{"id":4524,"date":"2019-02-28T11:08:27","date_gmt":"2019-02-28T09:08:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4524"},"modified":"2024-11-14T11:11:10","modified_gmt":"2024-11-14T09:11:10","slug":"presidenti-dhe-pamundesia-e-konsensusit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/presidenti-dhe-pamundesia-e-konsensusit\/","title":{"rendered":"Presidenti dhe pamund\u00ebsia e konsensusit"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-up\"><\/div>\n<div class=\"news-down\">\n<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Tre vite m\u00eb par\u00eb, m\u00eb 26 shkurt, Kuvendi i Kosov\u00ebs zgjodhi Hashim Tha\u00e7in President t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Ai kishte fituar me 71 vota n\u00eb rrethin e tret\u00eb, pasi q\u00eb n\u00eb dy rrethet e para nuk ia doli t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb dy t\u00eb tretat e votave t\u00eb deputet\u00ebve. Zgjedhja e tij u kund\u00ebrshtua ashp\u00ebr nga partit\u00eb opozitare q\u00eb dy her\u00eb radhazi kishin nd\u00ebrprer\u00eb seanc\u00ebn duke hedhur gaz lotsjell\u00ebs. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye nga disa ai \u00ebsht\u00eb quajur edhe \u201cPresident i gazit\u201d. Pra q\u00eb n\u00eb start, ai ishte p\u00ebrballur me nj\u00eb ambient t\u00eb polarizuar dhe t\u00eb tensionuar politik ku komunikimi dhe bashk\u00ebpunimi do t\u00eb ishte i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebto kushte, arritja e marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb gjera ishte gati e pamundur dhe e r\u00ebnd\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Vet\u00ebm t\u00eb kujtojm\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjen p\u00ebr demarkimin e kufirit me Malin e Zi q\u00eb ishte n\u00ebnshkruar nga z. Tha\u00e7i gjat\u00eb koh\u00ebs sa ai ishte Minist\u00ebr i Pun\u00ebve t\u00eb Jashtme! Tensionet ishin rritur, gazi ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb normalitet n\u00eb seancat parlamentare, kurse gjasat p\u00ebr unitet ishin gati zero. Cilat jan\u00eb shkaqet p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb munges\u00eb uniteti? Sa \u00ebsht\u00eb fajtor vet\u00eb Tha\u00e7i dhe a ka faktor\u00eb strukturor\u00eb dhe dinamika objektive q\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsojn\u00eb krijimin e nj\u00eb boshti politik q\u00eb bashkon politik\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebsit n\u00eb vend?<\/p>\n<p>\u00c7far\u00eb dihet sigurt \u00ebsht\u00eb se gjat\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb tij si President, zoti Tha\u00e7i nuk ka arritur n\u00eb asnj\u00eb moment ta unifikoj\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike. Ai nuk ia ka dalur q\u00eb t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb n\u00eb praktik\u00eb funksionin e tij si bashkues i spektrit politik. Kjo ka ndodhur p\u00ebr dy arsye kryesore. E para, gjat\u00eb koh\u00ebs sa ai ka qen\u00eb Kryeminist\u00ebr i vendit, por edhe m\u00eb her\u00ebt, \u00ebsht\u00eb njohur si partner i pap\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm politik nga partit\u00eb dhe akter\u00ebt tjer\u00eb politik\u00eb. N\u00eb mesin e akter\u00ebve tjer\u00eb politik\u00eb ky fakt ka akumuluar nj\u00eb mosbesim gjithnj\u00eb e n\u00eb rritje p\u00ebr t\u00eb. Duke qen\u00eb themelues dhe udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs i PDK-s\u00eb p\u00ebr shum\u00eb vite, prapavija dhe e kaluara e tij partiake ende i b\u00ebn hije t\u00eb madhe aktivitetit t\u00eb tij aktual politik. Ai ende perceptohet si bashkudh\u00ebheq\u00ebs i PDK-s\u00eb dhe kjo ia pamund\u00ebson atij q\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb lidhje mbipartiake me akter\u00ebt politik\u00eb. Ai perceptohet si p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb dhe jo i t\u00ebr\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt.<\/p>\n<p>Madje, koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit ai ka pasur edhe p\u00ebrplasje me kryetarin e PDK-s\u00eb, Kadri Veselin. E dyta, Presidenti Tha\u00e7i ka pun\u00eb me nj\u00eb spekt\u00ebr politik \u00e7do her\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb fragmentuar. Partit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha dikur, tani jan\u00eb duke u zvog\u00ebluar, kurse partit\u00eb e vogla dikur, tani po rriten. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb moment partia e par\u00eb pritet t\u2019i ket\u00eb diku 25%, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb vendi i dyt\u00eb, tret\u00eb dhe kat\u00ebrt pritet t\u2019i ken\u00eb 15 deri 23%. \u00a0Dikur partia e par\u00eb n\u00eb vend kishte af\u00ebr 50%, pastaj af\u00ebr 35%, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb tani ka r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb 25%. Skena politike \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb komplekse dhe m\u00eb heterogjene. Secila parti ka axhend\u00ebn dhe vizionin e vet dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shum\u00ebsi pik\u00ebpamjesh \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb gjesh em\u00ebrues t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt praktik\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebta akter\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Pastaj skena politike tani \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e polarizuar sesa n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e President\u00ebve Atifete Jahjaga, Ibrahim Rugova dhe Fatmir Sejdiu. N\u00eb mandatin e tij t\u00eb par\u00eb, Presidenti Rugova ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb President me marr\u00ebveshje gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse. N\u00eb mandatin e tij t\u00eb dyt\u00eb nuk ishte zgjedhur me unanimitet, por formimi i Ekipit t\u00eb Unitetit p\u00ebr negociatat e Pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb, i mund\u00ebsoi q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet faktor unifikues politik. Presidenti Fatmir Sejdiu e trash\u00ebgoi k\u00ebt\u00eb klim\u00eb derisa u dor\u00ebhoq p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb shkeljes s\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb Presidentja Atifete Jahjaga luajti rol unifikues, por m\u00eb pasiv, p\u00ebr shkak q\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb e af\u00ebrt me ShBA-t\u00eb, dikur nj\u00eb faktor vendimtar i unitetit. Gjat\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb Presidentit Tha\u00e7i n\u00eb krye shtetit ka pasur m\u00eb s\u00eb paku unitet.<\/p>\n<p>Ardhjes s\u00eb Tha\u00e7it n\u00eb ul\u00ebsen e Presidentit i parapriu ng\u00ebr\u00e7i politik i krijuar pas zgjedhjeve t\u00eb vitit 2014, kur LDK, VV, AAK dhe NISMA formuan nj\u00eb bllok politik p\u00ebr t\u2019ia pamund\u00ebsuar Hashim Tha\u00e7it q\u00eb t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb mandatin e tret\u00eb si Kryeminist\u00ebr i Kosov\u00ebs. Pas 6 muajve bllokad\u00eb, LDK-ja braktisi VLAN-in dhe u bashkua me PDK-n\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb formuar koalicion qeveris\u00ebs. Pjes\u00eb e marr\u00ebveshjes ishte edhe votimi i zotit Tha\u00e7i p\u00ebr President. VAN-i kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr ta ndaluar nj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb. Pjes\u00eb e masave t\u00eb tyre ishte edhe gazi lotsjell\u00ebs dhe molotov\u00ebt jasht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtes\u00ebs s\u00eb Kuvendit. Pra shihet se q\u00eb nga fillimi, Tha\u00e7i nuk respektohej si figur\u00eb unifikuese. Klima e krijuar ato dit\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ende e pranishme, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb dialogu me Serbin\u00eb vet\u00ebm se e ka thelluar at\u00eb. K\u00ebto dallime nuk i zbut\u00eb as fakti q\u00eb zoti Ramush Haradinaj \u00ebsht\u00eb Kryeminist\u00ebr i nj\u00eb Qeverie t\u00eb formuar nga AAK dhe partia e dikurshme e Presidentit Tha\u00e7i, PDK-ja. Pra as koalicionet qeveris\u00ebse nuk po ia dalin ta shtendosin situat\u00ebn e tensionuar. Politikat e konsensusit kan\u00eb humbur hapin.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo v\u00ebrehet edhe n\u00eb procesin aktual t\u00eb dialogut, proces i monopolizuar nga Presidenti. Kjo i ka t\u00ebhuajsuar pjes\u00ebrisht partit\u00eb politike dhe nj\u00eb qasje e till\u00eb ia ka pamund\u00ebsuar zotit Tha\u00e7i q\u00eb t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb forc\u00eb gravitacionale rreth s\u00eb cil\u00ebs mund t\u00eb grumbullohet spektri politik. Kosova tani nuk ka Ekip t\u00eb Unitetit dhe n\u00eb dialog po futet e pabashkuar dhe me shum\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrime, q\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm se jan\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme, por edhe jan\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta. Por nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb nuk ndodh vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb karakterit p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00ebs t\u00eb Presidentit, por edhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb nj\u00eb relievi politik gjithnj\u00eb e n\u00eb ndryshim. Kosova po p\u00ebrballet me nj\u00eb spekt\u00ebr gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb fragmentuar dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb polarizuar, ku partit\u00eb politike jan\u00eb m\u00eb agresive dhe pa konstruktivetin e nevojsh\u00ebm, sidomos n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb ndjeshme p\u00ebr vendin.