{"id":4516,"date":"2019-02-27T15:03:20","date_gmt":"2019-02-27T13:03:20","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4516"},"modified":"2024-11-13T15:11:57","modified_gmt":"2024-11-13T13:11:57","slug":"pse-e-si-te-flasim-per-problemin-e-fese","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/pse-e-si-te-flasim-per-problemin-e-fese\/","title":{"rendered":"Pse e si t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr problemin e fes\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"

Pak ka tema q\u00eb nxisin debate m\u00eb t\u00eb zjarra n\u00eb hapsir\u00ebn ton\u00eb publike sesa feja dhe raporti i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb multifetare dhe shtetit laik me t\u00eb. Shoq\u00ebria jon\u00eb ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr integrimin e studimit t\u00eb fes\u00eb e fetarizmit dhe \u00e7far\u00ebdo q\u00eb lidhet me to n\u00eb programet studimore dhe hulumtuese, q\u00eb t\u00eb zbuloj\u00eb se cili \u00ebsht\u00eb problemi me fen\u00eb. Programe t\u00eb tilla q\u00eb kishin me u drejtu nga institucionet akademike dhe hulumtuese, ishin dasht\u00eb t\u00eb shtrojn\u00eb pyetjet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme e t\u00eb ngutshme vijuese: p\u00ebrse e si po kthehet feja, n\u00eb \u00e7\u2019trajta po kthehet ajo, cilat jan\u00eb efektet e k\u00ebtyre trendeve, si dhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, \u00e7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndihmojn\u00eb perspektivat historike, antropologjike e sociologjike n\u00eb kuptimin e fes\u00eb, e t\u00eb ngjashme.<\/em><\/p>\n

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Feja \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer fuqish\u00ebm si praktik\u00eb private e publike si dhe n\u00eb debatet publike n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb. Dhe jo, kur them \u201cfe\u201d nuk e kam fjal\u00ebn ve\u00e7 p\u00ebr Islamin, sado q\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb diskutim Islami na del si m\u00eb relevant, jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr pesh\u00ebn sociologjike q\u00eb ngre fakti se mysliman\u00ebt jan\u00eb shumic\u00eb n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, por edhe p\u00ebr arsye tjera q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me problemin e \u201cIslamit radikal\u201d n\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb \u201cluft\u00ebs kund\u00ebr terrorizmit e radikalizmit islamik\u201d. Kjo ka zgjuar interesimin e gazetar\u00ebve, komentuesve medial\u00eb e hulumtueseve. Kthimi i fes\u00eb dhe fetarizimi i individ\u00ebve dhe I shoq\u00ebris\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fakt i pamohuesh\u00ebm. N\u00eb fakt, k\u00ebt\u00eb e mohon vet\u00ebm kush do t\u00eb mbyll\u00eb syt\u00eb para realitetit.<\/p>\n

Feja, pra, po kthehet. Por, kthimi i fes\u00eb per se nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb problem. Andaj, k\u00ebt\u00eb prirje nuk duhet gjykuar a priori. Problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb se feja i vjen personit si pako e plot\u00eb me shum\u00eb gj\u00ebra n\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00eb nuk i ka k\u00ebrkuar. Dhe kjo nuk duhet me na z\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb pap\u00ebrgatitur. Na duhet rini e edukuar dhe e kulturuar, interesimi dhe entuziazmi i t\u00eb cil\u00ebve nuk do t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret nga prozelitizmi fetar p\u00ebr t\u00eb injektuar tek ata ide anakronike e ideologji prapambet\u00ebse, si p\u00ebr shembull se krejt p\u00ebrgjigjet, ose ato m\u00eb ky\u00e7et p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet jet\u00ebsore, etike, politike e madje shkencore, jan\u00eb n\u00eb libra t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb dhe\/ose n\u00eb korpusin interpretues t\u00eb tyre nga shekujt e kaluar.<\/p>\n

Pse t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr fen\u00eb\u2013Rimendimi i tradit\u00ebs fetare si emancipim shoq\u00ebror<\/em><\/p>\n

Nuk ka emancipim t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb pa debat rreth fes\u00eb. Hapi i par\u00eb dhe i pashmangsh\u00ebm drejt emancipimit kalon n\u00ebp\u00ebr kritik\u00ebn e fes\u00eb. P\u00ebrse? Sepse tranzicioni nga nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri tradicionale n\u00eb nj\u00eb moderne, nuk ka me ndodh\u00eb pa u p\u00ebrball\u00eb shoq\u00ebria me t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn e saj dhe pa e v\u00ebshtruar tradit\u00ebn e saj kulturore n\u00eb sy. Nuk do mend se n\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar dominonin strukturat dhe kultura tradicionale ku feja zinte vend t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, n\u00eb mos qendror. Mu p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb, sado q\u00eb segmente t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme e me pesh\u00eb t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, q\u00eb nga elita politike, intelektual\u00eb, establishmenti kulturor dhe t\u00eb rinj urban\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb kudopranish\u00ebm e dominant\u00eb n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn publike, shoq\u00ebria e gjer\u00eb nuk ka me ba asnj\u00eb hap progresiv pa i rimendu vlerat dhe idet\u00eb tradicionale p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu edhe ato fetare.<\/p>\n

