{"id":4562,"date":"2021-07-23T11:32:25","date_gmt":"2021-07-23T09:32:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4562"},"modified":"2024-11-08T11:35:09","modified_gmt":"2024-11-08T09:35:09","slug":"sfida-e-mijevjecarit-dhe-bilanci-i-100-vjetorit-te-partise-komuniste-kineze","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/sfida-e-mijevjecarit-dhe-bilanci-i-100-vjetorit-te-partise-komuniste-kineze\/","title":{"rendered":"Sfida e mij\u00ebvje\u00e7arit dhe bilanci i 100-vjetorit t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Komuniste Kineze"},"content":{"rendered":"
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N\u00eb korrik t\u00eb vitit 1921 nj\u00eb grup i vog\u00ebl revolucionar\u00ebsh kinez\u00eb me bindje komuniste t\u00eb ndihmuar edhe nga komunist\u00ebt evropian\u00eb, sikurse ai holandez Henk Sneevliet, themeluan Partin\u00eb Komuniste Kineze n\u00eb qytetin Shangai. Sot, ajo njihet padyshim si organizata politike m\u00eb e fuqishme n\u00eb bot\u00eb e q\u00eb ka n\u00eb posedim nj\u00eb aparat t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm partiak, shtet\u00ebror dhe ushtarako-policor.<\/p>\n

Ajo ka arritur q\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me dogm\u00ebn-ideologjike partiake ta legjitimoj\u00eb pushtetin e saj dhe nj\u00ebsoj\u00eb trinomin: komb, shtet dhe parti. P\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht, kjo e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb e ka fjal\u00ebn e fundit dhe n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs jan\u00eb hiq m\u00eb pak se mbi 95 milion an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb partis\u00eb, pra m\u00eb shum\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00eb partie sesa banor\u00eb q\u00eb ka aktualisht posedon shteti m\u00eb i madh i Unionit Evropian, Gjermania.<\/p>\n

Pas nj\u00eb shekulli, n\u00eb korrik t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti, gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb ceremonie zyrtare dedikuar 100-vjetorit t\u00eb themelimit t\u00eb partis\u00eb, presidenti kinez Xi Jinping, duke iu drejtuar turm\u00ebs prej 70,000 njer\u00ebzish t\u00eb mbledhur n\u00eb sheshin Tian’anmen, me nj\u00eb vet\u00ebbesim t\u00eb theksuar paraqiti itinerarin 100-vje\u00e7ar partiak dhe trajektoren e ardhshme drejt nj\u00eb Kine moderne dhe socialiste. Kina e sotshme n\u00eb syt\u00eb e presidentit Xi \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fuqi globale dhe lidere n\u00eb fush\u00ebn politike, ekonomike, tregtare, industriale, ushtarake dhe teknologjike.<\/p>\n

Presidenti Xi b\u00ebri t\u00eb qart\u00eb se ai udh\u00ebheq nj\u00eb shtet, q\u00eb nuk guxon n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsohet dhe p\u00ebr\u00e7mohet nga askush. Ai drejton nj\u00eb vend q\u00eb nuk pranon t\u00eb marr\u00eb predikime nga askush, q\u00eb beson se ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u2019i jep leksione dikujt. Kushdo q\u00eb provon t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyj\u00eb n\u00eb pun\u00ebt e Kin\u00ebs do ta gjej\u00eb vet\u00ebn t\u00eb p\u00ebrballur nga nj\u00eb \u201cmur \u00e7eliku i p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga mishi dhe gjaku i 1.4 miliard\u00eb kinez\u00ebve\u201d. Ky ishte bilanci i partis\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme n\u00eb bot\u00eb n\u00eb 100-vjetorin e themelimit t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

Synimi kinez p\u00ebr ndryshmin e rendit ekzistues nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar<\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrfundimi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb dhe i bipolaritetit nd\u00ebrmjet dy fuqive globale t\u00eb asaj kohe, SHBA-ve dhe Bashkimit Sovjetik, ndikuan n\u00eb ndryshimin e rrethanave politike globale n\u00eb favor t\u00eb bot\u00ebs demokratike. Sidoqoft\u00eb, k\u00ebto korniza t\u00eb gjeopolitik\u00ebs t\u00eb dominuar nga nj\u00eb partneritet i ngusht\u00eb transatlantik filluan t\u00eb ballafaqohen me sfida t\u00eb reja. Rendi liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar i form\u00ebsuar nga shtetet demokratike per\u00ebndimore \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar prej vitesh nga ngritja globale e Kin\u00ebs, e cila n\u00ebn sundimin e Partis\u00eb Komuniste p\u00ebrpos q\u00eb synon t\u00eb marr\u00eb drejtimin e rendit ekzistues nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, ajo synon edhe ta form\u00ebsoj\u00eb at\u00eb sipas k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimit t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

