eb lidhjes midis hegjemonis\u00eb s\u00eb klas\u00ebs dhe detyrave demokratike – mund t\u00eb arrihet vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse dihet se k\u00ebto detyra nuk kan\u00eb nj\u00eb karakter domosdoshm\u00ebrisht klasor, si dhe n\u00ebse k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi fazor mbi historin\u00eb braktiset n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb plot\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb e nevojshme t\u00eb thyhet mendimi se detyrat demokratike lidhen me faz\u00ebn borgjeze – vet\u00ebm at\u00ebher\u00eb do t\u00eb eliminohet pengesa p\u00ebr nj\u00eb artikulim t\u00eb p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm midis socializmit dhe demokracis\u00eb. Pas k\u00ebsaj rrjedhin kat\u00ebr pasoja themelore. S\u00eb pari, vet\u00eb identiteti i klasave transformohet nga detyrat hegjemoniste q\u00eb ato nd\u00ebrmarrin mbi veten: rigoroziteti demarkues midis s\u00eb brendshmes dhe t\u00eb jashtmes bie. S\u00eb dyti, p\u00ebrderisa k\u00ebrkesat demokratike t\u00eb masave e humbasin karakterin e tyre domosdoshm\u00ebrisht klasor, fusha e hegjemonis\u00eb pushon s\u00eb p\u00ebrfshiri nj\u00eb maksimizim t\u00eb efekteve t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie midis klasave, ku suksesi i nj\u00ebr\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshtimi i tjetr\u00ebs[3]; nocioni i ‘aleanc\u00ebs s\u00eb klasave’ \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu qart\u00ebsisht i pamjaftuesh\u00ebm, meq\u00eb hegjemonia supozon nd\u00ebrtimin e identitetit t\u00eb agjent\u00ebve shoq\u00ebror, dhe jo vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb rast\u00ebsi racionaliste e ‘interesave’ midis agjent\u00ebve paraprakisht t\u00eb konstituuar. S\u00eb treti, fusha e politik\u00ebs nuk mund t\u00eb konsiderohet m\u00eb “p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim i interesave”, pasi q\u00eb i ashtuquajturi ‘p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim’ modifikon natyr\u00ebn e asaj q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohet. (N\u00eb fakt, vet\u00eb nocioni i p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit si transparenc\u00eb b\u00ebhet i pap\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm. Ajo q\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00eb modeli baz\u00eb\/superstruktur\u00eb.) N\u00eb fund, p\u00ebrderisa identiteti i agjent\u00ebve shoq\u00ebror\u00eb pushon s\u00eb qeni, i konstituuar ekskluzivisht p\u00ebrmes futjes s\u00eb tyre n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e prodhimit, dhe shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb artikulim t\u00eb pasigurt\u00eb n\u00eb mes t\u00eb nj\u00eb numri t\u00eb pozicioneve subjektesh, ajo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb sfiduar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb implicite \u00ebsht\u00eb identifikimi nd\u00ebrmjet agjent\u00ebve shoq\u00ebror\u00eb dhe klasave.<\/p>\n

Praktika Autoritare<\/em><\/strong>. K\u00ebtu kushtet jan\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta. Natyra klasore e secil\u00ebs k\u00ebrkes\u00eb apo detyr\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb e fiksuar\u00a0a priori.<\/em>\u00a0Ekzistojn\u00eb k\u00ebrkesa borgjeze demokratike, k\u00ebrkesa t\u00eb mikroborgjesiz\u00eb, etj. dhe progresiviteti i tyre relativ \u00ebsht\u00eb vendosur p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb llogaritjeje politike e cila analizon \u00e7do konjuktur\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn tradicionale t\u00eb modelit t\u00eb fazave, dhe ndryshimeve t\u00eb prezantuara nga kombinimi i tyre i pabarabart\u00eb. Natyrisht ekziston nj\u00eb ndarje e plot\u00eb midis detyrave hegjemoniste t\u00eb klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore dhe identitetit t\u00eb saj klasor. Koncepti ushtarak i politik\u00ebs dominon t\u00eb gjith\u00eb gam\u00ebn e llogaritjeve strategjike. Por, meqen\u00ebse klasa pun\u00ebtore (ashtu si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb) \u00ebsht\u00eb, sigurisht, larg identifikimit t\u00eb plot\u00eb me “interesat e saja historike”, shk\u00ebputja b\u00ebhet e p\u00ebrhershme midis materialitetit t\u00eb klas\u00ebs dhe shkall\u00ebs politike q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson ‘identitetin e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb’ t\u00eb saj. Nga \u201c\u00c7\u2019t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb\u201d e Leninit, tek bolshevizimi i partive komuniste n\u00ebn Komintern, kjo linj\u00eb demarkuese b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb rigoroze dhe reflektohet n\u00eb rritjen e kthes\u00ebs autoritare n\u00eb politik\u00ebn komuniste. \u00cbsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb sqarojm\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb e b\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb kthes\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme. Ne nuk k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb ta mohojm\u00eb nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsim politik n\u00eb determinizmin socialist t\u00eb klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore; aq m\u00eb pak p\u00ebr ta kund\u00ebrshtuar at\u00eb me nj\u00eb pun\u00ebtoriz\u00ebm[4] t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb mitin e nj\u00eb determinizmi spontanisht socialist t\u00eb klas\u00ebs. Megjithat\u00eb, \u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb vendimtare sesi kuptohet natyra e k\u00ebsaj lidhjeje politike; dhe leninizmi qartazi nuk p\u00ebrpiqet ta nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb p\u00ebrmes luft\u00ebs nj\u00eb identitet t\u00eb masave q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i paracaktuar nga ndonj\u00eb ligj i domosdoshm\u00ebris\u00eb historike. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ai pohon se ekziston nj\u00eb ‘p\u00ebr vete’ e klas\u00ebs e arritshme vet\u00ebm nga pararoj\u00ebt e p\u00ebrndritur – qasja e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve ndaj klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore \u00ebsht\u00eb pra, e past\u00ebr pedagogjike. Rr\u00ebnj\u00ebt e politik\u00ebs autoritare q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb g\u00ebrshetim t\u00eb shkenc\u00ebs dhe politik\u00ebs. Si rrjedhim, nuk ka m\u00eb ndonj\u00eb problem n\u00eb konsiderimin e partis\u00eb si p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese t\u00eb klas\u00ebs \u2013 natyrisht, jo e klas\u00ebs si mish dhe gjak, por nga ai thelbi aktualizues[5], i formuar nga ‘interesat e saj \u2018historike’. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb praktika demokratike e hegjemonis\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb v\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje transparenc\u00ebn e procesit t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit, praktika autoritare e ka vendosur baz\u00ebn q\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb b\u00ebhet mekanizmi themelor politik. Sapo \u00e7do marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie politike t\u00eb \u00a0konceptohet si nj\u00eb lidhje e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit, nj\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsueshm\u00ebri progresive l\u00ebviz nga klasa n\u00eb parti (p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi i interesave objektive t\u00eb proletariatit) dhe nga partia n\u00eb shtetin sovjetik (p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi i interesave bot\u00ebrore t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes komuniste). Nj\u00eb konceptim ushtarak i luft\u00ebs s\u00eb klasave p\u00ebrfundon n\u00eb nj\u00eb epik\u00eb eskatologjike.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrktheu:\u00a0Adea Batusha<\/strong><\/p>\n

