{"id":4766,"date":"2021-03-25T13:13:07","date_gmt":"2021-03-25T11:13:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4766"},"modified":"2024-11-06T13:15:02","modified_gmt":"2024-11-06T11:15:02","slug":"india-lidhet-ngushte-me-perendimin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/india-lidhet-ngushte-me-perendimin\/","title":{"rendered":"India lidhet ngusht\u00eb me Per\u00ebndimin"},"content":{"rendered":"
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N\u00eb nj\u00eb kthes\u00eb t\u00eb madhe gjeopolitike, Nju Delhi po afrohet n\u00eb shum\u00eb fronte.<\/em><\/p>\n

Me deklarimin, jav\u00ebn e kaluar, se \u201cKat\u00ebrshes i ka ardhur koha\u201d n\u00eb samitin e par\u00eb t\u00eb Dialogut Kat\u00ebrpal\u00ebsh me Shtetet e Bashkuara, Japonin\u00eb dhe Australin\u00eb, kryeminstri indian Narendra Modi ka d\u00ebrguar sinjal t\u00eb qart\u00eb se India nuk ngurron m\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb punoj\u00eb me Per\u00ebndimin n\u00eb aren\u00ebn globale, p\u00ebrfshi fush\u00ebn e siguris\u00eb. Gatishm\u00ebria e re e vendit p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb forumet per\u00ebndimore sh\u00ebnon kthes\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb bot\u00ebkuptimin e Indis\u00eb s\u00eb pavarur. Ai bot\u00ebkuptim ka qen\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb i p\u00ebrkufizuar nga ideja e mosangazhimit dhe i versionit t\u00eb saj t\u00eb m\u00ebvonsh\u00ebm, autonomis\u00eb strategjike \u2013 ku t\u00eb dyja kishin t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me t\u00eb qenit t\u00eb ndar\u00eb, n\u00ebse jo kund\u00ebr, nga aleancat per\u00ebndimore t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. Por sot \u2013 e shtyr\u00eb nga ndryshimi i ekulibrit t\u00eb pushtetit n\u00eb Azi, qasja e kthjell\u00ebt e Indis\u00eb ndaj interesit komb\u00ebtar, dhe e p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb suksesshme t\u00eb president\u00ebve amerikan\u00eb \u2013 India po nd\u00ebrmerr hapa gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm drejt Per\u00ebndimit.<\/p>\n

Kat\u00ebrshja [The Quad] nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb institucioni i vet\u00ebm Per\u00ebndimor me t\u00eb cilin India mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhet s\u00eb shpejti. Nju Delhi \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gati t\u00eb angazhohet me nj\u00eb gam\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb forumeve per\u00ebndimore n\u00eb dit\u00ebt n\u00eb vazhdim, p\u00ebrfshi G-7 dhe Pes\u00eb Syt\u00eb [Five Eyes]. K\u00ebt\u00eb ver\u00eb, Britania ka ftuar Indin\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb takimin e G-7 n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr, s\u00eb bashku me joan\u00ebtar\u00ebt e tjera: Australin\u00eb dhe Koren\u00eb e Jugut. Ndon\u00ebse India ka qen\u00eb ftuar p\u00ebr disa vite me radh\u00eb n\u00eb takimet e G-7 \u2013 nj\u00eb a dy nivele m\u00eb posht\u00eb se samitet \u2013 takimi i Londr\u00ebs pritet t\u00eb jet\u00eb test p\u00ebr krijimin e \u201cGrupit t\u00eb Dhjet\u00eb Demokracive,\u201d ose D-10.<\/p>\n

