{"id":4535,"date":"2021-09-20T11:57:11","date_gmt":"2021-09-20T09:57:11","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4535"},"modified":"2025-01-17T12:01:48","modified_gmt":"2025-01-17T10:01:48","slug":"rimendimi-i-politikes-iii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/kritike\/rimendimi-i-politikes-iii\/","title":{"rendered":"Rimendimi i Politik\u00ebs (III)"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Rishpikja e politik\u00ebs<\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrmasat e mendimit novator t\u00eb Montesquieu-s\u00eb askush nuk i kishte kapur m\u00eb rroksh\u00ebm sesa federalist\u00ebt amerikan\u00eb. Ata e aplikuan at\u00eb si guid\u00eb drejtuese n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e sistemit politik shtet\u00ebror federal q\u00eb n\u00eb themelet e republik\u00ebs s\u00eb sapolindur. Te konstatimet e tij teorike ky brez i politik\u00ebs amerikane\u00a0gjeti \u201cat\u00eb q\u00eb revolucionar\u00ebt francez\u00eb zbuluan te Jean-Jacques Rousseau\u201d.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e njohur th\u00ebnia e John Adamasit se \u201cpushteti kufizohet me pushtet, interesi me interes, forca me forc\u00eb, madje edhe arsyeja me arsye dhe po ashtu pasioni me pasion\u201d.<\/p>\n

Devotshm\u00ebria politike n\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00ebzimin e k\u00ebtij parimi si frym\u00ebzim t\u00eb sjelljes politike amerikane mbase p\u00ebrb\u00ebn arsyen kryesore se pse et\u00ebrit themelues t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb u p\u00ebrcaktuan p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb sistemi federal politik dhe pse n\u00eb instanc\u00eb t\u00eb fundit revolucioni amerikan nuk p\u00ebrfundoi n\u00eb terror sikurse ai francez, por n\u00eb konstitucionaliz\u00ebm si nj\u00eb ombrell\u00eb fatlume p\u00ebr sigurimin dhe garantimin e lirive politike dhe civile p\u00ebr banor\u00ebt e atij shteti. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb slogani \u201cYes We Can\u201d u b\u00eb\u00a0 forca m\u00eb e spikatur e mobilizimit politik, moral dhe psikologjik t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj shoq\u00ebrie q\u00eb nga fillimet e saja. Ajo e form\u00ebson kuptimin autentik t\u00eb liris\u00eb politike amerikane. Aft\u00ebsia e saj p\u00ebr mrekulli t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme ende vazhdon t\u00eb jet\u00eb mahnit\u00ebse.<\/p>\n

Dhe k\u00ebtu nuk duhet harruar faktin se ishte Montesquieu q\u00eb n\u00eb librin \u201cFryma e Ligjeve\u201d e p\u00ebrshkroi i pari konceptualisht dallimin nd\u00ebrmjet liris\u00eb filozofike t\u00eb vullnetit (I Will) dhe modelit t\u00eb liris\u00eb politike (I Can). N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, \u201c\u00e7do shestim i liris\u00eb politike krahas relacionit t\u00eb saj me kushtetut\u00ebn duhet t\u00eb portretizohet edhe n\u00eb raport me qytetar\u00ebt\u201d.\u00a0 Prandaj ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb Hannah Arendt n\u00eb librin e saj \u201cOn Revolution\u201d (Mbi Revolucionin) kur pohon se termi liri n\u00eb truallin e \u201cbot\u00ebs s\u00eb re\u201d u p\u00ebrdor n\u00eb nj\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb panjohur deri at\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Me k\u00ebt\u00eb nocion u n\u00ebnkuptua nj\u00eb vler\u00eb \u201ce ndryshme nga vullneti i lir\u00eb dhe mendimi i lir\u00eb q\u00eb filozof\u00ebt e kishin njohur dhe diskutuar q\u00eb nga koha e Sh\u00ebn Augustinit (Saint Augustine). Liria publike s\u2019ishte nj\u00eb sfer\u00eb e brendshme ku dikush mund t\u00eb strehohet n\u00eb vullnetin e tij nga presionet e k\u00ebsaj bote, ajo nuk ishte po ashtu liri arbitrare (liberum arbitrium), e cila e lejon vullnetin t\u00eb zgjedh\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet alternativave. Liria p\u00ebr ata ishte di\u00e7ka e krijuar nga publiku, e prekshme, realitet i k\u00ebsaj bote, e form\u00ebsuar nga njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb t\u00eb g\u00ebzohet po ashtu nga njer\u00ebzit\u201d.<\/p>\n

