{"id":4769,"date":"2021-03-26T12:26:31","date_gmt":"2021-03-26T10:26:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4769"},"modified":"2025-01-17T12:29:42","modified_gmt":"2025-01-17T10:29:42","slug":"22-vjetori-i-intervenimit-te-nato-s-ne-kosove","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/22-vjetori-i-intervenimit-te-nato-s-ne-kosove\/","title":{"rendered":"22 vjetori i intervenimit t\u00eb NATO-s n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

<\/h3>\n<\/div>\n
\n
\n

Intervenimi i NATO-s n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe e drejta nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00ebn em\u00ebrtimin \u201cintervenim humanitar\u201d n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb m\u00eb 24 mars 1999 p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb NATO nd\u00ebrmori nj\u00eb sulm ajror ndaj nj\u00eb shteti n\u00eb kontinentin evropian. Bombardimet e NATO-s u b\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme kur Beogradi p\u00ebr 10 vjet me radh\u00eb kishte refuzuar thirrjet e bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr gjetjen e nj\u00eb zgjidhje paq\u00ebsore p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e Kosov\u00ebs. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, kjo luft\u00eb e NATO-s kund\u00ebr s\u00eb keqes n\u00eb Ballkan po ndodhte me tet\u00eb vjet vones\u00eb. Bernard-Henry Levy, filozof i njohur francez, mendonte se Millosheviqi ishte dashur t\u00eb d\u00ebnohej dhe t\u00eb pengohej qysh n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve 1990, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos ndodhte shkat\u00ebrrimi i qyteteve, vrasja e qindra mij\u00ebra qytetar\u00ebve dhe nj\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrim i papar\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb qysh nga Lufta e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore.<\/em><\/p>\n

Pavar\u00ebsisht angazhimeve t\u00eb shumta diplomatike q\u00eb nga viti 1989 p\u00ebr parandalimin e shp\u00ebrthimit t\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, p\u00ebrfundimisht m\u00eb 24 mars 1999 Nato-ja u detyrua t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorte forc\u00ebn ushtarake kund\u00ebr caqeve ushtarake serbe n\u00eb Serbi, Vojvodin\u00eb, Mal t\u00eb Zi dhe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Duke provuar t\u00eb arrihej nj\u00eb zgjidhje politike, komuniteti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb gabimesh dhe l\u00ebshimesh pa t\u00eb cilat shanset p\u00ebr zgjidhje politike n\u00eb koh\u00eb dhe sukseset e nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimit do t\u00eb ishin m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu vlen t\u00eb p\u00ebrmenden nd\u00ebr m\u00eb kryesoret:<\/p>\n

N\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, ishte mb\u00ebshtetja e pamjaftueshme nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e strategjis\u00eb pacifiste t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00ebn drejtimin e Rugov\u00ebs gjat\u00eb viteve 90-t\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit XX. Angazhimi i organizatave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr nj\u00eb zgjidhje t\u00eb statusit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs brenda shtetit serb, e cila nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb kufizoi hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn p\u00ebr negociata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb nga fillimi. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rrethan\u00eb U\u00c7K fitoi terren dhe shum\u00eb shpejt rekrutoi t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb, duke i inkurajuar se pavar\u00ebsia e Kosov\u00ebs mund t\u00eb arrihej vet\u00ebm me mjete ushtarake.<\/p>\n

Dhe s\u00eb fundi refuzimi i Beogradit p\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00ebdo zgjidhjeje politike n\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn e Rambujes\u00eb, si\u00e7 kishte ndodhur me negociatat e Dejtonit, determinuan angazhimin ushtarak t\u00eb Aleanc\u00ebs Veriatlantike n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Sigurisht, nuk mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfytyrohet n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte ndodhur n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb sikur NATO t\u00eb mos kishte nd\u00ebrhyr\u00eb ushtarakisht, por \u00ebsht\u00eb e sigurt se pa nd\u00ebrhyrjen ushtarake t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit, krimet dhe mizorit\u00eb serbe do t\u00eb vazhdonin n\u00eb p\u00ebrmasa edhe m\u00eb tragjike sesa n\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb. Qysh n\u00eb vjesht\u00eb kishte indikacione t\u00eb bollshme se Beogradi po planifikonte t\u00eb jet\u00ebsonte planin e koduar ushtarak \u201cPaktoi\u201d, sipas t\u00eb cilit shqiptar\u00ebt p\u00ebrfundimisht do t\u00eb d\u00ebboheshin nga Kosova, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i hapej rrug\u00eb serbizimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtij territori, nj\u00eb synim i provuar pa sukses q\u00eb nga luft\u00ebrat ballkanike 1912\/13. Po t\u00eb t\u00eb ishte arritur q\u00ebllimi i qeveris\u00eb serbe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Kosove pa shqiptar, si mund t\u00eb mund t\u00eb realizohej plani q\u00eb refugjat\u00ebt t\u00eb ktheheshin m\u00eb von\u00eb n\u00eb sht\u00ebpit\u00eb e tyre?<\/p>\n