Popujt europian\u00eb kan\u00eb nisur etap\u00ebn e re t\u00eb zhvillimit t\u00eb hovsh\u00ebm kulturor e politik t\u00eb Iluminizmit, vet\u00ebm pas rimendimit t\u00eb guximsh\u00ebm t\u00eb fes\u00eb dhe dogm\u00ebs kishtare gjat\u00eb periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb Rilindjes europiane (Renesans\u00ebs) n\u00eb shekullin XIV. Popujt mysliman\u00eb kan\u00eb ngecur n\u00eb k\u00ebto aspekte, sepse u mungon incentiva dhe guximi p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrball\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kritike me trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb fetare. Edhe ato shoq\u00ebri myslimane q\u00eb desh\u00ebn ta tejkalojn\u00eb problemin fetar me an\u00eb t\u00eb imponimit t\u00eb modernizmit dhe sekularizmit n\u00eb popull, si modernist\u00ebt turk\u00eb, nuk korr\u00ebn suksesin e d\u00ebshiruar. Po k\u00ebshtu, shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb shqiptare n\u00eb shtetet komuniste q\u00eb \u201cproblemin e fes\u00eb\u201d e adresuan p\u00ebrmes ndalimit ose kufizimit t\u00eb fes\u00eb dhe kontrollit t\u00eb autoritetit fetar nga strukturat e pushtetit politik dhe establishmenti socialist, pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb k\u00ebtyre strukturave, njer\u00ebzit natyrsh\u00ebm iu kthyen fes\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Feja vazhdon t\u00eb mbetet nj\u00eb forc\u00eb reale dhe empirikisht e pamohueshme n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn dhe debatet publike. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fakt sociologjik q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb mohohet; pranimi i k\u00ebtij fakti \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebnisje e \u00e7do debati a kritike t\u00eb fes\u00eb. Karshi k\u00ebtij realiteti faktik, ekzistojn\u00eb dy q\u00ebndrime t\u00eb gabuara. Nj\u00ebri do ta injoroj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fakt, ndon\u00ebse kjo po b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e pamundshme. Q\u00ebndrimi tjet\u00ebr e pranon k\u00ebt\u00eb fakt, por si zgjidhje t\u00eb \u201cproblemit\u201d propozon mohimin e fes\u00eb dhe fetaris\u00eb n\u00eb publik dhe kufizimin e saj vet\u00ebm n\u00eb privat. (Madje, ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb edhe duke e p\u00ebrbuzur fetarin\u00eb edhe si \u00e7\u00ebshtje personale ose private!) Mir\u00ebpo, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e gabuar. T\u00eb thuash se feja \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje private, duke n\u00ebnkuptuar se ajo duhet t\u00eb mbahet si besim ose praktik\u00eb sekrete ose gati sekrete nga persona e grupe fetare \u00ebsht\u00eb e pakuptimt\u00eb. S\u00eb paku empirikisht, feja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm private. Si mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje private nj\u00eb gj\u00eb q\u00eb pashmangsh\u00ebm reflektohet t\u00ebrthorazi ose shfaqet drejtp\u00ebrdrejt n\u00eb praktik\u00ebn publike! Por, si\u00e7 kam argumentuar n\u00eb\u00a0nj\u00eb artikull,<\/a>\u00a0nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim i till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb problematik edhe normativisht, pasi q\u00eb bie n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me parimin e shekullarizmit q\u00eb mund\u00ebson pluralitetin e sfer\u00ebs publike n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn garantohet shum\u00ebsia e opinioneve ndaj t\u00eb cilave shteti mban q\u00ebndrim asnjan\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Q\u00ebndrimi i matur \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i cili e pranon dukurin\u00eb e fetaris\u00eb si fakt sociologjik, e respekton si pjes\u00eb t\u00eb pluralitetit moral e bot\u00ebkuptimor n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri demokratike e pluraliste dhe ka kuraj\u00eb t\u00eb angazhohet n\u00eb debat e kritik\u00eb t\u00eb fes\u00eb dhe dukuris\u00eb s\u00eb fetarizmit dhe trajtave t\u00eb saj. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme q\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet laik \u00e7\u00ebshtja e fes\u00eb dhe fetarizmit t\u00eb adresohet si dukuri e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb, duke ofruar zgjidhje speciale p\u00ebr t\u00eb. Feja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rast special, por duhet t\u00eb shihet n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb lirive t\u00eb besimit dhe pluralizmi moral t\u00eb garantuara n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet demokratik e pluaralist. Me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri liberale feja duhet t\u00eb shihet si nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb mozaikun e filozofive jet\u00ebsore, bot\u00ebkuptimeve\u00a0(Weltanschauung)<\/em>\u00a0dhe m\u00ebnyrave t\u00eb jet\u00ebs\u00a0(lifestyle).<\/em><\/p>\n