Krahasuar me Unionin Evropian, SHBA-ja e pati klasifikuar pesh\u00ebn politike, fuqin\u00eb ekonomike dhe ushtarake t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs si nj\u00eb konkurrente strategjike qysh n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shekullit XXI. N\u00eb shkurt t\u00eb vitit 2002, gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb vizite n\u00eb Japoni, presidenti amerikan George W. Bush deklaroi\u00a0\u201c<\/em>se shekulli XXI do t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb shekull i Paq\u00ebsor-it<\/em><\/a>\u201d.\u00a0<\/em>P\u00ebr realizimin e vizionit t\u00eb saj, SHBA-ja duhet t\u00eb punoj\u00eb ngusht\u00eb me kombet e lira dhe demokratike n\u00eb rajonin e indo-paq\u00ebsorit, si kund\u00ebrpesh\u00eb ndaj shtetit komunist kinez gjithnj\u00eb e n\u00eb ngritje.<\/p>\n

Pasardh\u00ebsi i Bush, Barack Obama, fliste vazhdimisht p\u00ebr vizionin e ri amerikan, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht rreth zhvendosjes s\u00eb gjeopolitik\u00ebs nga transatlantiku n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb indo-paq\u00ebsorit. Ishte Sekretarja e Shtetit e SHBA-ve, Hillary Clinton, e cila p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb artikulli n\u00eb botuar n\u00eb\u00a0Foreign Affairs<\/em>\u00a0(\u201cShekulli i Paq\u00ebsorit t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs<\/a>\u201d) n\u00eb tetor t\u00eb 2011, p\u00ebrdori p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb publikisht fjal\u00ebn \u201caks<\/em>\u201d, ku adresoi planet e qeveris\u00eb amerikane p\u00ebr \u201cshekullin e Paq\u00ebsorit<\/em>\u201d. Sipas saj, rajoni indo-paq\u00ebsor \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb drejtues kryesor i politik\u00ebs globale, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn jetojn\u00eb gati gjysma e popullsis\u00eb s\u00eb bot\u00ebs. P\u00ebr Clinton, ngritja e Kin\u00ebs p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonte nj\u00eb nga marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet dypal\u00ebshe m\u00eb sfiduese q\u00eb SHBA-ve u \u00ebsht\u00eb dashur t\u00eb \u201cadministrojn\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb<\/em>\u201d.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, vizioni amerikan u sfidua, kur Xi Jinping mori udh\u00ebheqjen e partis\u00eb (2012) dhe t\u00eb shtetit (2013). Si kund\u00ebrpesh\u00eb ndaj strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb amerikane ndaj Paq\u00ebsorit, Xi proklamoi vizionin e tij \u201c\u00ebndrra kineze<\/em>\u201d. Q\u00ebllimi i Kin\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb sekret, por q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet ekonomia m\u00eb e madhe n\u00eb bot\u00eb dhe t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoj\u00eb SHBA-t\u00eb. Planet e Xi nuk jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb karakterit ekonomik, ato p\u00ebrmbajn\u00eb dimensione t\u00eb qarta politike dhe ideologjike.<\/p>\n

