{"id":4520,"date":"2019-02-27T11:28:43","date_gmt":"2019-02-27T09:28:43","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4520"},"modified":"2024-11-19T12:12:04","modified_gmt":"2024-11-19T10:12:04","slug":"nevoja-per-te-emancipuar-debatin-publik-mbi-dialogun-me-serbine","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/nevoja-per-te-emancipuar-debatin-publik-mbi-dialogun-me-serbine\/","title":{"rendered":"Nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb emancipuar debatin publik mbi dialogun me Serbin\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"

U b\u00ebn\u00eb shum\u00eb muaj tashm\u00eb q\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtja e finalizimit t\u00eb dialogut me Serbin\u00eb dhe e implikimeve t\u00eb mundshme p\u00ebr projekt-marr\u00ebveshjen, e dominon debatin publik jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb por n\u00eb mbar\u00eb trojet shqiptare. Nuk ka ngelur pothuaj asnj\u00eb figur\u00eb publike q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehur p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb befas i shnd\u00ebrroi t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ata n\u00eb \u201cekspert\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe zgjidhjeve t\u00eb konflikteve. Kjo situat\u00eb e ka inflacionuar debatin publik me emocione t\u00ebr\u00eb pasion q\u00eb shiten si opionione e me opinione sip\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsore q\u00eb shiten si analiza. Hezitimi p\u00ebr nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje paqeje me ish-armiqt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb se e kuptueshme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri konservatore shqiptare (e cila trash\u00ebgimi tipike ka hakmarrjen sipas kanunit) e nuk i ka t\u00eb p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsuara plot\u00ebsisht vlerat bashk\u00ebkohore per\u00ebndimore si dialogu, toleranca e pluralizmi. Nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje e paqes \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb gjej\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb gjer\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb n\u00eb folklorin e vet\u00eb glorifikon luft\u00ebn dhe martirizimin dhe kompromisin e dialogun e shikon si shenj\u00eb dob\u00ebsie.<\/span><\/p>\n

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Prania e skajshme e emocioneve p\u00ebr faktin q\u00eb shoq\u00ebria jon\u00eb po shkel n\u00eb nj\u00eb shteg t\u00eb parrahur (sikurse \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje paqeje me armiqt\u00eb historik) e kombinuar me nj\u00eb injoranc\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb p\u00ebr historin\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohore apo teorit\u00eb q\u00eb lidhen me proceset e k\u00ebtij lloji, ka shkaktuar nj\u00eb kakofoni t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb debat dhe ka sjell\u00eb nj\u00eb disinformim t\u00eb madh t\u00eb publikut. \u00cbsht\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb spirale e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb degradimi ku ky disinformim shton ndjesin\u00eb e padrejt\u00ebsis\u00eb e t\u00eb revolt\u00ebs n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri dhe mandej k\u00ebto emocione t\u00eb shtuara e mjegullojn\u00eb akoma m\u00eb shum\u00eb logjik\u00ebn e arsyen dhe rrisin disinformimin p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt. P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, aktualisht kemi nj\u00eb debat publik goxha emocional q\u00eb vet\u00ebm sa ka kultivuar ndjesin\u00eb e viktim\u00ebs tek qytetar\u00ebt tan\u00eb dhe e ka zvog\u00ebluar akoma m\u00eb shum\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen p\u00ebr paqen q\u00eb ashtu k\u00ebshtu ishte tashm\u00eb goxha e kufizuar n\u00eb kultur\u00ebn ton\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Problemi tjet\u00ebr k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb se edhe ata q\u00eb konsiderohen elita apo shtresa e opinionb\u00ebr\u00ebsve, nuk shk\u00ebputen nga impulset emocionale tradicionale t\u00eb masave dhe nuk aplikojn\u00eb qasjen racionale pragmatiste dhe t\u00eb mirinformuar t\u00eb praktikave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb do duhej t\u00eb \u00a0manifestonin. Pra n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre elit\u00eb e publik jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb bashk\u00eb p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket emocioneve patriotike, pasionit p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar shpagim e nd\u00ebshkim dhe refuzimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje ku jo vet\u00ebm kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt por q\u00eb t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt t\u00eb l\u00ebshojn\u00eb p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb kompromisit t\u00eb dyansh\u00ebm. Shumica e opinionb\u00ebr\u00ebsve po promovojn\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj naiviteti q\u00eb nuk e pranon faktin se s’ka marr\u00ebveshje nd\u00ebshkimore ndaj kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve dhe se e vetmja marr\u00ebveshje q\u00eb mund t\u00eb kryehet do t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt kan\u00eb motiv t\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr ta firmosur k\u00ebt\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje. Ngarkes\u00ebn emocionale q\u00eb ua verbon arsyen p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje ua shton akoma m\u00eb shum\u00eb emocioni negativ q\u00eb kan\u00eb personalisht k\u00ebta individ\u00eb ndaj presidentit Tha\u00e7i i cili ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb krye t\u00eb k\u00ebtij procesi.<\/span><\/p>\n

Munges\u00ebn e p\u00ebrmbajtjes dhe ekspertiz\u00ebs me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn trajtohet kjo tem\u00eb e demonstron fakti q\u00eb diskutimi b\u00ebhet plot e p\u00ebrplot me mllef e marraz p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt dhe Beogradin dhe jo duke p\u00ebrdorur njohuri e teori t\u00eb shkencave sociale apo raste analoge dhe praktika nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb krahasueshme me rastin e Kosov\u00ebs. T\u00eb habit kurajoja me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn flasin gjith\u00eb vet\u00ebbesim por n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb cek\u00ebt shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz p\u00ebr nj\u00eb tem\u00eb si negociatat q\u00eb n\u00eb fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb subjekt q\u00eb prej dekadash i n\u00ebnshtrohet studimeve skrupuloze shkencore. Ka shum\u00eb gj\u00ebra q\u00eb mund t\u00eb m\u00ebsohen nga dituria e akumuluar dhe p\u00ebrpunuar prej rasteve t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb tjera. Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe Studimi i Paqes dhe Konflikteve jan\u00eb dy n\u00ebndeg\u00eb t\u00eb Shkencave Politike dhe sot ka katedra t\u00eb panum\u00ebrta universitare n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb literatur\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb pasur shencore t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb rasteve t\u00eb konflikteve t\u00eb shumta t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha kontinenteve. Kuptohet q\u00eb, sikurse n\u00eb \u00e7do fush\u00eb studimore, \u00a0ka teori t\u00eb shumta q\u00eb mund t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb nj\u00ebra tjetr\u00ebn apo q\u00eb ende vihen n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje, megjithat\u00eb ka disa elemente q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebpranuara nga pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e studiuesve.<\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu p\u00ebr shembull ka nj\u00eb lloj konsensusi q\u00eb negociatat p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e konflikteve t\u00eb zhvillohen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb fsheht\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjet jan\u00eb ato q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb transparente. Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e mir\u00eb e z\u00ebrave kritik\u00eb jan\u00eb duke u revoltuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb naive se p\u00ebrse k\u00ebto negociata jan\u00eb duke u zhvilluar t\u00eb fshehta pa marr\u00eb mundimin q\u00eb t\u00eb shikojn\u00eb se me \u00e7far\u00eb lloj negociatash i zgjidhin konfliktet vendet e tjera. Po t\u00eb shqyrtohen rastet e tjera t\u00eb negociatave q\u00eb kan\u00eb rezultuar n\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje paqeje duket qart\u00eb q\u00eb negociator\u00ebt nuk ulen n\u00eb tryez\u00eb bisedimesh me \u201cletrat \u00e7elur\u201d . K\u00ebshtu p\u00ebr shembull marr\u00ebveshja e fqinj\u00ebve tan\u00eb n\u00eb Dejton u negociua n\u00eb baz\u00ebn ajrore ushtarake Wright Patterson af\u00ebr Dejtonit, n\u00eb Ohio t\u00eb SHBA-ve ku pal\u00ebt ishin t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht t\u00eb izoluar nga mediat p\u00ebr jav\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebra.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kur flitet p\u00ebr transparenc\u00ebn duhet kuptuar se asnj\u00eb negocioator nuk do t\u00eb doj\u00eb t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb l\u00ebshoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje pa u siguruar q\u00eb ka marr\u00eb n\u00eb shk\u00ebmbim di\u00e7ka ekuivalent t\u00eb vlefshme. N\u00eb literatur\u00ebn shkencore padyshim q\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr transparenc\u00eb n\u00eb zgjidhjen e konflikteve, por m\u00eb shum\u00eb ajo lidhet me kund\u00ebrshtimin e marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb fshehta. Dihet q\u00eb nj\u00eb shekull m\u00eb par\u00eb, kur u b\u00eb konferenca e paqes n\u00eb Versaj\u00eb, presidentin amerikan WoodroW Wilson, nj\u00eb prej pikave t\u00eb