Si t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr fen\u00eb\u2013T\u00eb folurit mbi fen\u00eb si interes i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb gjer\u00eb<\/em><\/p>\n

T\u00eb folurit mbi fen\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb monopol i klerit a organizatave fetare, por tem\u00eb me interes p\u00ebr t\u00ebr\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb n\u00eb interes t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb gjer\u00eb q\u00eb feja t\u2019i n\u00ebnshtrohet nj\u00eb shqyrtimi publik n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb sfidohet justifkimi i \u00e7do lloj absurditeti q\u00eb p\u00ebrligjet nga kleri ose komuniteti i besimtar\u00ebve n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb vlerave e besimit fetar. Pretendimi i klerit ose I studiuesve laik\u00eb se vet\u00ebm teologjia merret me fen\u00eb, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i sakt\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, feja, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb dukuria fetare, historia, besimet, vlerat, ptaktikat, tekstet e interpretimet fetare, anj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb objekt shqyrtimi ose studimi vet\u00ebm i teologjis\u00eb ekskluzivisht, por edhe i disiplinave tjera t\u00eb dijes: filozofis\u00eb, antropologjis\u00eb, sociologjis\u00eb, psikologjis\u00eb, filologjis\u00eb, semiotik\u00ebs, historis\u00eb, arkeologjis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Andaj, as kleri nuk ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb pretendoj\u00eb monopolin e t\u00eb folurit mbi fen\u00eb, e as studiuesit e shkencave shoq\u00ebrore dhe humane nuk kan\u00eb p\u00ebrse t\u00eb ngurrojn\u00eb t\u00eb studiojn\u00eb fen\u00eb dhe aspektet e praktik\u00ebs fetare. Ngurrimi i tyre vet\u00ebm sforcon pretendimin e klerit p\u00ebr monopol mbi t\u00eb folurit p\u00ebr fen\u00eb. Natyrisht, angazhimi i studiuesve n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb debat nuk b\u00ebhet me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb shkencat t\u00eb pretendojn\u00eb monopol mbi studimin e fes\u00eb, aq m\u00eb pak me q\u00ebllim p\u00ebr t\u00eb imponuar nj\u00eb model se si duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb feja \u201ce drejt\u00eb\u201d dhe \u201ce v\u00ebrtet\u00eb\u201d, por thjesht q\u00eb t\u00eb ofrohen gjetjet shkencore dhe t\u2019i kontribojn\u00eb debatit tashm\u00eb t\u00eb pranish\u00ebm p\u00ebr fen\u00eb. Ndryshe, nd\u00ebrmarrja shkencore kishte me u degjeneru n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb mbyllur t\u00eb dijes q\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr i p\u00ebrngjan dogm\u00ebs sesa dijes sistematike e t\u00eb hapur.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb debat i till\u00eb mbi fen\u00eb kishte me i p\u00ebrfshi n\u00eb dialog studiuesit dhe klerin bashk\u00eb. Kjo kishte me i mund\u00ebsu klerit t\u00eb pasuroj\u00eb njohjen p\u00ebr dukurin\u00eb e fes\u00eb duke m\u00ebsuar nga gjetjet shkencore, nd\u00ebrsa vet\u00eb diskutimin mbi fen\u00eb kishte me e pasuru me prurjet nga tradita diverse e teologjis\u00eb q\u00eb kleri i ofron n\u00eb diskutim. Mir\u00ebpo, q\u00eb studiuesit shkencor\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb dhe duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihen n\u00eb debatet p\u00ebr fen\u00eb dhe dukurin\u00eb fetare, nuk domethan\u00eb q\u00eb ata t\u00eb ndikohen aq shum\u00eb nga diskursi klerikal, sa t\u00eb reagojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm ndaj ideve q\u00eb burojn\u00eb nga ky diskurs, pa qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb artikulojn\u00eb e t\u00eb hapin shtigje t\u00eb reja hulumtuese pavar\u00ebsisht nga diskursi klerikal. Nuk ka gj\u00eb t\u00eb qortueshme n\u00eb hetimin dhe demaskimin e absurditeteve logjike, sofizmave e demagogjive n\u00eb ligj\u00ebrimet fetare. Ama, t\u00eb reflektohet p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje e problematika fetare vet\u00ebm si reagim ndaj ligj\u00ebrimit klerikal, tregon vobekt\u00ebsi mendimi dhe mjerim ideor. Nj\u00eb aktivitet i till\u00eb intelektual i p\u00ebrngjan mendimit teologjik, ngaq\u00eb sikurse mendimi teologjik q\u00eb mendon p\u00ebrmes teksteve t\u00eb dh\u00ebna dhe jo pavar\u00ebsisht prej tyre, edhe ky lloj mendimi mendon p\u00ebrmes klerit dhe diskursit fetar, e jo pavar\u00ebsisht prej tyre. Ky mendim p\u00ebrmes klerit t\u00eb fut n\u00eb grack\u00ebn e pranimit, pa e v\u00ebrejtur, jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb parashtrimit t\u00eb tem\u00ebs, por edhe t\u00eb logjik\u00ebs argumentuese. Sado q\u00eb ti mund ta kund\u00ebrshtosh q\u00ebndrimin apo arsyestimin e kund\u00ebrshtarit, yshtesh q\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb ta b\u00ebsh brenda nj\u00eb kornize t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb logjike e argumentuese me kund\u00ebrshtarin.<\/p>\n

