{"id":4510,"date":"2021-09-10T11:57:05","date_gmt":"2021-09-10T09:57:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4510"},"modified":"2025-01-17T11:59:36","modified_gmt":"2025-01-17T09:59:36","slug":"rimendimi-i-politikes-i","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/kritike\/rimendimi-i-politikes-i\/","title":{"rendered":"Rimendimi i Politik\u00ebs (I)"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Ekziston nj\u00eb pandehm\u00eb se tradita e mendimit politik per\u00ebndimor e ka origjin\u00ebn e saj n\u00eb ligj\u00ebrimet e Platonit dhe Aristotelit. K\u00ebta dy mendimtar\u00eb me filozofimet e tyre i hodh\u00ebn themelet e k\u00ebsaj trash\u00ebgimie. Ndon\u00ebse Leo Strauss-i n\u00eb vepr\u00ebn e t\u00eb tij t\u00eb njohur \u201cQyteti dhe Njeriu\u201d (The City and Man) e mbron tez\u00ebn se \u201cishte Sokrati ai i cili e themeloi filozofin\u00eb politike\u201d. Ky teoricien i pasionuar pas mendimit klasik konstaton se filozofi antik e hapi shtegun e k\u00ebsaj disipline duke e \u201czbritur filozofin\u00eb nga qielli n\u00eb tok\u00eb, p\u00ebr ta themeluar at\u00eb n\u00eb qytete, futur n\u00eb familje, rreth jet\u00ebs s\u00eb njeriut dhe m\u00ebnyrave t\u00eb shqyrtimit t\u00eb s\u00eb mir\u00ebs dhe s\u00eb keqes\u201d.<\/p>\n

Mir\u00ebpo, pasi Sokrati nuk la asnj\u00eb d\u00ebshmi t\u00eb shkruar, krejt \u00e7ka historikisht dim\u00eb p\u00ebr mendimet e tij jan\u00eb shkrimet Platonit dhe t\u00eb Aristotelit. Prandaj, mund t\u00eb themi se vet\u00ebm me k\u00ebta dy mendimi politik fillon ta marr\u00eb form\u00ebn e traktatit. Natyrisht, gjykimi dhe m\u00eb pastaj d\u00ebnimi me vdekje i Sokratit la gjurm\u00eb t\u00eb thella n\u00eb konstituimin e k\u00ebsaj tradite. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht te Platoni. Dhe n\u00eb shum\u00eb\u00e7ka p\u00ebrmbajtja e saj na shfaqet si reagim \u201ctraumatik\u201d ndaj k\u00ebsaj ngjarjeje \u201ctragjike-filozofike\u201d, q\u00eb sh\u00ebnoi nj\u00eb \u201ckthes\u00eb historiko-bot\u00ebrore\u201d.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr filozofin e njohur gjerman G.W.F.Hegel, kjo vdekje n\u00eb altarin e Njohjes u b\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuese p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si filozof\u00ebt filluan t\u2019i gjykojn\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet politike.\u00a0 N\u00eb ligj\u00ebratat e tij mbi \u201cHistorin\u00eb e Filozofis\u00eb\u201d (Lectures on the History of Philosophy), ky mendimtar i pashoq n\u00eb galerin\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj disipline, pohon se kjo ishte nj\u00ebra nga arsyet eksplicite se pse filozof\u00ebt e m\u00ebvonsh\u00ebm u \u201ct\u00ebrhoq\u00ebn nga \u00e7\u00ebshtjet ditore shtet\u00ebrore dhe e ngujuan veten n\u00eb kultivimin e bot\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme universale e n\u00eb pozicion antagonist me bindjet e banor\u00ebve t\u00eb Athin\u00ebs\u201d.<\/p>\n

Shto k\u00ebtu edhe faktin q\u00eb, sipas Hegelit, kjo bot\u00eb ishte pushtuar nga nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb zymtore dhe s\u00eb cil\u00ebs i mungonte freskia e dikurshme gjall\u00ebruese. Ajo kishte hyr\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnies s\u00eb pandalshme. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb bosh\u00ebsi trishtuese, \u201cmbret\u00ebria e mendimit\u201d mbeti\u00a0streha e vetme e filozof\u00ebve n\u00eb raport me jet\u00ebn reale.<\/p>\n