<\/p>\n<p>Pra mungesa e nj\u00eb uniteti politik nuk e ka nj\u00eb shkaktar dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb trafik i nj\u00ebansh\u00ebm q\u00eb niset nga Zyra e Presidentit dhe mb\u00ebrrin tek partit\u00eb politike, por ka shum\u00eb shkaktar\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb trafik i dyansh\u00ebm, ku polarizimi prodhohet edhe n\u00eb Zyr\u00eb t\u00eb Presidentit, edhe tek partit\u00eb politike. Lajmi i keq \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb asnj\u00eb parti n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb nuk e ka nj\u00eb kandidat q\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb gjenerator i unitetit. Ne vet\u00ebm jemi futur n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e disensusit, ku akter\u00ebt politik\u00eb nuk orientohen drejt arritjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje t\u00eb gjer\u00eb nd\u00ebrpartiake dhe nd\u00ebrinstitucionale, por priren ta shohin fush\u00ebn politike si nj\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrhershme t\u00eb blloqeve p\u00ebr hegjemoni. D\u00ebmi m\u00eb i madh nga kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb edhe institucionet q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb gjenerojn\u00eb unitet nacional, do t\u00eb b\u00ebhen gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb instrumente t\u00eb luft\u00ebs p\u00ebr dominim. Urat e kultur\u00ebs pluraliste jan\u00eb djegur. Tani kemi mure q\u00eb ushqejn\u00eb antagonizma. K\u00ebto mure jan\u00eb garanc\u00eb se bllokadat dhe ng\u00ebr\u00e7et politike do ta shoq\u00ebrojn\u00eb gjat\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb kosovar\u00eb dhe nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb president q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u2019i shmang\u00eb leht\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\"><\/div>\n<div class=\"share\">\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>&nbsp; Tre vite m\u00eb par\u00eb, m\u00eb 26 shkurt, Kuvendi i Kosov\u00ebs zgjodhi Hashim Tha\u00e7in President t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Ai kishte fituar me 71 vota n\u00eb rrethin e tret\u00eb, pasi q\u00eb n\u00eb dy rrethet e para nuk ia doli t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb dy t\u00eb tretat e votave t\u00eb deputet\u00ebve. Zgjedhja e tij u kund\u00ebrshtua ashp\u00ebr nga [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":415,"featured_media":10254,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1425,972,1779],"ppma_author":[778],"class_list":["post-4524","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-konsensusi","tag-kosove","tag-presidenti"],"authors":[{"term_id":778,"user_id":415,"is_guest":0,"slug":"shkodran-ramadani","display_name":"Shkodran Ramadani","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/shkodran-e1729253403162.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/shkodran-e1729253403162.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ramadani","first_name":"Shkodran","description":"Shkodran Ramadani  \u00ebsht\u00eb hulumtues  n\u00eb Institutin \u201cCompass\u201d n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb. Ai ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet Bachelor n\u00eb Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb dhe studimet Master n\u00eb Sociologji n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Shkodrani \u00ebsht\u00eb aktiv n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e hulumtimeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb tranzicionale, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, populizmit, sekularizmit, demokracis\u00eb konsociacionale dhe autonomis\u00eb."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4524","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/415"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4524"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4524\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10255,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4524\/revisions\/10255"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10254"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4524"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4524"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4524"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4524"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}