tij t\u00eb famshme e kishte pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr vendosjen e standardit t\u00eb ri p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur vet\u00ebm marr\u00ebveshje transparente. Ky q\u00ebndrim kishte t\u00eb b\u00ebnte me p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn e fresk\u00ebt e t\u00eb hidhur q\u00eb ai dhe mbar\u00eb opinioni publik kishte pasur p\u00ebr paktin e fsheht\u00eb t\u00eb Londr\u00ebs t\u00eb vitit 1915, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin Italia ra dakord t\u00eb nd\u00ebrronte krah\u00ebt e t\u00eb b\u00ebhej me Antant\u00ebn n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb kafshimit t\u00eb territoreve t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb e Austro-Hungaris\u00eb. Dispozitat e k\u00ebtij pakti t\u00eb fsheht\u00eb u botuan nga bolshevik\u00ebt kur erdh\u00ebn n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb Rusi n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 1917 dhe shkaktuan nj\u00eb neveri nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare \u00e7ka \u00e7oi n\u00eb heqjen dor\u00eb t\u00eb praktik\u00ebs s\u00eb pakteve t\u00eb fshehta n\u00eb vitet e m\u00ebpasshme. N\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb e kuptueshme q\u00eb negociatat t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb fshehta por marr\u00ebveshja ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb publike e transparente. Nuk ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr alarmiz\u00ebm, sepse ajo marr\u00ebveshje n\u00ebse n\u00ebnshkruhet, do i n\u00ebnshtrohet shqyrtimit publik e do kaloj\u00eb n\u00eb parlament e referendum p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb hyj\u00eb n\u00eb fuqi.<\/span><\/p>\n

Po ashtu duhet theksuar se nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr parimet kryesore t\u00eb negociatave bashk\u00ebkohore \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cnuk ka dakordim p\u00ebr asgj\u00eb n\u00ebse nuk jemi dakorduar p\u00ebr gjith\u00e7ka\u201d. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb parim q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb futur tashm\u00eb si term n\u00eb fjalorin e zgjidhjes s\u00eb konflikteve prej ish-presidentit finlandez Marti Ahtisaari n\u00eb vitin 2005 gjat\u00eb koh\u00ebs q\u00eb sh\u00ebrbente si nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsues n\u00eb negociatat e paqes p\u00ebr krahin\u00ebn Aceh n\u00eb Indonezi. Qasja e propozuar prej tij n\u00eb negociata se “Asgj\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjidhur n\u00ebse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjidhur gjith\u00e7ka” po p\u00ebrdoret sot edhe n\u00eb negociatat e Kosov\u00ebs sikurse ato t\u00eb britanik\u00ebve p\u00ebr nj\u00eb ujdi t\u00eb Brexit-it. Ka dy arsye thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebrse ky parim \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb tashm\u00eb rregull p\u00ebr negociatat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. S\u00eb pari Ahtisaari me k\u00ebt\u00eb parim do thoshte se synohej nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebrfundimtare gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse, q\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me t\u00eb gjitha \u00e7\u00ebshtjet kryesore dhe nuk l\u00eb asnj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme m\u00ebnjan\u00eb. Pra q\u00eb i mbyll nj\u00ebher\u00eb e mir\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha temat e nuk l\u00eb jasht\u00eb ndonj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb burim p\u00ebrplasje apo konfliktualiteti n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebpasshme. S\u00eb dyti, kjo do t\u00eb thoshte se \u00e7do “koncesion” b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00eb e sip\u00ebr t\u00eb negociatave nga ndonj\u00ebra pal\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb trumpetohet me triumfaliz\u00ebm nga pala tjet\u00ebr sepse asnj\u00eb koncesion nuk ishte p\u00ebrfundimtar derisa t\u00eb arrihej marr\u00ebveshja e p\u00ebrgjithshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb temat.<\/span><\/p>\n

Prandaj n\u00eb rastin ton\u00eb kur p\u00ebrdoret formula \u201cnuk jemi pajtuar p\u00ebr asgj\u00eb derisa nuk pajtohemi p\u00ebr gjith\u00e7ka\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb e pakuptimt\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb flasim gjith\u00eb koh\u00ebn kryek\u00ebput vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e kufijve nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb nuk e kemi ende n\u00eb dor\u00eb paket\u00ebn e plot\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse. Pra mund t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb q\u00eb mos t\u00eb kemi marr\u00ebveshje fare dhe gjith\u00eb debati t\u00eb ishte i kot\u00eb ashtu sikurse mund t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb q\u00eb oferta t\u00eb jet\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm josh\u00ebse sa ta b\u00ebj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e kufijve koncesion t\u00eb kap\u00ebrdish\u00ebm. Thjesht ngelet p\u00ebr t’u par\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe n\u00eb zgjidhjet e konflikteve ka edhe nj\u00eb praktik\u00eb tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb negociatave t\u00eb stilit t\u00eb Kissingerit e cila promovon iden\u00eb e trajtimit t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb fragmentuar e t\u00eb nj\u00ebpasnj\u00ebshme. Pra nj\u00eb qasje e tipit \u201cgur gur b\u00ebhet mur\u201d q\u00eb synon dakordimin mbi arritjen e kompromisit p\u00ebr komponent\u00ebt e vegj\u00eb t\u00eb konfliktit, hap pas hapi, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb synoj\u00eb arritjen e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb plot\u00eb e gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse. Secila nga k\u00ebto praktika ka t\u00eb mirat e k\u00ebqijat e saj. Formula \u201cgjith\u00e7ka ose asgj\u00eb\u201d e b\u00ebn shum\u00eb t\u00eb zorshme arritjen e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje shum\u00eb t\u00eb holl\u00ebsishme. K\u00ebshtu p\u00ebr shembull marr\u00ebveshja e b\u00ebr\u00eb prej qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb Kolumbis\u00eb me FARC-un n\u00eb vitin 2016 kishte 297 faqe, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb negociatat kishin nisur prej vitit 2012. Mir\u00ebpo nga ana tjet\u00ebr n\u00ebse lihen gj\u00ebra t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme pa trajtuar ato mund ta k\u00ebrc\u00ebnojn\u00eb paqen n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen. Kjo sepse n\u00ebse lihen gj\u00ebra hapur p\u00ebr t’u trajtuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb dyt\u00eb shtohet rreziku p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00ebn e paqes si dhe v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsohet implementimi i marr\u00ebveshjes. P\u00ebrpos k\u00ebsaj, n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre mund t\u00eb thuhet se qasjen \u201cpak e nga pak\u201d, Kosova e ka shterruar tashm\u00eb n\u00eb negociatat teknike shum\u00ebvje\u00e7are n\u00eb Bruksel t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb trajtuar ve\u00e7mas tema t\u00eb ndryshme. Gjithsesi e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb kuptohet se n\u00eb rastin \u00a0e dialogut t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me Serbin\u00eb b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr formul\u00ebn e Ahtisaarit q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb e kot\u00eb t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb komponent kur qasja \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cgjith\u00e7ka ose asgj\u00eb\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Mandej nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr kritik\u00eb q\u00eb po b\u00ebhet shpesh p\u00ebr dialogun \u00ebsht\u00eb se nuk mund t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb n\u00ebse nuk p\u00ebrfshihet edhe L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosja dhe LDK-ja pra k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshirjen nj\u00ebz\u00ebri t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb aktor\u00ebve. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit nuk b\u00ebjn\u00eb presion q\u00eb k\u00ebto dy parti t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb vendit t\u00eb mos rrijn\u00eb duarkryq duke soditur t\u00eb tjerat q\u00eb djegin duart me patatet e nxehta t\u00eb negociatave por t\u00eb marrin p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi e t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihen n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces. Ky i gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshirjes \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu nj\u00eb pretendim qesharak sepse n\u00eb kushtet e pluralizmit dhe t\u00eb liris\u00eb s\u00eb mendimit e veprimit q\u00eb g\u00ebzojm\u00eb sot \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, \u2013 p\u00ebr mos t\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb e pamundur, \u2013 q\u00eb t\u00eb pritet q\u00eb gjith\u00eb shoq\u00ebria t\u00eb shprehet nj\u00ebz\u00ebri, uniform n\u00eb rresht si\u00e7 detyrohen me dhun\u00eb e propagand\u00eb n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri totalitare.<\/span><\/p>\n