Dhe ky tension nd\u00ebrmjet \u201cfilozofit dhe qytetit\u201d ndikoi q\u00eb pjesa m\u00eb madhe e standardeve, kritereve dhe ideve filozofike-politike t\u00eb sajohen n\u00eb antinomi me interesat, pasionet dhe opinionet ditore t\u00eb jet\u00ebs aktive politike. Thelbin e k\u00ebtij bot\u00ebkuptimi e karakterizonte synimi p\u00ebr ta stabilizuar k\u00ebt\u00eb sfer\u00eb mbi parimet e s\u00eb mir\u00ebs, s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs dhe dijes. Prandaj, Leo Strauss-i, n\u00eb p\u00ebrsiatjet e tij mbi origjin\u00ebn e filozofis\u00eb politike n\u00eb punimin \u201c\u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb Filozofia Politike?\u201d (What Is Political Philosophy?), pohon se k\u00ebt\u00eb disiplin\u00eb e ka dalluar \u201cp\u00ebrpjekja p\u00ebr t\u2019i z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar opinionet mbi esenc\u00ebn e fenomeneve politike, me dijen mbi ato\u201d. Baza e saj mbetet p\u00ebrkushtimi kognitiv p\u00ebr ta njohur \u201cnj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn mbi natyr\u00ebn e gj\u00ebrave politike, t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn, t\u00eb mir\u00ebn dhe rendin e duhur politik\u201d.<\/p>\n

Komponent qen\u00ebsor i teoris\u00eb klasike ishte edhe \u201czbulimi\u201d i natyr\u00ebs s\u00eb qenies njer\u00ebzore, edukimi i saj, q\u00eb t\u00eb drejtohet n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me k\u00ebt\u00eb \u201cnatyr\u00eb\u201d p\u00ebr dallim nga opinionet e trash\u00ebguara, traditat, ose thjesht trillet e momentale. K\u00ebshtu, n\u00eb sfond t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj nd\u00ebrmarrjeje q\u00ebndronte raporti i \u201cnjeriut si qenie singulare\u201d me qytetin, ngase, si\u00e7 dihet, sipas k\u00ebtij vizoni antropo-filozofik, esenca e tij natyrore definohej si \u201cqenie politike\u201d.<\/p>\n

Err\u00ebsimi i jet\u00ebs politike\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, me an\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij solucioni, et\u00ebrit teorik\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj trash\u00ebgime i shp\u00ebrfill\u00ebn disa nga kushtet bazike t\u00eb jet\u00ebs aktive politike.<\/p>\n

Zhvleft\u00ebsimi konceptual i saj u shnd\u00ebrrua n\u00eb parim fondator t\u00eb mendimit klasik politik. Hana Arend (Hannah Arendt) n\u00eb librin \u201cNd\u00ebrmjet s\u00eb Shkuar\u00ebs dhe s\u00eb Ardhmes\u201d (Between Past And Future), ka shkruar se pik\u00ebnisjen e k\u00ebsaj tradite duhet k\u00ebrkuar jo m\u00eb her\u00ebt sesa n\u00eb librin \u201cRepublika\u201d t\u00eb Platonit, ku me an\u00eb t\u00eb alegoris\u00eb s\u00eb shpell\u00ebs ky filozof e \u201cp\u00ebrshkroi jet\u00ebn e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt njer\u00ebzore me termat e err\u00ebsir\u00ebs, konfuzionit dhe mashtrimit, dhe se t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ata q\u00eb aspirojn\u00eb ta zbulojn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn e qenies duhet ta braktisin jet\u00ebn e shpellor\u00ebve p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb qiellit t\u00eb past\u00ebr dhe ideve t\u00eb p\u00ebrhershme\u201d.<\/p>\n

Padyshim se ky d\u00ebshp\u00ebrim i filozofit me jet\u00ebn e polisit ishte nj\u00eb lloj reagimi \u201ctraumatik\u201d me fatin e Sokratit. Prandaj sigurimi i jet\u00ebs s\u00eb filozofit nuk do t\u00eb ishte i mundur derisa njer\u00ebzit e pajisur \u201cme thesarin m\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7muar q\u00eb per\u00ebndit\u00eb u kishin dhuruar vdekatar\u00ebve\u201d t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrroheshin n\u00eb sundimtar\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit. Vet\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb ata do t\u00eb mund ta instalonin nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb drejtuar sipas parimeve t\u00eb mendjes.<\/p>\n

