{"id":4494,"date":"2015-10-01T12:20:50","date_gmt":"2015-10-01T10:20:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4494"},"modified":"2025-01-17T12:21:55","modified_gmt":"2025-01-17T10:21:55","slug":"marredhenie-katundare-apo-marredhenie-nderkombetare","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/marredhenie-katundare-apo-marredhenie-nderkombetare\/","title":{"rendered":"Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie katundare apo marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare?"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Politika kosovare ka nj\u00eb problem t\u00eb thell\u00eb konceptual dhe, rrjedhimisht, edhe politik. Nd\u00ebrtimi (sado i brisht\u00eb) institucional i shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ndjekur me shnd\u00ebrrimin e vendit n\u00eb nj\u00eb subjekt t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Kosova nuk njihet nga nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i madh shtetesh n\u00eb bot\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb vendet evropiane, dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtare e OKB-s\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 mang\u00ebsiv\u00eb n\u00eb an\u00ebn formale, Kosova nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb subjekt i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare as n\u00eb an\u00ebn substanciale.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb aspektin formal, nj\u00eb shtet b\u00ebhet subjekt i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare kur g\u00ebzon njohje nga shtetet tjera dhe si pasoj\u00eb g\u00ebzon mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e vendosjes s\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve bilaterale me k\u00ebto vende n\u00eb nivel diplomatik. Mir\u00ebpo, n\u00eb aspektin substancial, nj\u00eb shtet b\u00ebhet subjekt i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb nj\u00eb ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb nga k\u00ebto tre forma. E para, \u00ebsht\u00eb fuqia ushtarake q\u00eb ajo posedon dhe mund ta ushtroj\u00eb. E dyta, jan\u00eb fuqia ekonomike dhe financiare q\u00eb ka. E treta, \u00ebsht\u00eb fuqi q\u00eb buron nga r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e saj gjeopolitike, si pasoj\u00eb e interesave ekonomike e strategjike t\u00eb shteteve hegjemone t\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Kjo e fundit p\u00ebrforcon pozit\u00ebn negociuese t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti, pavar\u00ebsisht munges\u00ebs s\u00eb kapaciteteve vepruese t\u00eb veta, si ato ushtarake e ekonomike.<\/p>\n

Kuptohet, Kosova nuk e ka t\u00eb par\u00ebn (fuqi ushtarake) as t\u00eb dyt\u00ebn (fuqi ekonomike dhe financiare). Kapaciteti i vet\u00ebm i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb rrafsh t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare \u00ebsht\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia gjeostrategjike q\u00eb ajo ka p\u00ebr interesat m\u00eb t\u00eb gjera t\u00eb shteteve hegjemone t\u00eb sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Mund t\u00eb thuhet madje se kjo r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi, ishte edhe aduti q\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs ia arriti njohjen (e pjesshme) si territor sovran. Politika e jashtme (ta quajm\u00eb k\u00ebshtu kushtimisht) e Kosov\u00ebs akoma mb\u00ebshtetet mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb parim. Ajo supozon se Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb strategjikisht e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr partner\u00ebt ky\u00e7 q\u00eb e kan\u00eb njohur at\u00eb, dhe si pasoj\u00eb kjo p\u00ebrforcon pozit\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb rrafshin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

Mir\u00ebpo, ky aspekt i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme kosovare mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb nj\u00eb keqkuptim t\u00eb tmerrsh\u00ebm. Interesat strategjike t\u00eb shteteve q\u00eb e kan\u00eb njohur Kosov\u00ebn nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebtrajtshme, por le t\u00eb themi se mb\u00ebshteten n\u00eb parimin e stabilitetit rajonal. Kosova, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, shihet si cop\u00eb e nj\u00eb mozaiku m\u00eb t\u00eb madh. Kosova si Kosov\u00eb ka pak r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi, pavar\u00ebsisht bindjes s\u00eb disave se presidenti Obama ose kancelarja Merkel nuk b\u00ebjn\u00eb gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7 t\u00eb kalojn\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb dit\u00ebs duke menduar p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Ky do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb interpretim i pozit\u00ebs negociatore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, p.sh., n\u00eb raport me dialogun e saj me Serbin\u00eb, nga aspekti i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Pozita negociatore e Kosov\u00ebs varet nga bashk\u00ebrenditja e interesave t\u00eb tjera (t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, SHBA-ve, Gjermanis\u00eb etj.), n\u00eb raport si me Kosov\u00ebn ashtu dhe me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebto interesa ia japin pal\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr (Serbis\u00eb).<\/p>\n