Modeli kinez ve\u00e7ohet edhe nga dimensioni i autoritarizmit digjital, si nj\u00eb instrument i domosdosh\u00ebm i shtrirjes s\u00eb dor\u00ebs s\u00eb shtetit. Q\u00eb nga ardhja n\u00eb pushtet e presidentit Xi, ai e ka centralizuar pushtetin politik dhe ka rritur ta shtrij\u00eb kontrollin e plot\u00eb mbi qytetar\u00ebt e vendit t\u00eb tij. Zat\u00ebn, ai b\u00ebri ndryshim kushtetuese duke hequr kufizimin prej dy mandateve t\u00eb presidentit t\u00eb vendit duke ia hapur rrug\u00ebn vet\u00ebs t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb udh\u00ebheq Kin\u00ebn pa kufizim.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur ndikimin global n\u00eb planin afatgjat\u00eb, Presidenti Xi ka startuar tashm\u00eb projektin prestigjioz ekonomik \u201cRruga e Re e M\u00ebndafshit\u201d. Idet\u00eb e tij p\u00ebr shekullin XXI p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb zon\u00eb ekonomike t\u00eb dominuar nga Kina, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn shtetet euroaziatike dhe afrikane jan\u00eb t\u00eb lidhura ngusht\u00eb nga toka (Brezi) dhe deti (Rruga), jan\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me ambiciet gjeo-ekonomike dhe gjeo-strategjike t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme e organizatave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe p\u00ebr shtrirjen e ndikimit t\u00eb saj, ato duket t\u00eb mos i ken\u00eb mjaftuar shtetit kinez. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb, Pekini ka krijuar tashm\u00eb institucione t\u00eb tjera politike, ekonomike dhe financiare, t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb duke sh\u00ebrbyer si instrumente t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb zbatimin e projeksioneve t\u00eb Pekinit.<\/p>\n

Parag Khanna e ka p\u00ebrshkruar krijimin e institucioneve paralele t\u00eb krijuara nga Kina si nj\u00eb epok\u00eb e \u201caleanc\u00ebs s\u00eb infrastruktur\u00ebs\u201d, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn, sipas tij, ekonomia dhe diplomacia jan\u00eb dy an\u00ebt e s\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs medalje, me \u201cKin\u00ebn si kontraktori m\u00eb i madh infrastrukturor n\u00eb planet\u201d. Frytet e projeksioneve t\u00eb tilla kineze u ndjen edhe n\u00eb Ballkan p\u00ebrmes formimit t\u00eb mekanizmi sino-evropian \u201c16+1\u201dme vendet e Evrop\u00ebs Qendrore, Juglindore dhe Lindore.<\/p>\n

Partner, konkurrent dhe rival sistematik – \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur kjo?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Prej vitesh ka pasur nj\u00eb diskrepanc\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb t\u00eb gjykuarit nd\u00ebrmjet SHBA-ve dhe UE-s\u00eb n\u00eb raport me Kin\u00ebn. N\u00eb Strategjin\u00eb e Siguris\u00eb Komb\u00ebtare amerikane dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb Mbrojtjes Komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb vitit 2017, e cila qe hartuar n\u00ebn administrat\u00ebn Trump, Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb etiketuar si \u201ck\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi m\u00eb i af\u00ebrt ekzistencial<\/em>\u201d p\u00ebr SHBA-t\u00eb dhe Per\u00ebndimin n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi. Pas dy viteve, UE-ja p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb dokumenti zyrtar t\u00eb\u00a0publikuar n\u00eb mars t\u00eb vitit 2019<\/a>, shprehte p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb qartazi shqet\u00ebsimet e saj n\u00eb lidhje me Kin\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Fakti q\u00eb Kina ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e fuqishme ekonomikisht dhe politikisht, UE-ja e sheh Kin\u00ebn nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht si \u201cnj\u00eb partnere<\/em>\u201d (me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn UE-ja ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunuar n\u00eb tema t\u00eb interesit t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt), \u201cnj\u00eb konkurrente<\/em>\u201d (ekonomike) dhe \u201cnj\u00eb rivale sistematike<\/em>\u201d (q\u00eb promovon modele t\u00eb qeverisjes ndryshe nga Per\u00ebndimi). Ky trinom vler\u00ebsues paraqet kthjelljen evropiane dhe baz\u00ebn e re t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve sino-evropiane. Megjithat\u00eb, ambivalenca evropiane ndaj Kin\u00ebs u d\u00ebshmua edhe me Marr\u00ebveshjen p\u00ebr Investime UE-Kin\u00eb n\u00eb dhjetor t\u00eb vitit 2020.<\/p>\n

Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb tem\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr Aleanc\u00ebn e Atlantikut t\u00eb Veriut, e cila p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb historin\u00eb e saj, p\u00ebrmendi Kin\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb deklarat\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt n\u00eb samitin e NATO-s n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr n\u00eb dhjetor t\u00eb 2019. Q\u00eb nga ajo periudh\u00eb shtetet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb NATO-s jan\u00eb duke zhvilluar nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb unifikuar ndaj Kin\u00ebs, e cila mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim i mundsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr aleanc\u00ebn n\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00ebnyra. Gjat\u00eb samitit t\u00eb NATO-s n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr vendet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb saj pranuan se pesha politike globale e Kin\u00ebs do t\u00eb thot\u00eb\u00a0\u201csfid\u00eb<\/em>\u201d dhe \u201cmund\u00ebsi<\/em>\u201d.<\/a><\/p>\n