Sot n\u00eb Uashington ka ide t\u00eb shumta p\u00ebr koalicionet e teknologjis\u00eb t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequra nga SHBA-ja, q\u00eb ta zvog\u00eblojn\u00eb var\u00ebsin\u00eb e tanishme t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit nga Kina. Dy nisma q\u00eb u b\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb ditura n\u00eb samitin e Kat\u00ebrshes \u2013 grupi punues p\u00ebr teknologjit\u00eb ky\u00e7e, dhe nisma e vaksinave p\u00ebr t\u00eb furnizuar Azin\u00eb Juglindore \u2013 n\u00ebnvizojn\u00eb prospektet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb rol t\u00eb Indis\u00eb n\u00eb zinxhirin e besuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb furnizimit me teknologji, t\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara dhe partner\u00ebve t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb bashku me Japonin\u00eb, n\u00eb tetor t\u00eb vitit 2020, India i \u00ebsht\u00eb bashkuar gjithashtu takimit t\u00eb Pes\u00eb Syve \u2013 aleanc\u00ebs p\u00ebr shk\u00ebmbimin e inteligjenc\u00ebs me Shtetet\u00a0e\u00a0Bashkuara, Kanadas\u00eb, Britanis\u00eb, Australis\u00eb dhe Zeland\u00ebs s\u00eb Re \u2013 p\u00ebr t\u00eb diskutuar m\u00ebnyrat p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb qasje agjencive p\u00ebr zbatimin e ligjit n\u00eb komunikimet e koduara n\u00eb platformat si WhatsApp dhe Telegram. Pes\u00eb Syt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb aleanc\u00eb shum\u00eb e ngusht\u00eb, dhe ka pak gjasa q\u00eb India t\u00eb b\u00ebhet an\u00ebtare n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen e af\u00ebrt. Megjithat\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e mundshme q\u00eb t\u00eb paramendohen konsultime t\u00eb af\u00ebrta mes Pes\u00eb Syve dhe institucioneve indiane t\u00eb inteligjenc\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb se angazhimi i Indis\u00eb me institucionet per\u00ebndimore nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht i ri. India iu bashkua Komonuelthit t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga Britania m\u00eb 1947, por vet\u00ebm pasi kryeministri i par\u00eb i Indis\u00eb Jawaharlal Nehru u sigurua q\u00eb forumi t\u00eb mos kishte asnj\u00eb rol t\u00eb siguris\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e pasluft\u00ebs. Refuzimi p\u00ebr t\u2019iu bashkuar aleancave ushtrake ishte pik\u00eb kryesore e politik\u00ebs indiane t\u00eb mosangazhimit.<\/p>\n

Nehru-ja iu drejtua Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara kur politika e tij e miq\u00ebsis\u00eb me Kin\u00ebn u shemb n\u00eb fund t\u00eb viteve 1950. Duke u p\u00ebrballur me konfliktin ushtarak me Kin\u00ebn n\u00eb kufirin e gjat\u00eb dhe t\u00eb kontestuesh\u00ebm m\u00eb 1962, Nehru-ja k\u00ebrkoi asistenc\u00eb masive mbrojt\u00ebse nga presidenti amerikan John Kennedy. Me vdekjen e Kennedy-t dhe Nehru-s\u00eb menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas tij, prospektet p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim strategjik mes Nju Delhit dhe Uashingtonit u shuan shpejt.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vitet 1970, India u largua nga Per\u00ebndimi n\u00eb tre nivele. N\u00eb aksin Lindje-Per\u00ebndim, ajo u afrua me Bashkimin Sovjetik. N\u00eb aksin Veri-Jug, u b\u00eb kampione e Bot\u00ebs s\u00eb Tret\u00eb. Kjo u p\u00ebrforcua nga kthesa e majt\u00eb e politikave vendore t\u00eb Indis\u00eb dhe d\u00ebmtimi i q\u00ebllimsh\u00ebm i bashk\u00ebpunimit tregtar me Per\u00ebndimin.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vitet 1970, shum\u00eb erdhen n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim se antiamerikanizmi qe i gdhendur n\u00eb kodin gjenetik t\u00eb Indis\u00eb. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb India kishte votuar m\u00eb shpesh n\u00eb Kombet e Bashkuara kund\u00ebr Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara, se sa kund\u00ebr Bashkimit Sovjetik. Ideja se India \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshti t\u00eb papajtueshme me Shtetet e Bashkuara ishte vler\u00ebsim dominant i kryeqyteteve t\u00eb t\u00eb dy vendeve. Shumica e akademik\u00ebve t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme indiane supozuan se sido q\u00eb t\u00eb ndodhte \u2013 brenda a jasht\u00eb vendit \u2013 India do t\u00eb jet\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithnj\u00eb e tjet\u00ebrsuar nga Per\u00ebndimi.<\/p>\n