Mir\u00ebpo, politika kosovare, jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb kuptimin popullor (n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn e p\u00ebrgjithshme popullore e mediale), por edhe n\u00eb aspektin e mendimit strategjik, vepron jo n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb regjist\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, por n\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve katundare.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u2019dometh\u00ebn\u00eb kjo? P\u00ebrdorimi i fjal\u00ebs \u201ckatundar\u201d nuk lidhet k\u00ebto me ndonj\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim pezhorativ t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs, por n\u00eb kuptimin q\u00eb i jep kolegu dhe miku im i nderuar Prof. Shinasi Rama (https:\/\/shinasi.files.wordpress.com\/2015\/03\/pc3aerrallat-shinasi-a-rama-cambria-10-5-pt-i-korigjuar-sipas-verejtjeve.pdf). Sipas p\u00ebrkufizimit t\u00eb Prof. Ram\u00ebs, mund t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb dallimin midis \u201cfshatit\u201d, si nj\u00ebsi gjeografike e ekonomike (vendbanim rural me ekonomi rurale) dhe \u201ckatundit\u201d si nj\u00ebsi shoq\u00ebroro-politike. Kjo nj\u00ebsi shoq\u00ebroro-politike ka nj\u00eb hierarki t\u00eb brendshme, ka nj\u00eb sistem vlerash t\u00eb veta dhe ka (kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb shtes\u00eb imja) edhe institucione q\u00eb rregullojn\u00eb nd\u00ebrveprimin midis nj\u00ebsive baz\u00eb t\u00eb katundit, q\u00eb jan\u00eb sht\u00ebpit\u00eb dhe, n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb, fiset, dhe individ\u00ebt p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues t\u00eb tyre. Pra, ve\u00e7ori e katundit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ekonomia rurale (ndon\u00ebse kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e saj), por institucionet shoq\u00ebrore e politike t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

Institucioni themelor katundar i nd\u00ebrveprimit shoq\u00ebror bazohet n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb sociologu Pierre Bourdieu, n\u00eb studimin e tij t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrive katundare t\u00eb kabil\u00ebve t\u00eb Algjeris\u00eb (p\u00ebrndryshe fare t\u00eb ngjashme me kultur\u00ebn e katundeve shqiptare), e quan nder. Shk\u00ebmbimet katundare mb\u00ebshteten n\u00eb nderin personal (zakonisht t\u00eb sht\u00ebpis\u00eb ose fisit) dhe institucioneve mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebse (fytyr\u00ebs, namit, emrit) q\u00eb shprehin nj\u00eb lloj kapitali t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb kulturor e social mbi t\u00eb cilat nd\u00ebrtohen hierarkit\u00eb statusore n\u00eb jet\u00ebn shoq\u00ebrore katundare. Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet katundare, gjithashtu, p\u00ebr shkak se historikisht kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb larguara nga tregu, jan\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb reciprocitet. Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet midis nj\u00ebsive katundare (si sht\u00ebpive ose t\u00eb fiseve), edhe kur jan\u00eb t\u00eb karakterit ekonomik, nuk mb\u00ebshteten kryesisht n\u00eb shk\u00ebmbime monetare, por n\u00eb reciprocitetin e obligimeve q\u00eb kan\u00eb ndaj nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebs. Kjo e b\u00ebn t\u00eb pamundur n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb katundare edhe shk\u00ebmbimin tregtar n\u00eb kuptimin teknik t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs, sepse edhe shk\u00ebmbimet monetare katundare nd\u00ebrthuren dhe negociohen krahas konsideratave t\u00eb ndryshme jo-ekonomike. Ajo q\u00eb nuk e duron dhe p\u00ebrbuz\u00eb shoq\u00ebria katundare, \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehja e hapur e interesit, n\u00eb kuptimin e ngusht\u00eb dhe sidomos material t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs. Kjo nuk dometh\u00ebn\u00eb (si\u00e7 e v\u00ebren edhe Bourdieu) se n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb katundare nuk vepron interesi, por strategjit\u00eb katundare p\u00ebr ndjekjen e interesit prihen n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb nga parimi i akumulimit dhe konservimit t\u00eb nderit. Pra, edhe interesi material ndiqet p\u00ebrmes marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb reciprocitetit dhe me veprime q\u00eb mbrojn\u00eb veprimet nga rreziku i korritjes ose humbjes s\u00eb fytyr\u00ebs ose ngeljes n\u00eb hater para pal\u00ebve t\u00eb treta n\u00eb realizimin e tij. Shprehja \u201cbiznesi \u00ebsht\u00eb biznes\u201d (business is business), q\u00eb ndan hesapet e biznesit mes pal\u00ebve nga konsideratat tjera, nuk vlen n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb katundare.<\/p>\n