Angazhimi i shtuar i Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb Detin Jugor Kinez, nd\u00ebrtimi i ishujve artificial\u00eb n\u00eb rajonin e indo-paq\u00ebsorit, aktivitetet e Pekinit n\u00eb Arktik dhe Afrik\u00eb, fuqizimi i kompanive kineze n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e inteligjenc\u00ebs artificiale dhe t\u00eb 5G, jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm disa nga temat q\u00eb kan\u00eb nj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebr NATO-n. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, investimet kineze n\u00eb armatim dhe ushtrin\u00eb e saj, modernizimi i sistemit t\u00eb mbrojtjes dhe t\u00eb marin\u00ebs kineze jan\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese p\u00ebr NATO-n. Ky shqet\u00ebsim u ritheksua edhe n\u00eb samitin e NATO-s para nj\u00eb muaji n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

Sipas Institutit Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb K\u00ebrkimit t\u00eb Paqes n\u00eb Stockholm p\u00ebr vitin e kaluar, Kina z\u00eb vendin e dyt\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb p\u00ebr shpenzime buxhetore n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e mbrojtjes me 252 miliard\u00eb dollar\u00eb amerikan\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa SHBA renditet e para me 778 miliard\u00eb dollar\u00eb amerikan\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nga t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat e publikuara nga China Military Power Report arrijm\u00eb t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb se, Armata e Kuqe si ushtria m\u00eb e madhe n\u00eb bot\u00eb posedon dy milion ushtar\u00eb aktiv\u00eb, 915,000 ushtar\u00eb prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve jan\u00eb permanent n\u00eb detyr\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa SHBA-t\u00eb zotrojn\u00eb gjithsej 1,35 milion ushtar\u00eb, 486,000 nga t\u00eb cil\u00ebt jan\u00eb aktiv n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim. N\u00eb vitin 2017, Kina ka nd\u00ebrtuar p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb nj\u00eb baz\u00eb ushtarake n\u00eb Xhibuti, nd\u00ebrsa SHBA-t\u00eb posedojn\u00eb rreth 800 baza ushtarake n\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 70 vende t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb bot\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Fakti q\u00eb Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00ebnyra nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb ndaj modelit demokratik per\u00ebndimor dhe kund\u00ebrshtar ndaj interpretimit t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut sipas pik\u00ebpamjes per\u00ebndimore \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb tashm\u00eb nj\u00eb rival sistematik m\u00eb i fuqish\u00ebm se Federata Ruse. Fokusi i k\u00ebtyre konkurrent\u00ebve sistematik\u00eb t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nga perspektiva gjeo-politike ose gjeo-ekonomike, por mbi t\u00eb gjitha p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00ebn e modelit per\u00ebndimor dhe liberal i karakterizuar nga parimet i demokracis\u00eb dhe sundimit t\u00eb ligjit, ku t\u00eb gjitha jan\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb para ligjit dhe askush nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb mbi ligjin (rule of law), duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe ata q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet.<\/p>\n

E n\u00eb republik\u00ebn komuniste ky parim nuk vlen, ngaq\u00eb aty ligjin e b\u00ebn\u00eb partia dhe ajo e p\u00ebrcakton \u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb ligjore (rule by law). K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb, modeli kinez i karakterizuar nga sundimi nj\u00ebpartiak komunist \u2013 nj\u00eb kombinim i kapitalizmit t\u00eb kontrolluar nga shteti \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb model atraktiv p\u00ebr shum\u00eb vende aziatike dhe afrikane. P\u00ebrpjekjet e Kin\u00ebs p\u00ebr relativizim t\u00eb drejtat politike dhe civile, por duke prioretizuar ato t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies ekonomike, \u00ebsht\u00eb duke v\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje t\u00eb arriturat e deritanishme t\u00eb normave globale t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb thelb, ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb asgj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa vizioni i presidentit Xi, i cili n\u00eb Asamblen\u00eb e P\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara n\u00eb 2015 prezantoi iden\u00eb e tij p\u00ebr krijimin e nj\u00eb \u201cbashk\u00ebsie me nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt p\u00ebr njer\u00ebzimin\u201d<\/a>, si nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb alternative p\u00ebr vendet n\u00eb zhvillim, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kontrast me demokracit\u00eb per\u00ebndimore.<\/p>\n

