{"id":4763,"date":"2021-02-02T13:10:50","date_gmt":"2021-02-02T11:10:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4763"},"modified":"2024-11-06T13:12:34","modified_gmt":"2024-11-06T11:12:34","slug":"gjermania-po-hedh-uje-te-ftohte-mbi-romancen-biden-europe","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/gjermania-po-hedh-uje-te-ftohte-mbi-romancen-biden-europe\/","title":{"rendered":"Gjermania po hedh uj\u00eb t\u00eb ftoht\u00eb mbi romanc\u00ebn Biden-Europ\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

As ardhja e administrat\u00ebs amerikane pro-europiane nuk mund t\u00eb meremetoj\u00eb dot \u00e7arjen brenda koalicionit trans-atlantik. \u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

Pas kat\u00ebr viteve t\u00eb armiq\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb pand\u00ebprer\u00eb t\u00eb presidentit Donald Trump ndaj Europ\u00ebs, inaugurimi i Joe Biden-it jav\u00ebn e kaluar kishte t\u00eb gjitha tiparet dalluese t\u00eb nj\u00eb filmi epokal t\u00eb harmonis\u00eb trans-atlantike. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb Atlantikut, ndjenja e leht\u00ebsimit ishte e dukshme \u2013 dhe askund m\u00eb shum\u00eb se n\u00eb Gjermani, e cila vazhdimisht ka qen\u00eb objekt i t\u00ebrbimit t\u00eb Trump-it. N\u00eb sondazhin e fundit t\u00eb YouGov dhe Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 73 p\u00ebrqind e gjerman\u00ebve p\u00eblqejn\u00eb Biden-in, krahasuar me vet\u00ebm 62 p\u00ebrqind n\u00eb Franc\u00eb dhe 50 p\u00ebrqind n\u00eb vet\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Berlin, zgjedhja e Biden-it u prit me fjalime pasionante nga kancelarja gjermane Angela Merkel, presidenti Frank-Walter Steinmeier, ministri i jasht\u00ebm Heiko Mass, dhe ministrja e mbrojtjes Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer \u2013 t\u00eb gjith\u00eb duke ofruar variante t\u00eb\u00a0Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Re<\/a>\u00a0trans-atlantike. Grupe ekspertesh gjerman\u00eb e amerikan\u00eb shkruan raporte me rekomandime t\u00eb imta se si t\u00eb ringjallen marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet SHBA-Europ\u00eb. (Edhe un\u00eb mora pjes\u00eb n\u00eb dy p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb tilla, si\u00a0kjo<\/a>\u00a0dhe\u00a0kjo<\/a>.)<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkaq n\u00eb Uashington, yjet kan\u00eb vazhduar t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrisin p\u00ebr Europ\u00ebn. Sekretari i ri i Shtetit Antony Blinken, n\u00eb\u00a0seanc\u00ebn e konfirmimit n\u00eb Senat,<\/a>\u00a0i thuri lavde \u201caleancave themelore\u201d t\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara dhe u zotua p\u00ebr lidership me \u201cp\u00ebrul\u00ebsi\u201d, duke shtuar se \u201casnj\u00eb prej sfidave q\u00eb kemi p\u00ebrpara nuk mund t\u00eb tejkalohen nga nj\u00eb vend i vet\u00ebm.\u201d Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb muzik\u00eb p\u00ebr vesh\u00ebt e europian\u00ebve \u2013 dhe jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Berlin. Ekipi i politikave t\u00eb jashtme dhe siguris\u00eb i administrat\u00ebs Biden p\u00ebrb\u00ebrhet nga nj\u00eb grup europianist\u00ebsh t\u00eb ditur, me p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb, e t\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtuar.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, jan\u00eb ca \u00e7arje q\u00eb po shihen p\u00ebrbrenda koalicionit trans-atlantik, t\u00eb cilat nuk i meremeton dot madje as ardhja e administrat\u00ebs amerikane pro-europiane. Dhe kjo \u00e7arje po vjen nga Gjermania. Tre kund\u00ebrth\u00ebnie t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta q\u00eb kan\u00eb dal\u00eb n\u00eb pah q\u00eb prej zgjedhjes s\u00eb Biden-it, ilustrojn\u00eb faktin se sa t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb e ka ekonomia m\u00eb e madhe europiane q\u00eb t\u00eb bashk\u00ebrendoj\u00eb instinktin e saj t\u00eb thell\u00eb p\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb mira si me miqt\u00eb dhe armiqt\u00eb, me faktin e parehatsh\u00ebm se nj\u00eb peisazh i zymt\u00eb strategjik mund ta detyroj\u00eb Gjermanin\u00eb t\u00eb rreshtohet m\u00eb af\u00ebr Per\u00ebndimit \u2013 dhe ta paguaj\u00eb \u00e7mimin p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari, Gjermania \u00ebsht\u00eb forca kryesore shtyt\u00ebse e marr\u00ebv\u00ebshjes jo t\u00eb mir\u00ebpritur mes Bashkimit Europian dhe Kin\u00ebs, e cila me gjas\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb burim kryesor dhe jet\u00ebgjat\u00eb i mosmarr\u00ebveshjes mes SHBA-s\u00eb dhe Europ\u00ebs. Krejt n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 2020, n\u00ebn presidenc\u00ebn gjermane dhe e udh\u00ebhequr nga vet\u00eb Merkel-i, BE-ja n\u00ebnshkroi Marr\u00ebveshjen Gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse p\u00ebr Investime (CAI) me Kin\u00ebn, duke shkaktuar pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb t\u00eb dy an\u00ebt e Atlantikut.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, zgjedhja e Armin Laschet-it pasardh\u00ebs t\u00eb Merkel-it n\u00eb Partin\u00eb KristianDemokrate, q\u00eb faktikisht e b\u00ebn kandidat p\u00ebr kancelar n\u00eb zgjedhjet e shtatorit n\u00eb Gjermani, sh\u00ebnon nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr burim t\u00eb \u00e7arjes trans-atlantike. Guvernatori i tanish\u00ebm i shtetit t\u00eb Nordrhein-Westfalen Laschet \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebn mbik\u00ebqyrje lidhur me respektin q\u00eb ka treguar n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn p\u00ebr presidentin rus Vladimir Putin dhe diktatorin sirian Bashar al-Assad.<\/p>\n