Vizioni i jasht\u00ebm strategjik i Kosov\u00ebs bazohet mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb konceptim t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar mbi baza katundare. N\u00eb rrafshin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, Kosova nuk ka interes, ajo ka imazh. Imazhi \u00ebsht\u00eb i barazvlefsh\u00ebm me institucionin katundar t\u00eb nderit ose fytyr\u00ebs. Ndjekja e interesit konsiderohet si di\u00e7ka e turpshme dhe e papranueshme n\u00eb raport me partner\u00ebt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb. Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me partner\u00ebt (shtetet tjera t\u00eb sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar), gjithashtu nuk mb\u00ebshteten n\u00eb parimin e interesit t\u00eb ndjekur racionalisht por n\u00eb subordinimin e interesit ndaj k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb reciprocitetit dhe obligimeve (t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs joformale). P.sh., kur Kosova b\u00ebn kompromis n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb interes vital t\u00eb vetin (p.sh., mbrojtjen e t\u00ebr\u00ebsis\u00eb territoriale) shkaku i presioneve t\u00eb jashtme, kjo interpretohet si obligim q\u00eb ia kemi ndaj atyre q\u00eb na \u00e7liruan. N\u00eb kultur\u00ebn katundare, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia me pal\u00ebt tjera nganj\u00ebher\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ruhet edhe n\u00eb llogari t\u00eb ndonj\u00eb humbjeje ose d\u00ebmi p\u00ebr veten, por kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e pranueshme sepse parimi i reciprocitetit bazohet n\u00eb llogarin\u00eb q\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen, edhe pala tjet\u00ebr do ta d\u00ebmtoj\u00eb vet\u00ebn p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb ruajtjes s\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me mua. Pra, p\u00ebr shkak se aleat\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs d\u00ebmtuan veten (?) p\u00ebr ta shp\u00ebtuar Kosov\u00ebn, Kosova nuk duhet t\u00eb ngurroj\u00eb t\u00eb \u201csakrifikoj\u00eb\u201d p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb obligimeve q\u00eb ka ndaj tyre sepse n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen, po k\u00ebta aleat\u00eb s\u00ebrish do ta d\u00ebmtojn\u00eb veten (?) p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Ky mendim mund t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb i d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm p\u00ebrderisa nd\u00ebrthurja e interesave dhe veprimeve n\u00eb rrafsh nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar e l\u00ebn\u00eb vendin me bilanc net pozitiv politik. Nj\u00eb vend mund t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb zbatoj\u00eb politik\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare me parime katundare p\u00ebrderisa zhvillimet, qoft\u00eb nga fati, qoft\u00eb nga interesat hegjemone, parandalojn\u00eb q\u00eb interesat e saj jetike t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikuara. Por kjo ndryshon kur, n\u00eb planin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, vendi fillon e b\u00ebhet m\u00eb pak i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm nga pik\u00ebpamja gjeopolitike dhe kur konstelacioni i interesave t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb m\u00ebdhej fillon t\u00eb veproj\u00eb kund\u00ebr interesave t\u00eb tij. At\u00ebher\u00eb, n\u00eb raport me ndryshimet objektive ndodh ajo q\u00eb Bourdieu e quan hysterisis. Kuadri i vjet\u00ebr interpretues b\u00ebhet m\u00eb pak efektiv n\u00eb kuptimin e zhvillimeve sepse ai tashm\u00eb ka humbur \u00e7do lidhje me realitetin.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht kjo q\u00eb po i ndodh Kosov\u00ebs sot. Kosova nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb n\u00eb an\u00ebn e net fituesit n\u00eb rrafsh t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. R\u00ebnd\u00ebsia strategjike e vendit p\u00ebr akter\u00ebt hegjemon\u00eb t\u00eb sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar (SHBA-ve, BE-s\u00eb, shteteve q\u00ebndrore t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb si Britania, Gjermania e Franca) \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb r\u00ebnie e sip\u00ebr. Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb vet\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, por sepse rajoni m\u00eb i gj\u00ebr\u00eb tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb stabilizuar. Nuk ka m\u00eb rreziqe p\u00ebr luft\u00ebra t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. Regjimet politike jan\u00eb stabile dhe, n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb me fuqit\u00eb hegjemone. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihet edhe Serbia, e cila q\u00eb nga r\u00ebnia e Millosheviqit, \u00ebsht\u00eb rehabilituar nga qenia e dikurshme \u201cshtet batak\u00e7i\u201d (rogue state) n\u00eb nj\u00eb partner t\u00eb respektuar t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit. Q\u00ebllimi themelor i hegjemon\u00ebve n\u00eb rajon, procesin q\u00eb ato e nisen me intervenimet serike diplomatike, ushtarake, e ekomomike, pak a shum\u00eb jan\u00eb realizuar. \u00a0Interesi i hegjemon\u00ebve tani \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ruhen k\u00ebto t\u00eb arritura, duke konservuar ekuilibrin aktual.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb ri, Kosova tashm\u00eb nuk ka mund\u00ebsi vet\u00ebm t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb, por edhe t\u00eb humbas. Rreziku i humbjes nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb terma relativ (humbje t\u00eb kompenzueshme), por, p\u00ebr interesat jetike t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti, ai rrezikon t\u00eb humbas\u00eb edhe n\u00eb terma absolut\u00eb (humbje t\u00eb pakompenzueshme, p.sh., n\u00eb kapacitetet mbrojt\u00ebse, n\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb shtet efektiv dhe funksional n\u00eb gjith\u00eb territorin e vet, t\u00eb jet\u00eb subjekt i plot\u00eb formal i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare etj.). K\u00ebtu, konceptimi katundar i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare rrezikon t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb frustrime dhe mllef, sepse d\u00ebmet q\u00eb i p\u00ebrjeton vendi interpretohen (katundarisht) si mosrespektim nga aleat\u00ebt i parimit t\u00eb reciprocitetit (\u201cne b\u00ebm\u00eb kompromise me Serbin\u00eb, e BE-ja\/Gjermania\/SHBA-t\u00eb\/etj. nuk na dhan\u00eb gj\u00eb\u201d) ose veprim i q\u00ebllimsh\u00ebm i aleat\u00ebve q\u00eb \u201cna pren\u00eb n\u00eb bes\u00eb\u201d (\u201cne i besuam atyre, b\u00ebm\u00eb \u00e7ka k\u00ebrkuan, e ata na pren\u00eb n\u00eb bes\u00eb\u201d).<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb momenti i duhur q\u00eb t\u00eb zhb\u00ebhet p\u00ebrfundimisht koncepti katundar i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe vendi t\u00eb filloj\u00eb e ta definoj\u00eb e artikuloj\u00eb qart\u00eb interesin e saj si shtet, t\u00eb zbuloj\u00eb burimet e fuqis\u00eb n\u00eb rrafsh nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, t\u00eb mos hezitoj\u00eb t\u00eb angazhohet n\u00eb mbrojtjen e interesave t\u00eb saj, dhe t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzoj\u00eb konjukturat dhe g\u00ebrshetimin e interesave t\u00eb fuqive hegjemone p\u00ebr t\u00eb avancuar k\u00ebt\u00eb interes.<\/p>\n

