{"id":4680,"date":"2021-04-20T14:22:15","date_gmt":"2021-04-20T12:22:15","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4680"},"modified":"2025-02-06T14:26:48","modified_gmt":"2025-02-06T12:26:48","slug":"qartesia-e-munguar-pjesa-ii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/qartesia-e-munguar-pjesa-ii\/","title":{"rendered":"Qart\u00ebsia e munguar (pjesa II)"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Zbehja e \u201ckarrot\u00ebs s\u00eb integrimit\u201d\u00a0<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, d\u00ebshtimi i BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb trasuar nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb integruese jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr k\u00ebto dy shtete, por n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, e ka zbehur tej mase \u201cstrategjin\u00eb josh\u00ebse\u201d q\u00eb kjo ofert\u00eb ushtronte dikur mbi pal\u00ebt. Bie fjala, strategjia p\u00ebr zgjerim q\u00eb ishte prezantuar n\u00eb vitin 2018 nga burokrat\u00ebt e Brukselit, e ka humbur plot\u00ebsisht shk\u00eblqimin, duke e l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb paqart\u00eb dhe n\u00eb konfuzion t\u00eb plot\u00eb perspektiv\u00ebn evropiane.\u00a0\u00a0Ky d\u00ebshtim ka krijuar parakushte p\u00ebr penetrim t\u00eb strategjive subversive t\u00eb Federat\u00ebs Ruse dhe investimeve kineze. S\u00eb k\u00ebndejmi, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb evropianizimit ka gjetur hap\u00ebsir\u00eb modeli i \u201cputinizimit\u201d si doktrin\u00eb hibride e autoritarizmit me proceset formale zgjedhore.<\/p>\n

Devalvimi konstant q\u00eb i ka ndodhur agjend\u00ebs integruese, pashmangsh\u00ebm e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201ckarrot\u00eb\u201d aspak t\u00ebrheq\u00ebse. Kjo mjegullnaj\u00eb e ka zbehur edhe kredibilitetin e negociator\u00ebve evropian\u00eb dhe i ka shnd\u00ebrruar frazat e tyre rip\u00ebrt\u00ebrit\u00ebse se si Kosova ka t\u00eb ardhme evropiane, n\u00eb klishe aspak t\u00eb besueshme. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, edhe p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr p\u00ebrkushtimit t\u00eb pal\u00ebs kosovare p\u00ebr gati nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb n\u00eb procesin e dialogut dhe konstruktivitetit q\u00eb ajo d\u00ebshmoi, Kosova nuk arriti t\u00eb ket\u00eb p\u00ebrfitime substanciale nga ky proces. P\u00ebrjashto n\u00ebnshkrimin e MSA-s\u00eb, asnj\u00eb arritje tjet\u00ebr nuk mund t\u00eb ve\u00e7ohet. Shoq\u00ebria kosovare vazhdon t\u00eb mbetet vendi m\u00eb i izoluar n\u00eb kontinentin evropian, situat\u00eb kjo q\u00eb e ka r\u00ebnduar teje mase frustrimin psikologjik, shpirt\u00ebror, moral dhe politik.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nd\u00ebkoh\u00eb, me kalimin e viteve u masivizua p\u00ebrshtypja se ky proces po p\u00ebrdoret vet\u00ebm si paravan p\u00ebr t\u00eb justifikuar leht\u00ebsimin e rrug\u00ebs evropiane p\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb. T\u00eb mos flasim k\u00ebtu p\u00ebr rolin agresiv diplomatik t\u00eb k\u00ebtij shteti me an\u00eb t\u00eb fushat\u00ebs p\u00ebr anulimin e njohjeve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, ndaj s\u00eb cil\u00ebs zyrtar\u00ebt e Brukselit reagonin si zakonisht duke u b\u00ebr\u00eb thirrje t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebve t\u00eb tregoheshin t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtura, dhe se pozicioni i tyre, si\u00e7 dihet, mbetet neutral ndaj statusit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, kurse \u00e7do kontest politik pal\u00ebt duhet ta adresojn\u00eb n\u00eb tavolin\u00ebn e bisedimeve.<\/p>\n