Mjafton t\u00eb shikohet se \u00e7far\u00eb ndodhi n\u00eb Maqedoni t\u00eb Veriut dhe Greqi me protestat masive p\u00ebr marrr\u00ebveshjen e Presp\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar q\u00eb proceset e paqes t\u00eb ken\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00eb e t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqur. Konsensusi sa m\u00eb i gjer\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrfshirja sa m\u00eb e madhe \u00ebsht\u00eb e d\u00ebshirueshme sepse i shton legjitimitetin procesit, mir\u00ebpo jo e domosdoshme. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit jemi n\u00eb demokraci ku z\u00ebri i shumic\u00ebs vendos. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast miratimi i marr\u00ebveshjes, n\u00ebse realizohet, pasi t\u00eb b\u00ebhet transparente plot\u00ebsisht do arrihet me nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebsuar n\u00eb parlament dhe nj\u00eb referendum q\u00eb konsiderohet forma m\u00eb e lart\u00eb e demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00c7\u00ebshtja e dialogut \u00ebsht\u00eb sot \u00e7\u00ebshtja m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn dhe meriton maksimumin e seriozitetit, e kthjellt\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb v\u00ebmendjes. Manifestime t\u00eb emocioneve t\u00eb tepruara, q\u00ebndrimet e rr\u00ebmbyera, deklaratat e cek\u00ebta, t\u00eb painformuara, dhe opinionet e dh\u00ebna nga njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb studiuar jan\u00eb duke e kontaminuar dhe turbulluar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb panevojshme k\u00ebt\u00eb debat. Kosova ka nj\u00eb segment t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrfiton nga status-quo-ja dhe arritja e marr\u00ebveshjes ia cenon privilegjet apo pozicionin q\u00eb po shijon, mir\u00ebpo \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb interesin e shtetit dhe pjes\u00ebs d\u00ebrrmuese t\u00eb popullit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb paqes me Serbin\u00eb. Traktati i Parisit q\u00eb formoi Komunitetin Europian t\u00eb Qymyrit dhe \u00c7elikut dhe q\u00eb konsiderohet zanafilla e integrimit evropian, u firmos n\u00eb 18 Prill 1951. Pa u mbushur 6 vite nga p\u00ebrfundimi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, armiqt\u00eb u b\u00ebn\u00eb bashk\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb hapur nj\u00eb kapitull t\u00eb ri t\u00eb paqes. Ne sivjet mbushim 20 vjet nga fundi i luft\u00ebs dhe ende nuk e kemi zgjidhur konfliktin n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb ujdije p\u00ebrfundimare. Prandaj ka ardhur koha q\u00eb ta mb\u00ebshtesim seriozisht k\u00ebt\u00eb proces paqeje duke u treguar edhe ne m\u00eb shum\u00eb evropian\u00eb e m\u00eb pak ballkanik\u00eb, m\u00eb shum\u00eb racional\u00eb e m\u00eb pak emocional\u00eb si dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb largpam\u00ebs e m\u00eb pak peng t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

U b\u00ebn\u00eb shum\u00eb muaj tashm\u00eb q\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtja e finalizimit t\u00eb dialogut me Serbin\u00eb dhe e implikimeve t\u00eb mundshme p\u00ebr projekt-marr\u00ebveshjen, e dominon debatin publik jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb por n\u00eb mbar\u00eb trojet shqiptare. Nuk ka ngelur pothuaj asnj\u00eb figur\u00eb publike q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehur p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb befas i shnd\u00ebrroi t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ata n\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":373,"featured_media":8717,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[669,664,12],"ppma_author":[367],"class_list":["post-4520","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-dialogue","tag-kosovo","tag-serbia"],"authors":[{"term_id":367,"user_id":373,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adri-nurellari","display_name":"Adri Nurellari","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Nurellari","first_name":"Adri","description":"Adri Nurellari \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, k\u00ebshilltar dhe kolumnist i angazhuar kryesisht n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs dhe medias. Ai ka vijuar studimet universitare n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe ato pasuniversitare n\u00eb Cambridge, London School of Economics dhe University College London. Adri \u00ebsht\u00eb ish-k\u00ebshilltar i kryeministrit Sali Berisha dhe ish-sekretar i PDIU-s\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ka punuar si pedagog n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb. Ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar si analist dhe konsulent nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb prej vitit 2013 punon si k\u00ebshilltar i Hashim Tha\u00e7it."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4520","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/373"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4520"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4520\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10483,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4520\/revisions\/10483"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8717"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4520"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4520"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4520"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4520"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}