Telashja e tret\u00eb e n\u00ebnvizon edhe m\u00eb tej pushtetin e Rusis\u00eb mbi politik\u00ebn gjermane, dhe aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj q\u00eb t\u00eb shkaktoj\u00eb \u00e7arje mes Gjermanis\u00eb, partner\u00ebve t\u00eb saj europian\u00eb dhe Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara. Manuela Schwesig, guvernatorja socialdemokrate e shtetit Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, \u00ebsht\u00eb promovuese e palodhsme e gazsjell\u00ebsit kontroverz Nord Stream 2, q\u00eb do t\u00eb sjell\u00eb gazin rus n\u00eb Gjermani p\u00ebrmes shtetit t\u00eb saj. Ajo po kritikohet p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb krijimit t\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajturit fondacion ambiental t\u00eb financuar me 20 milion\u00eb Euro nga pronari rus i gazsjell\u00ebsit, Gazprom. Nj\u00eb z\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebs i Schwesig-ut u shpreh hapur se fondacioni u krijua si front p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur sanksionet amerikane ndaj firmave t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshira n\u00eb projekt.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb tunduese q\u00eb t\u00eb tre rastet t\u00eb lexohen si variacione t\u00eb nj\u00eb motivi t\u00eb vet\u00ebm, e t\u00eb mir\u00ebnjohur: nacionalizmi gjeoekonomik i Gjermanis\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrpjekja e saj p\u00ebr baraslargim mes Per\u00ebndimit, t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga Shtetet e Bashkuara, dhe Lindjes, q\u00eb sot n\u00ebnkupton Rusin\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebn. Kjo kritik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb sheshuar me koh\u00eb nga akademik\u00eb gjerman\u00eb si Hans Kundnani. Megjithat\u00eb, e verteta \u00ebsht\u00eb sa e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb, aq edhe e nd\u00ebrlikuar.<\/p>\n