—–<\/p>\n

[1]\u00a0klasist<\/em>\u00a0\u2013 klasizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb nocion q\u00eb shpjegon dukurit\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore e politike duke u mb\u00ebshtetur tek ndarja e dallimi midis klasave. Termi u atribuon njer\u00ebzve konotacione\u00a0 vlerore, zgjuarsie e merite duke u nisur nga klasa shoq\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n

[2] Ekonomia e fazave \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb fjala p\u00ebr nj\u00eb nocion marksist q\u00eb synon shpjegimin e historis\u00eb duke p\u00ebrdorur si baz\u00eb nj\u00eb determiniz\u00ebm ekonomik evolucionist e linear.<\/p>\n

[3] N\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn angleze \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur shprehja zero-sum game.<\/p>\n

[4] Shprehja e p\u00ebrdorur n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn angleze \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cworkerism\u201d. B\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim, por edhe rrym\u00eb q\u00eb mohon \u00e7do form\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi apo lidhjeje politike t\u00eb pun\u00ebtoris\u00eb me partit\u00eb, shtetin apo instancat tjera.<\/p>\n

[5] Kemi b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje ta p\u00ebrafrojm\u00eb kuptimin e nocionit aristotelian \u201centelechia\u201d brenda kontekstit kritik teksa flitet p\u00ebr teleologjin\u00eb bolshevike, si dhe p\u00ebr ta v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dukje karakterin esencialist t\u00eb k\u00ebtij kuptimi mbi klas\u00ebn.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Teksti i m\u00ebposht\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fragment i p\u00ebrzgjedhur nga libri \u201cHegemony and Socialist Strategy\u201d, i shkruar n\u00eb bashkaautor\u00ebsi midis teoricien\u00ebve francez\u00eb, Chantal Mouffe dhe Ernesto Laclau. N\u00eb vitin 1985, kur neoliberalizmi po vendoste hyqmin andej e k\u00ebndej Atlantikut, autor\u00ebt marrin n\u00eb shqyrtim vet\u00eb l\u00ebvizjen e majt\u00eb, s\u00eb bashku, autor\u00eb e politikan\u00eb.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0 […] Por, nga […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":645,"featured_media":12402,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[2454,2453,2452],"ppma_author":[2451,81],"class_list":["post-4476","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-autoritare","tag-demokratike","tag-praktika"],"authors":[{"term_id":2451,"user_id":645,"is_guest":0,"slug":"ernesto-laclau","display_name":"Ernesto Laclau","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/02\/Ernesto_Laclau-5fedbe6e05cca0f4ecd549dee6d47b40.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/02\/Ernesto_Laclau-5fedbe6e05cca0f4ecd549dee6d47b40.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Laclau","first_name":"Ernesto","description":"Ernesto Laclau was an Argentine political theorist and philosopher. He is often described as an 'inventor' of post-Marxist political theory."},{"term_id":81,"user_id":72,"is_guest":0,"slug":"chantal-mouffe","display_name":"Chantal Mouffe","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-3-4.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-3-4.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Mouffe","first_name":"Chantal","description":"Chantal Mouffe \u00ebsht\u00eb profesoresh\u00eb e Teoris\u00eb Politike n\u00eb Qendr\u00ebn p\u00ebr Studimin e Demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin Westminster n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr. Ajo ka ligj\u00ebruar dhe hulumtuar n\u00eb shum\u00eb universitete n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, Amerik\u00eb t\u00eb Veriut dhe Amerik\u00eb t\u00eb Jugut."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4476","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/645"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4476"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4476\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":13536,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4476\/revisions\/13536"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12402"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4476"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4476"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4476"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4476"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}