{"id":4537,"date":"2021-07-02T13:20:59","date_gmt":"2021-07-02T11:20:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4537"},"modified":"2024-11-07T13:22:33","modified_gmt":"2024-11-07T11:22:33","slug":"sinjalet-e-stoltenberg-dhe-mundesia-per-kreativitet-te-nato-s","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/opinion\/sinjalet-e-stoltenberg-dhe-mundesia-per-kreativitet-te-nato-s\/","title":{"rendered":"Sinjalet e Stoltenberg dhe mund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr kreativitet t\u00eb NATO-s"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-up\">\n<h3>Sinjalet e Stoltenberg dhe mund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr kreativitet t\u00eb NATO-s<\/h3>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-down\">\n<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>Vizita e fundit e Sekretarit t\u00eb NATO-s z. Jens Stoltenberg n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb duhet par\u00eb jo si nj\u00eb vizit\u00eb e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb apo rutinore por si nj\u00eb vizit\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb nj\u00eb momentum t\u00eb ri politik n\u00eb vend. Sigurisht se gjuha neutrale q\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00eb NATO ndaj Kosov\u00ebs mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb rritur frustrimin edhe n\u00eb publikun e gjer\u00eb dhe se kjo mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb refleksion i heshtur p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos e konsideruar nj\u00eb vizit\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb si t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme.<\/p>\n<p>V\u00ebrtet\u00eb, si\u00e7 do t\u00eb kishte th\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb ish punonj\u00ebs i k\u00ebsaj organizate, burokracia e NATO-s sikurse nuk do t\u00eb \u2018\u2019l\u00ebviz\u00eb anijen nga pozicioni aktual\u2019\u2019 gj\u00eb q\u00eb e b\u00ebn\u00eb rigjiditetin e saj m\u00eb t\u00eb theksuar sidomos kur krahasohet me BE-n\u00eb e cila ka probleme politike t\u00eb ngjajshme n\u00eb raport me Kosov\u00ebn por ka nj\u00eb pozicion m\u00eb dinjitoz s\u00eb paku kur i referohet Kosov\u00ebs dhe institucioneve t\u00eb saj. N\u00eb pik\u00ebn e ultra-neutralitetit t\u00eb NATO-s ndaj Kosov\u00ebs nuk ka l\u00ebvizje dhe v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nuk pritet t\u00eb ket\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Megjithat\u00eb, gjykuar nga sinjalet e Stoltenbergut transmetuar institucioneve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe publikut n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, sado q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb nxjerrim ndonj\u00eb risi, v\u00ebrehet se ka nj\u00eb zbrapsje nga nj\u00eb pozicion mjaft refuzues q\u00eb kishte burokracia e NATO-s n\u00eb Bruksel n\u00eb raport me procesin e tranzicionit t\u00eb FSK-s\u00eb n\u00eb ushtri.<\/p>\n<p>Rikujtojm\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2018, kur u miratua pakoja e ligjeve p\u00ebr tranzicionin e FSK-s\u00eb nga nj\u00eb mandat thjesht i reagimit emergjent n\u00eb nj\u00eb mandat t\u00eb mbrojtjes, NATO-ja zgjodhi nj\u00eb pozicion p\u00ebrtej neutral duke anuar n\u00eb pozicionin refuzues, duke paralajm\u00ebruar edhe ngrirjen e bashk\u00ebpunimit ekzistues n\u00eb mes t\u00eb prezenc\u00ebs s\u00eb saj n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe Qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Vendimi p\u00ebr tranzicion d\u00ebshmoi deri m\u00eb tani se nuk ishte asgj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se sa nj\u00eb veprim i r\u00ebndomt\u00eb burokratik i institucioneve kosovare pa implikime p\u00ebr stabilitet dhe siguri e rajon.<\/p>\n<p>Me kalimin e koh\u00ebs, kreu dhe burokracia e NATO-s sikurse filluan t\u00eb pajtohen me faktin se trajektorja e zhvillimit t\u00eb FSK-s\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e pakthyeshme dhe tashm\u00eb e pakontestueshme. Kur shtetet an\u00ebtare ky\u00e7e t\u00eb NATO-s vijojn\u00eb (e disa intensifikojn\u00eb) mb\u00ebshtetjen bilaterale ushtarake t\u00eb FSK-s\u00eb, gj\u00eb q\u00eb u konfirmua edhe nga Stoltenbergu, at\u00ebher\u00eb i mbetet NATO-s t\u00eb mendoj\u00eb ndonj\u00eb qasje kreative se si t\u00eb veproj\u00eb n\u00eb raport me zhvillimet brenda Ministris\u00eb s\u00eb Mbrojtjes kur tashm\u00eb do t\u00eb debutohet n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb kapaciteteve grupore t\u00eb mbrojtjes.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb konsensusit, NATO ka vendosur t\u00eb mos b\u00ebj\u00eb hap prapa, por as p\u00ebrpara megjithat\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhja e nj\u00eb qasje kreative n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb kapaciteteve t\u00eb k\u00ebtij institicioni krahas akter\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb bilateral do t\u00eb prodhonte benefite p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha pal\u00ebt. Mbi t\u00eb gjitha, frytet e saja do t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbenin objektivit final t\u00eb krijimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb force me q\u00ebllime t\u00eb mira e cila do t\u00eb ishte prakikisht vet\u00ebm disa milje larg integrimit t\u00eb plot\u00eb n\u00eb NATO, n\u00eb rast se do t\u00eb zhbllokohej trajektorja politike e integrimit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb organizat\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Sigurisht se zhbllokimi politik i integrimit n\u00eb NATO \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7el\u00ebsi dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb e ritheksoi Stoltenberg. Dialogu mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb rezultat eventual n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces do t\u00eb ndryshonte komplet loj\u00ebn n\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb pozicionit t\u00eb NATO-s n\u00eb raport me Kosov\u00ebn.