Magjin\u00eb e k\u00ebtij rendi t\u00eb paprecedent n\u00eb historin\u00eb politike t\u00eb deriat\u00ebhershme askush s\u2019e kishte hetuar\u00a0m\u00eb mir\u00eb sesa Aleski de Tok\u00ebvil (Alexis de Tocqueville) n\u00eb vizit\u00ebn q\u00eb u kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs. Me t\u00eb zbritur n\u00eb tok\u00ebn p\u00ebrtej brigjeve t\u00eb Atlantikut ai ishte mahnitur me impulset dhe zhvillimin unik t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb amerikane.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb librin \u201cDemokracia n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb\u201d (Democracy in America) ai e nuhati risin\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj bote m\u00eb nj\u00eb mpreht\u00ebsi t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme. Asgj\u00eb, thot\u00eb Tocqueville q\u00eb n\u00eb hyrje t\u00eb librit, \u201cnuk m\u00eb ra n\u00eb sy m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa barazia e p\u00ebrgjithshme e kushteve t\u00eb popullit\u201d. Dhe n\u00eb v\u00ebzhgim e sip\u00ebr ai deklaron \u201cshpejt e kuptova se ndikimi i k\u00ebtij fakti shkon shum\u00eb m\u00eb thell\u00eb p\u00ebrtej karakterit politik t\u00eb ligjeve dhe ka nj\u00eb pushtet po aq t\u00eb madh n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb civile sa edhe mbi shtetin\u201d. Kodifikimi shoq\u00ebror i k\u00ebtij parimi e ka shnd\u00ebrruar sipas tij idealin e barazis\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cfakt providencial\u201d.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb historian t\u00eb shtres\u00ebs aristokratike franceze shum\u00eb nga kategorit\u00eb hierarkike t\u00eb trash\u00ebguara nga e kaluara, e q\u00eb kishin qen\u00eb t\u00eb lidhura kryesisht me p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn politike t\u00eb \u201cfronit dhe altarit\u201d, s\u2019ishin n\u00eb gjendje ta p\u00ebr\u00e7onin si duhet k\u00ebt\u00eb ngjarje t\u00eb re politike. Dhe me \u201cq\u00ebllim q\u00eb shpirti njer\u00ebzor t\u00eb mos endet n\u00eb err\u00ebsir\u00eb\u201d, Tocqueville e shtron pandehm\u00ebn e rinvetimit t\u00eb disa nocioneve t\u00eb reja politike q\u00eb lidhen me k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb. Ai e shprehu k\u00ebt\u00eb nevoj\u00eb me nj\u00eb sentenc\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb dhe lakonike: \u201cNj\u00eb shkenc\u00eb e re politike duhet p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn e re\u201d.<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtij v\u00ebzhgimi, krahas ndarjes s\u00eb pushteteve dhe rolit vital t\u00eb shtypit n\u00eb informimin e publikut, nj\u00eb vend qendror n\u00eb k\u00ebto p\u00ebrsiatje e ka z\u00ebn\u00eb edhe kategoria e taunship\u00ebve. Ato u p\u00ebrdor\u00ebn si hap\u00ebsir\u00eb vitale p\u00ebr gjall\u00ebrimin e ideve \u201cdemokratike dhe republikane\u201d. Po ashtu, rreth k\u00ebtyre nj\u00ebsive u mblodh\u00ebn dhe lul\u00ebzuan interesat, pasionet, t\u00eb drejtat dhe detyrat lokale\u201d. Dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebto taunshipe pushteti ishte i shp\u00ebrndar\u00eb me nj\u00eb mjesht\u00ebri t\u00eb admirueshme p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb “integruar numrin me t\u00eb madh t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve p\u00ebr q\u00ebllimet e s\u00eb mir\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme”.<\/p>\n