Si shtet, \u00ebsht\u00eb legjitime t\u00eb kesh interes, \u00ebsht\u00eb legjitime q\u00eb t\u00eb shpallen ato interesa, dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb sidomos legjitime q\u00eb t\u00eb mbrosh me \u00e7do kusht interesat absolute mbi t\u00eb cilat mb\u00ebshtetet mbijetesa afatgjat\u00eb e vet\u00eb shtetit.<\/p>\n

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  Politika kosovare ka nj\u00eb problem t\u00eb thell\u00eb konceptual dhe, rrjedhimisht, edhe politik. Nd\u00ebrtimi (sado i brisht\u00eb) institucional i shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ndjekur me shnd\u00ebrrimin e vendit n\u00eb nj\u00eb subjekt t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Kosova nuk njihet nga nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i madh shtetesh n\u00eb bot\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb vendet evropiane, dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtare […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":49,"featured_media":12233,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[11,1639,2400],"ppma_author":[59],"class_list":["post-4494","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kosova","tag-marredheniet","tag-politikat"],"authors":[{"term_id":59,"user_id":49,"is_guest":0,"slug":"besnik-pula","display_name":"Besnik Pula","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1516241920287.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1516241920287.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Pula","first_name":"Besnik","description":"Besnik Pula specializon n\u00eb Ekonomi Politike dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb profesor-asistent n\u00eb Departamentin e Shkenc\u00ebs Politike n\u00eb Universitetin Virginia Tech n\u00eb ShBA. Besniku ka doktoruar n\u00eb Sociologji n\u00eb Universitetin e Mi\u00e7igenit. Shkruan kryesisht p\u00ebr politikat zhvillimore, \u00e7\u00ebshtjet sociale dhe ekonomike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4494","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/49"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4494"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4494\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12238,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4494\/revisions\/12238"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12233"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4494"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4494"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4494"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4494"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}