Rruga drejt modelit ideal t\u00eb politik\u00ebs kalonte n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet devalvimit t\u00eb retorik\u00ebs si medium p\u00ebr kultivimin e bindjeve njer\u00ebzore, e cila, sipas Aristotelit, e p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte esenc\u00ebn e \u201cartit t\u00eb bindjes si nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb politike e t\u00eb folurit, por q\u00eb n\u00eb vetvete q\u00ebndronte n\u00eb antinomi me artin dialektik apo artin filozofik t\u00eb t\u00eb folurit\u201d. K\u00ebtij n\u00ebnvleft\u00ebsimi filozofik iu n\u00ebnshtrua edhe kategoria e doks\u00ebs (opinioni).<\/p>\n

Politikisht, deri n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb, e para g\u00ebzonte gati nj\u00eb reputacion hyjnor, kurse e dyta, po ashtu si\u00e7 e tregon etimologjikisht edhe vet\u00eb fjala, krahas kuptimit t\u00eb lartsh\u00ebnuar t\u00eb opinionit e transmetonte edhe mesazhin\u00a0 e \u201cmadh\u00ebshtis\u00eb, shk\u00eblqimit dhe fam\u00ebs\u201d, atribute k\u00ebto q\u00eb mund t\u00eb arriheshin dhe q\u00eb ishin t\u00eb lidhura drejtp\u00ebrdrejt me shfaqjen para t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve n\u00eb nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt publike. Sepse vet\u00ebm n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs aparente q\u00eb q\u00ebndronte \u201cmidis njer\u00ebzve\u201d b\u00ebhej e mundur edhe zbulesa (disklosura) e \u00e7do qenie t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb individuale.<\/p>\n

Kurse pas \u201cgroposjes\u201d s\u00eb k\u00ebtyre kategorive burimore politike n\u00eb puset e thella \u201cpara-filozofike\u201d, k\u00ebsaj sfere iu imponuan nocione q\u00eb dervionin nga domeni jopolitik i veprimtarive njer\u00ebzore. Ngase n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb m\u00ebtohej t\u00eb garantoheshin q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebria dhe stabiliteti i p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm i rendit t\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrruar politiko-filozofik. Dhe nj\u00eb paradoks i till\u00eb ndikoi q\u00eb t\u00eb hapet nj\u00eb humner\u00eb e pakap\u00ebrcyeshme nd\u00ebrmjet jet\u00ebs politike dhe mendimit mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb sfer\u00eb p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebsaj tradite.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu, sipas Hannah Arendt, vet\u00eb idet\u00eb e Platonit jan\u00eb nj\u00eb shembull paradigmatik i\u00a0 k\u00ebsaj shkolle. N\u00eb librin \u201cGjendja Njer\u00ebzore\u201d (Human Condtion) ajo pohon se pik\u00ebrisht \u201cfilozofi-mbret i aplikon idet\u00eb e tij nj\u00ebsoj si zanat\u00e7iu rregullat dhe standardet e tij n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn e prodhimit.<\/p>\n

Ai e \u201cformon\u201d qytetin e tij sikur skulptori e sajon nj\u00eb statuj\u00eb dhe madje n\u00eb fund t\u00eb karrier\u00ebs platonike t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat ide u b\u00ebn\u00eb ligje t\u00eb cilat vet\u00ebm kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb ekzekutohen\u201d. Kjo pleksje e dijes epistemike me dominimin dhe sundimin si dhe e veprimit me bindjen dhe ekzekutimin, e formuan boshtin e doktrin\u00ebs platonike. Dhe n\u00eb instanc\u00eb t\u00eb fundit e p\u00ebrcaktuan kahun e mendimit politik n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb tradit\u00ebs per\u00ebndimore.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto ide u shnd\u00ebrruan n\u00eb standard absolut p\u00ebr ta gjykuar sjelljen morale dhe politike n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn m\u00ebnyr\u00eb thuajse sikur se \u201cideja e shtratit sh\u00ebrben p\u00ebr t\u2019i gjykuar p\u00ebrshtatshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shtret\u00ebrve partikular\u00eb\u201d. Gjith\u00e7ka i ngjason nj\u00eb skeme konstante p\u00ebrs\u00ebrit\u00ebse t\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtave ide. Mund\u00ebsia e nj\u00eb \u201cfillimi t\u00eb ri\u201d si atribut qen\u00ebsor i politik\u00ebs mbyllet nj\u00eb her\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebtij projekti \u201cmeta-politik\u201d.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr Hegelin, ky q\u00ebndrim i Platonit n\u00eb raport me idet\u00eb e tij shprehjen e vet m\u00eb t\u00eb spikatur e gjeti edhe n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet q\u00eb ai nd\u00ebrtoi me sundimtarin e Sirakuz\u00ebs. N\u00eb ligj\u00ebratat mbi \u201cHistorin\u00eb e Filozofis\u00eb\u201d (Lectures on the History of Philosophy), filozofi gjerman tregon se si \u201cinteresi i vet\u00ebm i Platonit ishte republika ideale; ai hyri n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie me nj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs i nxituar vet\u00ebm nga tundimi p\u00ebr ta jet\u00ebsuar k\u00ebt\u00eb shtet t\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrruar; individi nuk ishte asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pos instrument i k\u00ebtij q\u00ebllimi dhe jo di\u00e7ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