Por, historia e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Indis\u00eb n\u00eb tre dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebt e fundit ka qen\u00eb e karakterizuar me p\u00ebrparime t\u00eb ngadalshme, por definitive, drejt bashk\u00ebpunimit me Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe Per\u00ebndimin. Samiti i Kat\u00ebrshes nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm kulminacion i asaj trajektoreje t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, por gjithashtu nj\u00eb hap i madh p\u00ebrpara.<\/p>\n

Ishte reforma e ekonomis\u00eb indiane n\u00eb fund t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb, s\u00eb bashku me shembjen e Bashkimit Sovjetik si partnere superfuqi e Indis\u00eb, q\u00eb krijoi themelet p\u00ebr p\u00ebrt\u00ebritjen e lidhjeve mes Nju Delhit dhe Uashingtonit. Por edhe kur lidhjet e zgjeruara tregtare filluan t\u00eb stabilizoheshin dhe t\u00eb thellojn\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet dypal\u00ebshe n\u00eb vitet 1990, aktivizmi i Uashingtonit n\u00eb Kashmir dhe padurimi p\u00ebr ta denuklearizuar Indin\u00eb, i v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsoi gj\u00ebrat p\u00ebr Nju Delhin. E goditur nga trazirat dhe nj\u00eb epok\u00eb e qeverive t\u00eb koalicioneve t\u00eb dob\u00ebta, Nju Delhi ndoqi nj\u00eb strategji p\u00ebr t\u00eb minimizuar rreziqet, duke iu bashkuar nism\u00ebs ruse p\u00ebr t\u00eb ashtuquajturin trek\u00ebnd\u00ebsh strategjik me Mosk\u00ebn dhe Pekinin, q\u00eb me koh\u00eb evoluoi n\u00eb Forumin BRICS, pas bashkimit t\u00eb Brazilit dhe Afrik\u00ebs s\u00eb Jugut.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, presidenti amerikan George W. Bush revolucionarizoi politik\u00ebn amerikane ndaj Indis\u00eb n\u00eb vitet 2000, duke hequr dor\u00eb nga impulsi nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsues i Uashingtonit n\u00eb Kashmir, duke e shk\u00ebputur angazhimin me Nju Delhin prej atij me Islamabadin, dhe duke zgjidhur mosmarr\u00ebveshjet rreth mosp\u00ebrhapjes s\u00eb arm\u00ebve b\u00ebrthamore. Bushi kuptoi q\u00eb India \u00ebsht\u00eb ky\u00e7e p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb ekuilibri t\u00eb qendruesh\u00ebm t\u00eb pushtetit n\u00eb Azi, si kontinent q\u00eb po transformohej nga ngritja e shpejt\u00eb e Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Porsa Uashingtoni ishte i gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb transformonte marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien me Nju Delhin, India u paralizua nga vet\u00ebdyshimi dhe pasiguria. N\u00ebse ish-kryeministri i at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm Atal Bihari Vajpayee kishte quajtur Indin\u00eb dhe Shtetet e Bashkuara \u201caleat\u00eb t\u00eb natyrsh\u00ebm\u201d m\u00eb 1998 \u2013 n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur askush nuk dukej i interesuar n\u00eb Uashingtonin \u2013 pasardh\u00ebsi i tij, Manmohan Singh, u rikthye n\u00eb pik\u00ebn e m\u00ebparshme. Qeveria e tij filloi ta ringjallte politik\u00ebn e mosangazhimit, t\u00eb mbante larg\u00ebsi nga Shtetet e Bashkuara, dhe t\u00eb ritheksonte parimin e autonomis\u00eb strategjike. Madje edhe kur tensionet indo-kineze u shtuan pas vitit 2008 \u2013 kur kriza globale financiare dukej se e kishte bindur udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsin\u00eb kineze se Shtetet e Bashkuara ishin n\u00eb shuarje e sip\u00ebr, ku p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb Pekini mveshi nj\u00eb pozicion m\u00eb kategorik ndaj fqinj\u00ebve \u2013 qeveria e Singh-ut vazhdoi t\u2019i bishtnonte pushtetit amerikan.<\/p>\n