Me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb, me mendu mir\u00ebfilli mbi dukurin\u00eb fetare n\u00ebnkupton me e \u00e7liru mendimin nga orientimet e klerit dhe me mendu pavar\u00ebsisht nga parashtrimet e tyre, qofshin ata edhe opozitar\u00eb apo t\u00eb moderuar. P\u00ebrndryshe, t\u00eb reagosh ndaj \u00e7do t\u00eb dyt\u00ebs deklarat\u00eb t\u00eb klerit, vet\u00ebm tregon varf\u00ebrin\u00eb imagjinare e ideore dhe paaft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u00e7elur shtigje t\u00eb reja tematike e argumentuese. Fal\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, ne hala kena mbet\u00eb duke u orvatur m\u00eb kot t\u2019i p\u00ebrgjigjemi pyetjeve t\u00eb kota dhe t\u00eb diskutojm\u00eb pa fryt rreth temave t\u00eb parashtruara gabimisht, si p\u00ebr shembull, n\u00ebse osman\u00ebt na \u00e7liruan apo pushtuan, duke e fetarizuar k\u00ebshtu diskutimin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje shum\u00ebdimensionale dhe duke e par\u00eb at\u00eb vet\u00ebm nga prizmi i lojalitetit e solidaritetit fetar.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Pak ka tema q\u00eb nxisin debate m\u00eb t\u00eb zjarra n\u00eb hapsir\u00ebn ton\u00eb publike sesa feja dhe raporti i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb multifetare dhe shtetit laik me t\u00eb. Shoq\u00ebria jon\u00eb ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr integrimin e studimit t\u00eb fes\u00eb e fetarizmit dhe \u00e7far\u00ebdo q\u00eb lidhet me to n\u00eb programet studimore dhe hulumtuese, q\u00eb t\u00eb zbuloj\u00eb se cili \u00ebsht\u00eb problemi […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":196,"featured_media":10175,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1100,1102,1800],"ppma_author":[700],"class_list":["post-4516","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-feja","tag-islami","tag-shoqerite-multifetare"],"authors":[{"term_id":700,"user_id":196,"is_guest":0,"slug":"gezim-selaci","display_name":"G\u00ebzim Selaci","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/1-1-e1728652765257.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/1-1-e1728652765257.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Selaci","first_name":"G\u00ebzim","description":"G\u00ebzimi Selaci \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Departamentin e Sociologjis\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Ka studiuar Sociologji dhe Teori politike n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb, Lond\u00ebr dhe Budapest. Specializimi i tij ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me legjitimimin e pushtetit dhe nd\u00ebrtimin e shtetit. Interesimi i tij p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrohet tek politika dhe pushteti n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri nga perspektiva nd\u00ebrdisiplinore dhe shtrihet tek t\u00eb kuptuarit e pranimit\/mospranimit t\u00eb autoritetit, dinamik\u00ebs s\u00eb identiteteve kolektive, si dhe aktivizmit politik."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4516","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/196"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4516"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4516\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10177,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4516\/revisions\/10177"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10175"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4516"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4516"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4516"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4516"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}