Ngritja globale e Republik\u00ebs Popullore t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs \u2013 sidomos n\u00eb 40 vitet e fundit \u2013 paraqet padyshim sfid\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe globale p\u00ebr shtetet demokratike per\u00ebndimore dhe sistemin e qeverisjes s\u00eb tyre demokratike t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb liri individuale dhe politike.<\/p>\n

Fuqizimi i Kin\u00ebs (brenda dhe jasht\u00eb) n\u00ebn diktatin komunist ka kompleksuar edhe teoricient\u00ebt kryesor amerikan\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kan\u00eb shpresuar se hapja ekonomike kineze dhe rritja e nd\u00ebrvar\u00ebsis\u00eb ekonomike dhe tregtare do t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrohet edhe me hapjen ndaj demokracis\u00eb dhe lirive politike. E kund\u00ebrta \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo \u00e7far\u00eb ka ndodhur n\u00eb Kin\u00eb. Sot, Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb centraliste, m\u00eb diktatoriale, m\u00eb brutale e agresive se sa para 40 vitesh. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cautokraci teknologjike neo-maoiste<\/em>\u201d (Orville Schell).<\/p>\n

Deri sa ky mij\u00ebvje\u00e7ar filloi mbi g\u00ebrmadhat sovjetike me shpres\u00ebn e futjes drejt\u00eb n\u00eb bote m\u00eb demokratike dhe m\u00eb paq\u00ebsore, \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u sfiduar nga alternativa autoritare kineze. Modeli demokratik-per\u00ebndimor \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb tashm\u00eb n\u00eb alarm drejt nj\u00eb fortifikimi t\u00eb bot\u00ebs demokratike kundrejt k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve t\u00eb fuqive autoritare, si rreziku kryesor strategjik i k\u00ebtij mij\u00ebvje\u00e7ari. E k\u00ebsaj liste tashm\u00eb ka vite q\u00eb i prin Kina n\u00ebn diktatin e partis\u00eb s\u00eb saj komuniste q\u00eb synon t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojn\u00eb sistemin ekzistues nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

Bot\u00ebs per\u00ebndimore dhe demokratike nuk i ka mbetur gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, p\u00ebrpos q\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb front t\u00eb bashkuar e t\u00eb fort\u00eb sikurse q\u00eb e kishte krijuar suksessh\u00ebm ndaj Bashkimit Sovjetik. Por, nga eksperienca sovjetike nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb duke m\u00ebsuar vet\u00ebm Per\u00ebndimi si t\u00eb ngadhenjej, por edhe Kina me p\u00ebrkah\u00ebsit e modelit t\u00eb saj, sesi t\u00eb mos mposhtet.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

N\u00eb korrik t\u00eb vitit 1921 nj\u00eb grup i vog\u00ebl revolucionar\u00ebsh kinez\u00eb me bindje komuniste t\u00eb ndihmuar edhe nga komunist\u00ebt evropian\u00eb, sikurse ai holandez Henk Sneevliet, themeluan Partin\u00eb Komuniste Kineze n\u00eb qytetin Shangai. Sot, ajo njihet padyshim si organizata politike m\u00eb e fuqishme n\u00eb bot\u00eb e q\u00eb ka n\u00eb posedim nj\u00eb aparat t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm partiak, shtet\u00ebror […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":407,"featured_media":9897,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1240,1742],"ppma_author":[738],"class_list":["post-4562","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kina","tag-partia-komuniste"],"authors":[{"term_id":738,"user_id":407,"is_guest":0,"slug":"faruk-ajeti","display_name":"Faruk Ajeti","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/faruk-1-640x800-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/faruk-1-640x800-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ajeti","first_name":"Faruk","description":"Dr. Faruk Ajeti \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor shkencor n\u00eb Institutin Austriak p\u00ebr Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb vitit akademik 2019\/20 ishte visiting scholar i Fondacionit Austriak t\u00eb Planit Marshall n\u00eb Institutin p\u00ebr Politik\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme n\u00eb Universitetin Johns Hopkins n\u00eb Washington DC."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4562","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/407"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4562"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4562\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9898,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4562\/revisions\/9898"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9897"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4562"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4562"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4562"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4562"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}