Kjo d\u00ebshir\u00eb e ethshme p\u00ebr t\u2019i absolutizuar idet\u00eb e tij, e dallonte Platonin nga Aristoteli. Sepse, sipas Hegelit, Aristoteli n\u00eb raport me Aleksandrin \u201cnuk u nxit nga synime t\u00eb tilla. Ai thjesht kishte para vetes nj\u00eb person, me t\u00eb vetmin q\u00ebllim q\u00eb ta instruktonte edukimin dhe zhvillimin e individualitetit t\u00eb tij si t\u00eb till\u00eb\u201d. E nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim i till\u00eb mbase ishte i \u201ckusht\u00ebzuar\u201d nga orientimet themelore t\u00eb filozofis\u00eb politike t\u00eb Aristotelit. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, Hannah Arendt n\u00eb esen\u00eb e saj \u201c\u00c7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb Autoriteti?\u201d (What is Authority?) pohon se mendimi politik i k\u00ebtij filozofi u sajua mbi premisa krejt t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb raport me at\u00eb t\u00eb Platonit.<\/p>\n

Madje lirisht mund t\u00eb themi q\u00eb edukuesi i atij q\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej sundimtar i bot\u00ebs, ndoshta \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe i pari mendimtar i cili n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet e tij p\u00ebr ta justifikuar sundimin brenda \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve komplekse njer\u00ebzore do t\u00eb bazohet te \u201cnatyra\u00a0 e cila n\u00eb vetvete i ka \u201crr\u00ebnj\u00ebzuar diferencat nd\u00ebrmjet m\u00eb t\u00eb riut dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb moshuarit, destinimi i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0q\u00eb ta b\u00ebj\u00eb t\u00eb mundur q\u00eb nj\u00ebri t\u00eb jet\u00eb i sunduar dhe tjetri sundues\u201d. Prandaj Aristoteli n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb konsekuente i ekstrapoloi disa kategori t\u00eb bot\u00ebs \u201cparapolitike\u201d dhe i transformoi ato n\u00eb standarde dhe kritere p\u00ebr rregullimin dhe gjykimin e sfer\u00ebs politike n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me q\u00ebllimet\u00a0e vendosura nga \u201cnatyra\u201d.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Ekziston nj\u00eb pandehm\u00eb se tradita e mendimit politik per\u00ebndimor e ka origjin\u00ebn e saj n\u00eb ligj\u00ebrimet e Platonit dhe Aristotelit. K\u00ebta dy mendimtar\u00eb me filozofimet e tyre i hodh\u00ebn themelet e k\u00ebsaj trash\u00ebgimie. Ndon\u00ebse Leo Strauss-i n\u00eb vepr\u00ebn e t\u00eb tij t\u00eb njohur \u201cQyteti dhe Njeriu\u201d (The City and Man) e mbron tez\u00ebn se \u201cishte […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":377,"featured_media":12199,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[14],"tags":[1322,868,2389],"ppma_author":[371],"class_list":["post-4510","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-kritike","tag-kritike","tag-politika","tag-rimendimi"],"authors":[{"term_id":371,"user_id":377,"is_guest":0,"slug":"afrim-kasolli","display_name":"Afrim Kasolli","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Kasolli","first_name":"Afrim","description":"Afrim Kasolli ka studiuar Filozofi-Sociologji. Nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka ligj\u00ebruar l\u00ebnd\u00ebn \u201cHyrje n\u00eb Shkencat Politike n\u00eb Kolegjin Victory\u201d. Ka qen\u00eb deputet i Kuvendit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Merret me shkrime dhe ese filozofike. Sfer\u00eb e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e interesit t\u00eb tij \u00ebsht\u00eb filozofia politike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4510","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/377"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4510"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4510\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12198,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4510\/revisions\/12198"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12199"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4510"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4510"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4510"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4510"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}