Politika jofilozofike\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb impresion jo m\u00eb pak t\u00eb vog\u00ebl n\u00eb mendjen e k\u00ebtij politikani evropian t\u00eb tronditur nga arritjet e k\u00ebsaj bote e kishte ushtruar edhe aft\u00ebsia e amerikan\u00ebve t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u2019u mbledhur n\u00eb asociacione dhe shoqata t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbrojtur interesat e tyre politik\u00eb, ekonomik\u00eb dhe kulturor\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu, \u201carti i asociacionit\u201d dhe drejta e njer\u00ebzve p\u00ebr t\u2019u mbledhur lirsh\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebto entitete bazike e p\u00ebrb\u00ebnin \u201cn\u00ebn\u00ebn e t\u00eb gjitha shkencave\u201d p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht se pse shoq\u00ebria amerikane funksiononte n\u00eb at\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb perfekte dhe ishte n\u00eb gjendje p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur sa e sa probleme komplekse ekonomike dhe politike. Prandaj, stimulimin e nj\u00ebsive t\u00eb tilla ai nuk e konsideronte rrezik p\u00ebr shtetin, si\u00e7 mendohej at\u00ebbot\u00eb n\u00eb vendin e tij t\u00eb lindjes, por nj\u00eb shans p\u00ebr ta plot\u00ebsuar veprimtarin\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n

I magjepsur nga potencialet krijuese t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj fryme, Tocqueville n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb lib\u00ebr e formulon nj\u00eb konstatim q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb treguar profetik p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e njer\u00ebzimit. Ai pohon se zhvillimet n\u00eb bot\u00eb n\u00eb vitet e ardhshme n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe do t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzohen nga ndikimi i amerikan\u00ebve dhe rus\u00ebve. Mir\u00ebpo, dallimi \u00ebsht\u00eb se derisa \u201camerikani lufton kund\u00ebr pengesave q\u00eb i v\u00eb p\u00ebrpara natyra, kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e rus\u00ebve jan\u00eb njer\u00ebzit. I pari lufton me shkret\u00ebtir\u00ebn dhe jet\u00ebn e eg\u00ebr, i dyti me qytet\u00ebrimin dhe t\u00eb gjitha arm\u00ebt e tij. Pra, i pari korr fitoret me plug (inovacion), i dyti me shpat\u00eb. Anglo-amerikani mb\u00ebshtet interesin vetjak p\u00ebr t\u2019i arritur q\u00ebllimet e tij dhe i hap fush\u00eb t\u00eb lir\u00eb sensit t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm t\u00eb popullit, rusi e p\u00ebrqendron gjith\u00eb autoritetin e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb dor\u00eb. Mjeti i t\u00eb parit \u00ebsht\u00eb liria, i t\u00eb dytit skllav\u00ebria\u201d.<\/p>\n

Me k\u00ebto fjal\u00eb emblematike ky \u201corakull\u201d politik i koh\u00ebve moderne e p\u00ebrshkruan rolin e k\u00ebtij shteti t\u00eb\u00a0\u201cbot\u00ebs s\u00eb qytet\u00ebruar q\u00eb filozofis\u00eb askund s\u2019i kushtohet m\u00eb pak v\u00ebmendje sesa n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara. \u201cAmerikan\u00ebt\u201d, vazhdon Tocqueville, \u201cnuk kan\u00eb ndonj\u00eb shkoll\u00eb filozofike t\u00eb tyren dhe nuk e para vrasin shum\u00eb mendjen p\u00ebr shkollat n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat \u00ebsht\u00eb ndar\u00eb Evropa, emrat e t\u00eb cilave ata as q\u00eb i njohin\u201d.<\/p>\n