Modi, i cili u b\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr m\u00eb 2014, filloi t\u00eb kthente mbrapsht rezistenc\u00ebn e Nju Delhit p\u00ebr nj\u00eb partneritet m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb me Uashingtonin. Pohimi i tij gjat\u00eb fjalimit t\u00eb vitit 2016 n\u00eb Kongresin amerikan, se \u201cngurrimeve historike\u201d t\u00eb Indis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u angazhuar me Shtetet e Bashkuara u kishte ardhur fundi, nuk ishte thjesht loj\u00eb retorike.<\/p>\n

Modi zgjidhi \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e mbetura q\u00eb kishin parandaluar zbatimin e marr\u00ebveshjes historike b\u00ebrthamore mes Indis\u00eb dhe SHBA-s\u00eb m\u00eb 2008, rijet\u00ebsoi marr\u00ebveshjen e vitit 2005 p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e mbrojtjes, dhe n\u00ebnshkoi t\u00eb ashtuquajturat marr\u00ebveshje themeltare t\u00eb mbrojtjes, q\u00eb kan\u00eb mund\u00ebsuar nd\u00ebroperueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb mes forcave t\u00eb armatosura t\u00eb t\u00eb dy vendeve. Ai zgjeroi st\u00ebrvitjet e p\u00ebrvitshme dypal\u00ebshe, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Japonin\u00eb m\u00eb 2015 dhe Australin\u00eb m\u00eb 2020, ndihmoi n\u00eb ringjalljen e Kat\u00ebrshes s\u00eb fjetur m\u00eb 2017, krijoi versionin e tij t\u00eb strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb Lir\u00eb dhe t\u00eb Hapur t\u00eb Indo-Paq\u00ebsorit m\u00eb 2018, dhe iu bashkua samitit t\u00eb Kat\u00ebrshes m\u00eb 2021.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrtej marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnies me Shtetet e Bashkuara, Modi gjithashtu ringjalli interesin strategjik t\u00eb Indis\u00eb n\u00eb Komonuelth, p\u00ebrforcoi lidhjet me Bashkimin Europian, dhe iu bashkua Aleanc\u00ebs Europiane p\u00ebr Multilateriz\u00ebm. Ai u p\u00ebrpoq ta b\u00ebnte Indin\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb zgjidhjes s\u00eb problemit t\u00eb ndryshimit klimatik, p\u00ebrkrahu \u201cshum\u00ebsin\u00eb e pal\u00ebve t\u00eb interesit\u201d n\u00eb qeverisjen globale t\u00eb internetit, inicoi Aleanc\u00ebn Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare Solare dhe partneritetin detar t\u00eb Indo-Paq\u00ebsorit me Franc\u00ebn, dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb i gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb themelet p\u00ebr partneritet t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm strategjik me kryeministrin britanik Boris Johnson n\u00eb takimin e muajit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm n\u00eb Indi.<\/p>\n