<\/p>\n<p>Madje duke par\u00eb vizionin e pakontestuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr integrim n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aleanc\u00eb dhe munges\u00ebn e \u00e7far\u00ebdo koketimi me akter\u00ebt jo-per\u00ebndimor (k\u00ebtu mendoj n\u00eb Rusin\u00eb, Kin\u00ebn etj), integrimi i p\u00ebrshpejtuar i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb NATO do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb shihej si nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr derivatet kryesore t\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje eventuale me Serbin\u00eb. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme q\u00eb shteti i\u00a0Kosov\u00ebs t\u2019i ket\u00eb synimet e qarta dhe t\u00eb vijoj\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimin me NATO-n pavar\u00ebsisht v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsive dhe frustrimeve simbolike lidhur me denominimin q\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn dhe institucionet.<\/p>\n<p>Sigurisht se \u00ebshte tejet e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme q\u00eb Kosova t\u00eb jet\u00eb po aq e p\u00ebrkushtuar n\u00eb procesin e krijimit t\u00eb kapaciteteve t\u00eb mbrojtjes po aq sa t\u2019i mbaj\u00eb zotimet e veta n\u00eb raport me NATO-n. Insistimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb sfiduar let\u00ebr-k\u00ebmbimin p\u00ebr mos-d\u00ebrgimin e trupave t\u00eb FSK-s\u00eb n\u00eb very \u00ebsht\u00eb jo I duhur dhe do t\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsonte edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mes NATO-s dhe Kosov\u00ebs. Problemet ekzistuese n\u00eb very t\u00eb vendit jan\u00eb t\u00eb karakterit t\u00eb krimit t\u00eb organizuar t\u00eb cilat mund t\u00eb adresohen me forca t\u00eb policies gj\u00eb q\u00eb prezenca e KFOR-it nuk e ka kontestuar. Operacionet e nj\u00ebsive special t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb very t\u00eb vendit jan\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahur nga misioni i KFOR-it dhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb duhet vler\u00ebsuar konstruktivitetin e tyre.<\/p>\n<p>Tutje, \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme q\u00eb zhvillimi i kapaciteve t\u00eb mbrojtjes t\u00eb jet\u00eb transparent n\u00eb raport me KFOR dhe NATO-n n\u00ebp\u00ebr gjith\u00ebsi pavar\u00ebsisht problemeve politike q\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dhe forma tjera, do t\u00eb zhvillohej paralelisht pjesa kryesore e integrimitt\u00eb NATO-s \u2013 ajo e konsolidimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb force mbrojt\u00ebse sipas standardeve t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb vogla ta NATO-s \u2013 deri n\u00eb nj\u00eb realitet t\u00eb ri eventual politik.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Sinjalet e Stoltenberg dhe mund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr kreativitet t\u00eb NATO-s Vizita e fundit e Sekretarit t\u00eb NATO-s z. Jens Stoltenberg n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb duhet par\u00eb jo si nj\u00eb vizit\u00eb e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb apo rutinore por si nj\u00eb vizit\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb nj\u00eb momentum t\u00eb ri politik n\u00eb vend. Sigurisht se gjuha neutrale q\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00eb NATO ndaj Kosov\u00ebs mund [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":525,"featured_media":9655,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[637,1720],"ppma_author":[1694],"class_list":["post-4537","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-nato","tag-stoltenberg"],"authors":[{"term_id":1694,"user_id":525,"is_guest":0,"slug":"florian-qehaja","display_name":"Florian Qehaja","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/florian.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/florian.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Qehaja","first_name":"Florian","description":"Florian Qehaja \u00ebsht\u00eb Ambasadori i Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb Republik\u00ebn e Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4537","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/525"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4537"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4537\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9834,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4537\/revisions\/9834"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9655"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4537"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4537"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4537"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4537"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}