Ky devijim tregoi qart\u00eb se mungesa e fokusimit n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet kapitale nuk mund t\u00eb shkoj n\u00eb pafund\u00ebsi. Prandaj, ringjallja e k\u00ebtij procesi nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet duke e p\u00ebrdorur logjik\u00ebn e deritanishme. Madje, k\u00ebt\u00eb rrezik e kishte v\u00ebrejtur me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb edhe profesori i njohur n\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebn p\u00ebr Ekonomi dhe Shkenca Politike t\u00eb Londr\u00ebs (LSE), Xhejms Ker-Lindzi,ku n\u00eb nj\u00eb reagim ndaj nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuesit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, Mirosllav Laj\u00e7ak, paralajm\u00ebronte se \u201cSerbia dhe Kosova me shpejt\u00ebsi po kalojn\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr rrug\u00ebn e Qipros\u201d.\u00a0 Rrjedhimisht, pala kosovare nuk mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrje serioze vet\u00ebm me premtimin e mjegullt t\u00eb \u201cagjend\u00ebs integruese\u201d, n\u00eb raport me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn, paradoksalisht, sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb vazhdonin negociatat aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb thellohej distanca. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, rrjedha e procesit d\u00ebshmoi se pa marr\u00ebveshje finale nd\u00ebrmjet Beogradit dhe Prishtin\u00ebs edhe vet agjenda integruese p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb mision i pamundur, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pengesave q\u00eb pes\u00eb vendet mosnjoh\u00ebse t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb ia kan\u00eb imponuar Kosov\u00ebs. Prandaj, shtegdalja nga ky rreth vicioz e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb domosdoshme ridizajnimin dhe ridefinimin e k\u00ebtij procesi me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb avancimit t\u00eb nj\u00ebmendt\u00eb t\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, diplomacia amerikane e ka pikasur me koh\u00eb se zhbllokimi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar i shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet pa i ndryshuar parametrat bazik t\u00eb dialogut nd\u00ebrmjet Prishtin\u00ebs dhe Beogradit. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, instancat kryesore t\u00eb ShBA-ve(Presidenti, Sekretari i Shtetit), kan\u00eb filluar ta afirmojn\u00eb iden\u00eb se vet\u00ebm njohja reciproke nd\u00ebrmjet dy shteteve duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb q\u00ebllimi final i marr\u00ebveshjes p\u00ebrfundimtare. Natyrisht se komponent\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme e k\u00ebtij akordi t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm mbeten edhe proceset integruese evropiane, mir\u00ebpo, si\u00e7 ka d\u00ebshmuar praktika e deritanishme, ato kan\u00eb mbetur peng i atij kontestit t\u00eb madh politik e historik dhe se pa zgjidhjen e tij \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtohet dinamika e tyre.<\/p>\n

Rreziku i faj\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr d\u00ebshtimin e ri t\u00eb dialogut\u00a0<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, ky orientim i Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs e ka zhvendosur theksin n\u00eb nj\u00eb segment tjet\u00ebr mbi autoritetet e Kosov\u00ebs. N\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha prononcimet q\u00eb protagonist\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb politik\u00ebs amerikane kan\u00eb pasur p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb tem\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulur n\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrin\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb pal\u00ebt t\u00eb rikthehen urgjentisht n\u00eb tavolin\u00ebn e dialogut n\u00eb Bruksel, por edhe q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb demonstrojn\u00eb fleksibilitet politik dhe diplomatik n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb me an\u00eb t\u00eb kompromisit t\u00eb arrihet marr\u00ebveshja, e ku do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihej edhe njohja reciproke. \u00c7far\u00eb do jet\u00eb kompromisi dhe cila do t\u00eb jet\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajta dhe konturat e tij, \u00ebsht\u00eb her\u00ebt t\u00eb spekulohet. Ai do t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktohet nga procesi i dialogut n\u00eb detaje. Nuk ka dyshim se nj\u00ebra prej temave kryesore rreth t\u00eb cil\u00ebs do t\u00eb \u201cthuhen shtizat\u201d n\u00eb raport me k\u00ebt\u00eb problem mbetet \u00e7\u00ebshtja e asociacionit t\u00eb komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe. Cilat do jen\u00eb kompetencat dhe detyrat tij, apo se \u00e7far\u00eb aranzhmane do t\u00eb ofrohen p\u00ebr akomodimin e interesave t\u00eb serb\u00ebve lokal n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, mbetet t\u00eb shihet.<\/p>\n

Si rezultat i k\u00ebsaj dinamike t\u00eb re, institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs, e kan\u00eb obligim q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitura p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb sprov\u00eb madhore. Aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr q\u00eb edhe bashk\u00ebpunimi dhe koordinimi nd\u00ebrmjet Uashingtonit dhe Brukselit do t\u00eb jet\u00eb i nj\u00eb niveli tjet\u00ebr, p\u00ebr dallim nga ai q\u00eb kishte dominuar n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e Administrat\u00ebs Trump.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu nuk duhet p\u00ebrjashtuar edhe tez\u00ebn se vet Presidenti i Serbis\u00eb, Aleksand\u00ebr Vu\u00e7iq, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i interesuar fare p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb dialog. Ai madje nuk do l\u00eb gur\u00eb pa l\u00ebvizur p\u00ebr ta sabotuar at\u00eb; do t\u00eb inskenoj lloj-lloj driblimesh politike dhe marifetesh diplomatike p\u00ebr ta mbajtur peng situat\u00ebn, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn deri sa t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb zgjedhjet q\u00eb do mbahen n\u00eb vitin tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb Serbi. Megjithat\u00eb, sipas t\u00eb gjitha gjasave, ai do t\u00eb shkoj n\u00eb Bruksel sa her\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i k\u00ebrkohet. Nuk do t\u00eb l\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrshtypje se nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i interesuar dhe nuk ka vullnet p\u00ebr dialog. Atje ai do t\u00eb shfaqet me t\u00eb vetmen k\u00ebrkes\u00eb dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht akuz\u00eb: mosgatishm\u00ebrin\u00eb e pal\u00ebs kosovare p\u00ebr zbatuar obligimet e marra n\u00eb lidhje me bashk\u00ebsin\u00eb e komunave. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb strategji perfide do t\u00eb tentoj\u00eb t\u2019i sfidoj si nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuesit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, ashtu dhe shtetin e Kosov\u00ebs si kinse nj\u00eb aktor jo serioz dhe i pap\u00ebrgjesh\u00ebm si pal\u00eb dialoguese.<\/p>\n