Koha kur Putin-i dhe qeveria e tij kishin ndonj\u00eb kredit n\u00eb Berlin ka kaluar, fal\u00eb aneksimit t\u00eb Krimes\u00eb nga Rusia m\u00eb 2014, luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebn lindore, hakimit t\u00eb kompjuter\u00ebve t\u00eb parlamentit gjerman m\u00eb 2015, vrasjes s\u00eb disidentit \u00e7e\u00e7en m\u00eb Berlin vitin e kaluar, dhe tentimvrasjes s\u00eb fundit t\u00eb liderit t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs ruse Alexei Navalny. Prapa dyerve t\u00eb mbyllura, politikan\u00ebt dhe biznesmen\u00ebt gjerman\u00eb e pranojn\u00eb me mundim se kostoja politike e Nord Stream 2-shit e tejkalon \u00e7do p\u00ebrfitim ekonomik. Por, Gjermania \u00ebsht\u00eb vend federal: Schwesig-u qeveris nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb varf\u00ebr dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb hall p\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00ebdo investimi, nd\u00ebrsa autoriteti qendror n\u00ebn Merkel-in po zbehet para zgjedhjeve komb\u00ebtare. Presioni i sanksioneve amerikane \u2013 pale letr\u00ebn plot zem\u00ebrim t\u00eb tre senator\u00ebve amerikan\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnonte kryetarin e komun\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb porti t\u00eb vog\u00ebl baltik i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb nikoqir i gazsjell\u00ebsit n\u00eb an\u00ebn gjermane \u2013 i ka v\u00ebn\u00eb gjerman\u00ebt, p\u00ebrfshi edhe kritik\u00ebt vendas t\u00eb projektit, n\u00eb pozicion defanziv.<\/p>\n

Si kancelar i ardhsh\u00ebm i mundsh\u00ebm, Laschet-i mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb arsye m\u00eb serioze p\u00ebr brengosjen trans-atlantike. Ai shpesh p\u00ebrshkruhet si version mashkull i Merkel-it, por kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e pasakt\u00eb. Me gjith\u00eb maturin\u00eb dhe ftoht\u00ebsin\u00eb n\u00eb dukje, Merkel-i ka transformuar rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht politik\u00ebn gjermane. P\u00ebrkundrazi, Laschet \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0rikthim n\u00eb politik\u00ebn<\/a>\u00a0e Gjermanis\u00eb Per\u00ebndimore para bashkimit, q\u00eb mbizot\u00ebrohej nga rrjet\u00ebt e njejt\u00eb t\u00eb pushtetit rajonal, kryesisht t\u00eb meshkujve katolik\u00eb, prej t\u00eb cilave ka dal\u00eb Laschet-i. Bindja e tij se Gjermania mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb europiane dhe trans-atlantike, dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht e gatshme t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb af\u00ebrta me Rusin\u00eb e Kin\u00ebn, \u00ebsht\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi e d\u00ebshir\u00ebs s\u00eb vjet\u00ebr gjermanoper\u00ebndimore p\u00ebr t\u00eb ekuilibruar Per\u00ebndimin dhe Lindjen \u2013 politikat e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb t\u00eb\u00a0Westbildung<\/em>\u00a0dhe\u00a0Ostpolitik<\/em>. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashpjegueshme, Laschet-i duket se nuk e sheh nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar qasjen n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme, q\u00eb t\u00eb ballafaqohet me realitetin e ri t\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb ambientit strategjik t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs \u2013 ku nj\u00eb akt i till\u00eb i ekuilibrimit po shihet me dyshim nga partner\u00ebt e Gjermanis\u00eb \u2013 ose edhe me ngritjen e tij n\u00eb sken\u00ebn komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Koh\u00ebt e fundit n\u00eb Berlin, perceptimet e Kin\u00ebs n\u00ebn Xi Jinping-un jan\u00eb mprehur gjithashtu, kryesisht si kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigje ndaj paraqitjes agresive dhe eksploatuese t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs globalisht, por edhe n\u00eb Europ\u00eb. Megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, p\u00ebrderisa marr\u00ebvesha e re e investimeve mes BE-s\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebs po festohet si fitore strategjike n\u00eb Pekin, diplomat\u00ebt n\u00eb Bruksel dhe Berlin e mbrojn\u00eb CAI-n\u00eb si p\u00ebrparim t\u00eb madh n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjen p\u00ebr ta shtyr\u00eb Kin\u00ebn t\u00eb adoptoj\u00eb standarde nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb transparenc\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb pun\u00ebs, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr dosjes s\u00eb dob\u00ebt t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushjen e zotimeve n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn. Europian\u00ebt v\u00ebn\u00eb gishtin te marr\u00ebveshjet e ngjashme me Kin\u00ebn t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruara nga administrata e Trump-it dhe nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb qeverish aziatike, dhe thon\u00eb se vet\u00ebm po e b\u00ebjn\u00eb loj\u00ebn m\u00eb fer p\u00ebr firmat europiane q\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb qasje n\u00eb tregun e madh t\u00eb konsumator\u00ebve n\u00eb Kin\u00eb. Por Merkel-i kishte nevoj\u00eb gjithashtu p\u00ebr nj\u00eb fitore p\u00ebr industrin\u00eb e automjeteve, t\u00eb varur gati krejt\u00ebsisht nga eksporti dhe t\u00eb goditur thell\u00eb nga pandemia. P\u00ebrderisa siguroi p\u00ebrkrahjen e presidentit francez Emmanuel Macron, disa qeveri t\u00eb tjera europiane\u00a0jan\u00eb t\u00eb brengosura dhe kritike<\/a>. Kritika e z\u00ebshme u d\u00ebgjua gjithashtu nga Parlamenti Europian, i cili duhet ta miratoj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjen.<\/p>\n