Secila prej k\u00ebtyre l\u00ebvizjeve shkoi kund\u00ebr instinkteve mbizot\u00ebruese t\u00eb klas\u00ebs politike t\u00eb Indis\u00eb, establishmentit burokratik, dhe komunitetit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme.<\/p>\n

Dy faktor\u00eb i kan\u00eb ndihmuar k\u00ebsaj. S\u00eb pari, Modi ka bartur shum\u00eb pak ngarkes\u00eb ideologjike antiper\u00ebndimore t\u00eb nacionalist\u00ebve q\u00eb lul\u00ebzojn\u00eb n\u00eb partin\u00eb e tij ose n\u00eb qendr\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb majt\u00ebn politike, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt parap\u00eblqejn\u00eb t\u00eb rrin\u00eb larg Uashingtonit. Gjykimi i Modi-t se Indis\u00eb i duhet nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie m\u00eb produktive me Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe Per\u00ebndimin \u00ebsht\u00eb i rr\u00ebnjosur n\u00eb p\u00ebrllogaritjen e thjesht\u00eb t\u00eb interesit komb\u00ebtar, e jo n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb arsyetim tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, merit\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb kan\u00eb disa president\u00eb amerikan\u00eb \u2013 Bill Clinton n\u00eb mandatin e tij t\u00eb dyt\u00eb, George W. Bush, Barack Obama, dhe Donal Trump \u2013 i cili k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulte n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur Nju Delhi luftonte me demon\u00ebt antiper\u00ebndimor\u00eb. N\u00ebse k\u00ebrkoni shembull tipik t\u00eb \u201cdurimit strategjik\u201d \u2013 ky \u00ebsht\u00eb ai. Biden-i duket i vendosur t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb trash\u00ebgimi.<\/p>\n

Edhe pse si Nju Delhi ashtu edhe Uashingtoni, e mohojn\u00eb se Kat\u00ebrshja \u00ebsht\u00eb aleanc\u00eb ushtarake, kjo sigurisht se mund ta afroj\u00eb Indin\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se kurr\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb koalicion t\u00eb siguris\u00eb me Per\u00ebndimin. Ndon\u00ebse, India kishte n\u00ebnshkruar nj\u00eb pakt aleance me Bashkimin Sovjetik n\u00eb 1971, ajo u t\u00ebrhoq menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas shk\u00ebputjes s\u00eb Bangladeshit nga Pakistani, dhe ku pasoi nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb e menj\u00ebhershme. N\u00ebse India i ka shmangur aleancat p\u00ebrve\u00e7 nj\u00eb rasti, ideja e pjes\u00ebmarrjes indiane n\u00eb koalicione t\u00eb ndryshme me vende t\u00eb ndryshme per\u00ebndimore nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb tabu n\u00eb Delhi.<\/p>\n

Natyrisht, India do t\u00eb jet\u00eb partner shum\u00eb i ndrysh\u00ebm p\u00ebr Shtetet e Bashkuara se aleat\u00ebt e tanish\u00ebm europian\u00eb e aziatik\u00eb. India \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e gatshme t\u00eb ndaj\u00eb barr\u00ebn amerikane t\u00eb siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Indo-Paq\u00ebsor n\u00eb terma q\u00eb sjellin p\u00ebrfitime t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjella. Duke marr\u00eb parasysh madh\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe potencialin e saj afatgjat\u00eb, kontributi i Indis\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb mjaft i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb sigurimin e Azis\u00eb. N\u00eb fakt, strategji e Indo-Paq\u00ebsorit t\u00eb Lir\u00eb e t\u00eb Hapur dhe Kat\u00ebrshja jan\u00eb garanci p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb pohim. Ashtu mund t\u00eb thuhet edhe p\u00ebr padurimin n\u00eb Uashington, Toki dhe Kanbera, p\u00ebr t\u00eb bashkuar \u201cIndo-n\u201d me \u201cPaq\u00ebsorin\u201d dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb sjell\u00eb Indin\u00eb e parreshtuar n\u00eb grupime t\u00eb aleat\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Por p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb shohim historin\u00eb e Indis\u00eb, asgj\u00eb nga k\u00ebto q\u00eb u than\u00eb nuk duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb befasi. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, India kontribuoi mjaft n\u00eb fitoret e Aleat\u00ebve n\u00eb Luft\u00ebn e Par\u00eb dhe t\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore \u2013 gati nj\u00eb milion ushtar\u00eb indian\u00eb sh\u00ebrbyen n\u00eb Luft\u00ebn e Par\u00eb dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy milion\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb Dyt\u00ebn. Q\u00eb India nuk ishte pavarur at\u00ebher\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se ushtar\u00ebt dhe resurset indiane nuk luajt\u00ebn rol t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb rezultatin e atyre luft\u00ebrave.<\/p>\n