Ka gjasa q\u00eb beteja kryesore q\u00eb do zhvillohet gjat\u00eb muajve t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm do t\u00eb marr karakterin e \u201cgjuajtjes s\u00eb shtrigave\u201d me fokusin kryesor se kujt do t\u2019i mbetet barra e d\u00ebshtimit eventual t\u00eb k\u00ebtij procesi. Prandaj, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb retorik\u00ebs mbi hierarkin\u00eb\u00a0 dhe r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e temave, politika Kosovare duhet ta nd\u00ebrtoj me \u00e7do kusht nj\u00eb strategji racionale dialoguese p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrballur dhe mbrojtur nga ky rrezik serioz, aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr q\u00eb vendi yn\u00eb tash po p\u00ebrballet me nj\u00eb thirrje obligative edhe nga aleati yn\u00eb strategjik. Shteti i Kosov\u00ebs nuk e ka luksin t\u00eb paguaj nj\u00eb tag\u00ebr t\u00eb till\u00eb. Kualifikimi i pal\u00ebs kosovare si p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebse p\u00ebr stagnimin dhe d\u00ebshtimin eventual t\u00eb k\u00ebtij procesi do t\u00eb kishte pasoja t\u00eb konsiderueshme. Si\u00e7 thoshte dikur profesor Fehmi Agani, kur filloi L\u00ebvizja jon\u00eb p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi: \u201ckrahas mir\u00ebkuptimit dhe p\u00ebrkrahjes nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ka pasur mjaft q\u00ebndrime nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb esencialisht na kan\u00eb d\u00ebmtuar. Dhe, \u00e7\u2019duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb? T\u00eb mendosh se mundesh t\u00eb shk\u00ebputesh nga bota \u00ebsht\u00eb marr\u00ebzi. T\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqesh t\u00eb injorosh q\u00ebndrimet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshtim\u201d. Rrjedhimisht, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb q\u00ebndrimit konfuz, autoritetet e Prishtin\u00ebs e kan\u00eb obligim strategjik, politik dhe komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb shmangin nj\u00eb skenar t\u00eb till\u00eb, sepse vet\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, Republika e Kosov\u00ebs mund ta realizoj q\u00ebllimin final t\u00eb saj, konsolidimin e subjektivitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb organizata relevante nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe funksionalizimin e plot\u00eb t\u00eb shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

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Ky artikull\u00a0mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autor\u00ebve dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Zbehja e \u201ckarrot\u00ebs s\u00eb integrimit\u201d\u00a0 Sidoqoft\u00eb, d\u00ebshtimi i BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb trasuar nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb integruese jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr k\u00ebto dy shtete, por n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, e ka zbehur tej mase \u201cstrategjin\u00eb josh\u00ebse\u201d q\u00eb kjo ofert\u00eb ushtronte dikur mbi pal\u00ebt. Bie fjala, strategjia p\u00ebr zgjerim q\u00eb ishte prezantuar […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":402,"featured_media":12395,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1043,1474],"ppma_author":[688,371],"class_list":["post-4680","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-be","tag-integrimi"],"authors":[{"term_id":688,"user_id":402,"is_guest":0,"slug":"alfred-marleku","display_name":"Alfred Marleku","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Marleku","first_name":"Alfred","description":"Alfred Marleku ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet bachelor, master dhe ato t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs n\u00eb shkenca politike. Aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Kolegjin \u201cUBT\u201d, Fakultetin e Shkencave Politike.\r\n\r\nP\u00ebr shum\u00eb vjet ka punuar si menaxher i projekteve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb financuara nga Komisioni Evropian, USAID-i, Ambasada Amerikane etj., t\u00eb cilat fokusohen, kryesisht, n\u00eb reformat e arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim dhe zhvillim (R&D); kthimin e trurit; zhvillimin e plan-programeve n\u00eb harmoni me nevojat e tregut etj. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar edhe n\u00eb sektorin publik si k\u00ebshilltar politik n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit juridik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar."},{"term_id":371,"user_id":377,"is_guest":0,"slug":"afrim-kasolli","display_name":"Afrim Kasolli","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Kasolli","first_name":"Afrim","description":"Afrim Kasolli ka studiuar Filozofi-Sociologji. Nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka ligj\u00ebruar l\u00ebnd\u00ebn \u201cHyrje n\u00eb Shkencat Politike n\u00eb Kolegjin Victory\u201d. Ka qen\u00eb deputet i Kuvendit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Merret me shkrime dhe ese filozofike. Sfer\u00eb e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e interesit t\u00eb tij \u00ebsht\u00eb filozofia politike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4680","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/402"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4680"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4680\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12396,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4680\/revisions\/12396"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12395"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4680"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4680"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4680"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4680"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}