Em\u00ebruesi i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt i k\u00ebtyre tre episod\u00ebve nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as noacionalizmi cinik gjeopolitik, as naiviteti strategjik, por, fatkeq\u00ebsisht, shkurtpam\u00ebsia. T\u00eb b\u00ebsh sikur Europa dhe Shtetet e Bashkuara n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb, dhe Rusia e Kina n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, mund t\u00eb trajtohen si ekuivalente dhe t\u00eb mbahen n\u00eb ekuilib\u00ebr, ose q\u00eb projektet si Nord Stream 2 dhe marr\u00ebveshjet si CAI jan\u00eb ekonomike dhe reciproke p\u00ebr nga natyra \u2013 kur n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb ato jan\u00eb politike, strategjike dhe t\u00eb shpikura nga Moska dhe Pekini p\u00ebr t\u00eb armatosur nd\u00ebrvar\u00ebsin\u00eb \u2013 t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto d\u00ebmtojn\u00eb unitetin europian dhe kohezionin trans-atlantik, duke i tjet\u00ebrsuar partner\u00ebt dhe aleat\u00ebt e Gjermanis\u00eb. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, k\u00ebto jan\u00eb autogola \u2013 vepra q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb madje as n\u00eb interesin e Gjermanis\u00eb. Lider\u00ebt gjerman\u00eb e din\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, e prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, ende nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb von\u00eb t\u00eb paramendohet nj\u00eb politik\u00eb m\u00eb e vendosur strategjike europiane karshi Rusis\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebs, e till\u00eb ku Gjermania si ekonomi kryesore e Europ\u00ebs do t\u00eb luante rol ky\u00e7. Bresh\u00ebria e kritik\u00ebs mund ta shtyj\u00eb Gjermanin\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb drejtim. Nj\u00eb politik\u00eb e till\u00eb kurrsesi nuk do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte p\u00ebrjashtimin e bashk\u00ebpunimit me Rusin\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebn rreth \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve transnacionale si pandemia apo ndryshimi klimatik. Nj\u00eb politik\u00eb e till\u00eb do t\u00eb pranonte nd\u00ebrvar\u00ebsin\u00eb si realitet gjeografik, ekonomik dhe teknologjik. Krahas k\u00ebsaj, do t\u00eb vendoste fuqish\u00ebm bashk\u00ebpunimin global dhe angazhimin ekonomik n\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb rivalitetit sistemik, do t\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulte n\u00eb reciprocitet dhe vija t\u00eb kuqe, dhe do t\u00eb kishte gatishm\u00ebrin\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorte me m\u00eb shum\u00eb vendosm\u00ebri p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsin\u00eb substanciale ekonomike dhe politike t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs. (Punimet e fundit akademike<\/a>\u00a0mbi strategjin\u00eb e Indo-Paq\u00ebsorit t\u00eb botuara nga disa kombe t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshi Gjermanin\u00eb, jan\u00eb fillim i mbar\u00eb.) Dhe nj\u00eb politik\u00eb e till\u00eb do t\u00eb merrte parasysh mb\u00ebshtetjen ruse p\u00ebr diktator\u00ebt n\u00eb Bellorusi dhe Siri, dhe se shtr\u00ebngimi kinez i fqinjve demokratik\u00eb si Korea e Jugut dhe Taivani kan\u00eb ndikim mbi vlerat dhe sigurin\u00eb e Europ\u00ebs. N\u00eb fund, ajo do t\u2019i jepte fund fantazive t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb europiane p\u00ebrball\u00eb ose Rusis\u00eb ose Kin\u00ebs \u2013 tem\u00eb e parap\u00eblqyer jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Berlin, por edhe n\u00eb Paris.<\/p>\n

Pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyj\u00eb administrata e Biden-it. Europian\u00ebt kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb amerikane karshi bullizmit rus dhe kinez \u2013 dhe supozimi i k\u00ebsaj sigurie u shkund me themel n\u00eb kat\u00ebr vitet e fundit. Nd\u00ebrkaq, Shtetet e Bashkuara kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunimin diplomatik, ekonomik dhe rregulativ t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Por ekipi i Biden-it \u2013 ndon\u00ebse m\u00eb miq\u00ebsori ndaj BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb dekadat e fundit \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb i ndar\u00eb mes optimist\u00ebsh dhe pesimist\u00ebsh, kur vjen puna te mund\u00ebsia e bashk\u00ebpunimit me Europ\u00ebn, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht rreth Kin\u00ebs, \u00e7\u00ebshtjes m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr ta. Kolegu im Thomas Wright nga Brookings mendon se CAI mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb l\u00ebvizur ekuilibrin drejt pesimist\u00ebve. S\u00eb paku, barra e argumentimit t\u00eb Nord Stream 2 dhe CAI bie mbi Brukselin, dhe m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti mbi Berlinin, p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar se jan\u00eb serioz\u00eb rreth nj\u00eb qasjeje m\u00eb strategjike dhe gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse karshi forcave autoritare q\u00eb sfidojn\u00eb Per\u00ebndimin dhe rendin global.<\/p>\n

A jan\u00eb gati dhe a kan\u00eb vullnet politikb\u00ebr\u00ebsit gjerman\u00eb t\u00eb ftojn\u00eb homolog\u00ebt e tyre amerikan\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto bisedime? Thuhej dikur p\u00ebr liderin palestinez Yasser Arafat se kurr\u00eb nuk humbte mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb humbte mund\u00ebsin\u00eb. Do t\u00eb ishte p\u00ebr keqardhje n\u00ebse Gjermania, do ta humbte mund\u00ebsin\u00eb n\u00eb Uashington \u2013 posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht duke pasur parasysh se mund\u00ebsia mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb koh\u00ebshkurt\u00ebr. Por lider\u00ebt e Gjermanis\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ken\u00eb parasysh se nj\u00eb pozicion m\u00eb proaktiv dhe strategjik mund t\u2019iu jepte m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi jo vet\u00ebm ndaj rival\u00ebve, por edhe miqve t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb\u00a0Foreign Policy<\/a><\/p>\n

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Ky artikull\u00a0mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit\u00a0dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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As ardhja e administrat\u00ebs amerikane pro-europiane nuk mund t\u00eb meremetoj\u00eb dot \u00e7arjen brenda koalicionit trans-atlantik. \u00a0 Pas kat\u00ebr viteve t\u00eb armiq\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb pand\u00ebprer\u00eb t\u00eb presidentit Donald Trump ndaj Europ\u00ebs, inaugurimi i Joe Biden-it jav\u00ebn e kaluar kishte t\u00eb gjitha tiparet dalluese t\u00eb nj\u00eb filmi epokal t\u00eb harmonis\u00eb trans-atlantike. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb Atlantikut, ndjenja e […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":76,"featured_media":9720,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1687,1668,1686],"ppma_author":[86],"class_list":["post-4763","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-biden","tag-evropa","tag-gjermania"],"authors":[{"term_id":86,"user_id":76,"is_guest":0,"slug":"constanze-stelzemuller","display_name":"Constanze Stelzem\u00fcller","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-6-3.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-6-3.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Stelzem\u00fcller","first_name":"Constanze","description":"Constanze Stelzenm\u00fcller studioi drejt\u00ebsi n\u00eb Bon dhe Gjenev\u00eb (1979-1985), me fokus n\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn kushtetuese, evropiane dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Ajo ishte nj\u00eb studiuese McCloy n\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebn Kennedy t\u00eb Harvardit (MPA 1988), m\u00eb pas nj\u00eb studiuese vizitore n\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebn Juridike t\u00eb Harvardit (1988\u20131989). Teza e saj e doktoratur\u00ebs mbi demokracin\u00eb e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara u botua nga Nomos n\u00eb 1994. Karriera e saj n\u00eb gazetari filloi si praktikante n\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrditshmen e Berlinit Der Tagesspiegel nga 1992\u20131993 dhe m\u00eb pas punoi n\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrjavshmen Die Zeit n\u00eb Hamburg nga viti 1994 e tutje. Fillimisht si reporter e e Fondit Marshall (GMF) i zyr\u00ebs s\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara n\u00eb Berlin nga 2005\u20132009 dhe aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtare e lart\u00eb Transatlantik me GMF n\u00eb Berlin. Ajo ishte nj\u00eb an\u00ebtare e politikave p\u00ebrkujtimore t\u00eb John F. Kennedy n\u00eb CES n\u00eb tetor 2010."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4763","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/76"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4763"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4763\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9721,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4763\/revisions\/9721"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9720"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4763"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4763"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4763"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4763"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}