Do t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb m\u00eb e arsyeshme t\u00eb paramendohet se kontributi i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i Indis\u00eb n\u00eb fitoret e Aleat\u00ebve do t\u00eb ishte p\u00ebrkthyer n\u00eb partneritet me Per\u00ebndimin n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb rendi t\u00eb ri global pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. Por shkurtpam\u00ebsia e sunduesve kolonial\u00eb britanik\u00eb, konfrontimi i tyre i hapur me l\u00ebvizjet komb\u00ebtare indiane n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn mes dy luft\u00ebrave, ndarja e n\u00ebnkontinentit, animi angloamerikan kah Pakistani, shk\u00ebputja aktive e Nehru-s\u00eb nga aleancat Per\u00ebndimore, dhe orientimi nga brenda ekonomik i Nju Delhit, zvog\u00ebloi duksh\u00ebm spikatjen e Indis\u00eb n\u00eb institucionet e pasluft\u00ebs. Kat\u00ebrshja na jep t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb se mund t\u00eb jemi m\u00eb af\u00ebr vendit ku filluam. Ka kaluar koh\u00eb e gjat\u00eb, por India mund t\u00eb rishfaqet si partner i natyrsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr Per\u00ebndimin n\u00eb Lindje \u2013 k\u00ebsaj here n\u00eb kushte q\u00eb nj\u00eb Indi shum\u00eb m\u00eb e fort\u00eb negocion me Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe aleat\u00ebt e saj.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb\u00a0Foreign Policy<\/a>, m\u00eb 19 mars, 2021.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Ky artikull\u00a0mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit\u00a0dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

N\u00eb nj\u00eb kthes\u00eb t\u00eb madhe gjeopolitike, Nju Delhi po afrohet n\u00eb shum\u00eb fronte. Me deklarimin, jav\u00ebn e kaluar, se \u201cKat\u00ebrshes i ka ardhur koha\u201d n\u00eb samitin e par\u00eb t\u00eb Dialogut Kat\u00ebrpal\u00ebsh me Shtetet e Bashkuara, Japonin\u00eb dhe Australin\u00eb, kryeminstri indian Narendra Modi ka d\u00ebrguar sinjal t\u00eb qart\u00eb se India nuk ngurron m\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb punoj\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":69,"featured_media":9723,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1688,1689],"ppma_author":[78],"class_list":["post-4766","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-india","tag-perendimi"],"authors":[{"term_id":78,"user_id":69,"is_guest":0,"slug":"c-raja-mohan","display_name":"C. Raja Mohan","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-11.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-11.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Mohan","first_name":"C. Raja","description":"C. Raja Mohan \u00ebsht\u00eb drejtori i Institutit t\u00eb Studimeve t\u00eb Azis\u00eb Jugore t\u00eb Universitetit Komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Singaporit dhe nj\u00eb ish an\u00ebtar i Bordit K\u00ebshillues t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb Komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Indis\u00eb."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4766","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/69"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4766"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4766\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9724,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4766\/revisions\/9724"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9723"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4766"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4766"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4766"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4766"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}