Ky ndikim i jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm i \u201cdemokracis\u00eb mbi veprimin e intelektit n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara\u201d d\u00ebshmon m\u00eb mir\u00eb se asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e\u00a0 politik\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb sistem unik me synim harmonizimin dhe koekzitenc\u00ebn e kontigjencave njer\u00ebzore. Dhe si e till\u00eb kjo ngjarje sh\u00ebnoi fillimin e fundit t\u00eb pretendimeve t\u00eb mendimit filozofik p\u00ebr t’u shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb guid\u00eb t\u00eb domosdoshme t\u00eb veprimeve politike. Kategorit\u00eb mbi-politike dhe q\u00ebllimet finale filozofike s\u2019mund ta deshifronin k\u00ebt\u00eb mrekulli njer\u00ebzore.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu, n\u00ebn pesh\u00ebn e krijimit t\u00eb \u201cNovus Ordo Saeclorum\u201d dhe \u00e7montimit t\u00eb asaj ngrehine e cila datonte q\u00eb nga koha e Platonit, shum\u00eb koh\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb, Hannah Arendt, duke imituar metod\u00ebn e \u201czhyt\u00ebsit t\u00eb perlave\u201d t\u00eb Walter Benjamit, do t\u00eb thellohet n\u00eb ndri\u00e7imin e koraleve politike t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs, porse tani pa ndikimin e tradit\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Restaurimin e dinjitetit t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj sfere ajo e konsideronte t\u00eb nj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsie jetike, p\u00ebr ta kuptuar si duhet k\u00ebt\u00eb dimension t\u00eb jet\u00ebs njer\u00ebzore. Njeriu prej \u201cnatyre \u00ebsht\u00eb qenie apolitike\u201d, por ai b\u00ebhet \u201cqenie politike\u201d sa her\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aktivitet me t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt. Bota politike \u201c\u00ebsht\u00eb bota e pluralitetit\u201d, e interesave t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt.\u00a0 S\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e rast\u00ebsishme q\u00eb etimologjikisht vet\u00eb fjala interes rrjedh nga vokabulari politik i romak\u00ebve dhe si e till\u00eb e shpreh at\u00eb q\u00eb ndodhet n\u00eb mes nesh \u201cinter\u2013esse\u201d(to be or lie between). K\u00ebshtu \u201cnjer\u00ebzit dhe jo njeriu\u201d e p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb epiqendr\u00ebn e aktivitet politik. Prandaj, preokupimi i mendimit tradicional t\u00eb filozofis\u00eb politike vet\u00ebm me kategorin\u00eb e singluaritetit ishte arsyeja bazike se pse \u201cfilozofia kurr\u00eb nuk zuri vend n\u00eb terrenin e politik\u00ebs\u201d. Asaj i mungonte aparati konceptual p\u00ebr t\u00eb operuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb ambient.<\/p>\n

Madje, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb librit \u201cOrigjinat e Totalitarizmit\u201d (The Origins of Totalitarianism), kjo teoriciene e pashoqe politike e shekullit XX, rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbjen nga tmerret tragjike q\u00eb i prodhoi ky regjim i paprecedent n\u00eb histori s\u2019e k\u00ebrkoi n\u00eb soliditetin e jet\u00ebs \u201cmendore apolitike\u201d, n\u00eb utopit\u00eb e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs, qiellin e past\u00ebr t\u00eb ideve filozofike, apo n\u00eb doktrinat e shp\u00ebtimit shpirt\u00ebror, por e ravij\u00ebzoi at\u00eb n\u00eb termat e politik\u00ebs p\u00ebr nj\u00eb fillim t\u00eb ri si dhe n\u00eb afirmimin e kapacitetit inherent njer\u00ebzor p\u00ebr aksion. Sepse, sipas saj, \u201cfillimi, para se t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb ngjarje historike, \u00ebsht\u00eb aft\u00ebsia m\u00eb a lart\u00eb e njeriut; politikisht ai \u00ebsht\u00eb identik me lirin\u00eb\u201d. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, rimendimi i politik\u00ebs t\u00eb \u00e7liruar nga vargonjt\u00eb mental\u00eb t\u00eb tradit\u00ebs p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebri p\u00ebr t’u orientuar si duhet n\u00eb bot\u00ebn politike.<\/p>\n

Me k\u00ebt\u00eb afirmim defintivisht kjo veprimtari ka shansin t\u00eb rikthehet n\u00eb sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e saj t\u00eb veprimit. T\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb medium q\u00eb e mbron \u201clirin\u00eb si q\u00ebllimi m\u00eb i lart\u00eb i saj\u201d, pa t\u00eb cil\u00ebn asgj\u00eb s\u2019mund t\u00eb arrihet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb bot\u00eb. Kurse operimi me kritere politike t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktohet si q\u00ebllim n\u00eb vetvete p\u00ebr t\u00eb. N\u00ebse juridikisht \u201cligjet pozitive n\u00eb qeverit\u00eb kushtetuese b\u00ebhen p\u00ebr t\u2019i ngritur kufijt\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019i krijuar kanalet e komunikimit mes njer\u00ebzve, edhe pse ato i vendosin caqet e veprimeve, por nuk i frym\u00ebzojn\u00eb ato\u201d, at\u00ebher\u00eb politikisht aft\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u201ddh\u00ebn\u00eb premtime dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbajtur ato\u201d p\u00ebrb\u00ebn kushtin pa t\u00eb cilin s\u2019mund t\u00eb veprohet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sfer\u00eb, apo t\u00eb gjykohet cil\u00ebsia e jet\u00ebs politike.<\/p>\n

Performanca e saj duhet t\u00eb vler\u00ebsohet jo nga forca ideologjive q\u00eb proklamon, past\u00ebrtia e shpirtit t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve, por nga veprimet dhe pasojat q\u00eb ata i prodhojn\u00eb. Pra, nga m\u00ebnyra se si shfaqen para atyre q\u00eb pretendojn\u00eb se i p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb. Dhe sa u q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb konsekuent\u00eb fjal\u00ebve t\u00eb kumtuara para t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve n\u00eb teatrin publik t\u00eb aksionit.<\/p>\n

Shp\u00ebrfillja e k\u00ebtij parimi e suspendon kuptimin e ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb saj. Dhe me k\u00ebt\u00eb edhe arsyen themelore t\u00eb bashkimit t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve politikisht.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Rishpikja e politik\u00ebs P\u00ebrmasat e mendimit novator t\u00eb Montesquieu-s\u00eb askush nuk i kishte kapur m\u00eb rroksh\u00ebm sesa federalist\u00ebt amerikan\u00eb. Ata e aplikuan at\u00eb si guid\u00eb drejtuese n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e sistemit politik shtet\u00ebror federal q\u00eb n\u00eb themelet e republik\u00ebs s\u00eb sapolindur. Te konstatimet e tij teorike ky brez i politik\u00ebs amerikane\u00a0gjeti \u201cat\u00eb q\u00eb revolucionar\u00ebt francez\u00eb zbuluan […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":377,"featured_media":12202,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[14],"tags":[1322,868,2389],"ppma_author":[371],"class_list":["post-4535","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-kritike","tag-kritike","tag-politika","tag-rimendimi"],"authors":[{"term_id":371,"user_id":377,"is_guest":0,"slug":"afrim-kasolli","display_name":"Afrim Kasolli","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Kasolli","first_name":"Afrim","description":"Afrim Kasolli ka studiuar Filozofi-Sociologji. Nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka ligj\u00ebruar l\u00ebnd\u00ebn \u201cHyrje n\u00eb Shkencat Politike n\u00eb Kolegjin Victory\u201d. Ka qen\u00eb deputet i Kuvendit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Merret me shkrime dhe ese filozofike. Sfer\u00eb e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e interesit t\u00eb tij \u00ebsht\u00eb filozofia politike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4535","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/377"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4535"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4535\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12206,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4535\/revisions\/12206"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12202"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4535"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4535"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4535"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4535"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}