Mungesa e nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjeje n\u00eb k\u00ebto pyetje do t\u00eb shp\u00ebrfaqte pafuqin\u00eb e mjedisit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe do ta humbiste kredibilitetin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe at\u00eb t\u00eb NATO-s, n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr gjetjen e nj\u00eb zgjidhje afatgjate p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim aksioni i NATO-s duhet par\u00eb si n\u00eb lloj\u00a0ultima radio<\/em>, q\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte p\u00ebrgatitur mir\u00eb n\u00eb kuptimin e realizimit t\u00eb q\u00ebllimit, n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur ishte shteruar \u00e7do p\u00ebrpjekje diplomatike n\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn e Rambujes\u00eb dhe m\u00eb pas.<\/p>\n

Kjo rrjedh\u00eb e ngjarjeve se NATO-ja nuk kishte zgjidhje tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebrve\u00e7 luft\u00ebs n\u00eb pranver\u00ebn e vitit 1999, pavar\u00ebsisht se disa qarqe dhe grupe t\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00ebs ekstreme e kund\u00ebrshtonin opsionin e luft\u00ebs, por nuk ofronin asnj\u00eb zgjidhje p\u00ebr p\u00ebrndjekjen dhe vrasjen kolektive t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve nga makineria ushtarake e Beogradit. N\u00eb fakt aksioni i NATO-s ndodhi pas shum\u00eb paralajm\u00ebrimeve t\u00eb NATO-s dhe pasi Beogradi kishte injoruar thirrjet e OKB-s\u00eb, angazhimet e Grupit t\u00eb Kontaktit, t\u00eb OSBE-s\u00eb dhe t\u00eb emisar\u00ebve tjer\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb. Millosheviqi tregohej konfrontues dhe arrogant me Per\u00ebndimin dhe krejt hapur deklaronte se ishte i gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb shkelte mbi trupat e shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, duke u thirrur n\u00eb eksperienc\u00ebn e komunist\u00ebve jugosllav\u00eb n\u00eb fund t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. Me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb, Beogradi nuk mori n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb mjetet jo ushtarake t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit. Prandaj, NATO-ja nga pranvera e vitit 1998 e deri n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb vitit 1999 shteroi t\u00eb gjitha instrumentet jo ushtarake efektive.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb NATO-s imagjinuan se, si p\u00ebrpara Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Dejtonit, ashtu edhe tani vet\u00ebm disa goditje ajrore do t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb mjaftueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00ebllim. Kjo pritje shkoi paralelisht me d\u00ebshir\u00ebn q\u00eb problemi i Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb me sukses p\u00ebrpara takimit jubilar t\u00eb NATO-s n\u00eb Uashington m\u00eb 24 prill 1999. Prandaj, mendohet se ka pasur nj\u00eb presion shtes\u00eb kohor p\u00ebr fillimin e fushat\u00ebs para k\u00ebtij samiti.<\/p>\n

Pasi as BE-ja, as OKB-ja nuk kishin arritur t\u00eb parandalojn\u00eb ose t\u2019i japin fund mizorive dhe d\u00ebbimeve gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Bosnje midis 1992 dhe 1995, pro sulmet e ajrore t\u00eb NATO-s ishin parakusht p\u00ebr arritjen e marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb paqes n\u00eb Dejton, edhe n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs NATO-ja nuk d\u00ebshironte t\u00eb priste p\u00ebrs\u00ebri shum\u00eb derisa t\u00eb ndodhte nj\u00eb \u201cBosnj\u00eb t\u00eb dyt\u00eb\u201d. Si\u00e7 tregojn\u00eb deklaratat politike t\u00eb lider\u00ebve per\u00ebndimor\u00eb n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb sulmeve ajrore, vendimi i NATO-s p\u00ebr intervenim ushtarak u bazua n\u00eb q\u00ebllime dhe vlera humanitare, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos lejuar gjenocid dhe shp\u00ebrngulje masive shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb fund shekullit XX. Serioziteti i k\u00ebtij arsyetimi mb\u00ebshtetet nga fakti se n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs nuk b\u00ebhej fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr asnj\u00eb motiv gjeostrategjik ose q\u00ebllimi i sigurimit t\u00eb interesave ekonomike si arsye p\u00ebr misionin ajror t\u00eb NATO-s. Besimi, se me p\u00ebrgatitjen p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrje ushtarake po b\u00ebhej gj\u00ebja e duhur etike dhe politike, ishte po aq i madh sa n\u00eb vjesht\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 1998. Prandaj u lan\u00eb m\u00ebnjan\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha debatet p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe NATO-ja n\u00ebn drejtimin e SHBA-s\u00eb evitoi bllokad\u00ebn e parap\u00ebrgatitur nga rus\u00ebt n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Sigurimit. Ky zhvillim gjithashtu shkaktoi nj\u00eb dinamik\u00eb t\u00eb re q\u00eb e b\u00ebri luft\u00ebn me Beogradin gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, Rusia me refuzimin e Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Rambujes\u00eb, e kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb se do ta p\u00ebrdorte veton e saj n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Sigurimit, jo p\u00ebr ta mbrojtur parimin e legalitetit dhe legjitimitetit, por thjesht\u00eb p\u00ebr ta nd\u00ebrlikuar edhe m\u00eb tej mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e zgjidhjes s\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe p\u00ebr ta sabotuar n\u00eb vazhdim \u00e7far\u00ebdo pranie t\u00eb NATO-s dhe t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim intervenimi ushtarak i NATO-s n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe goditja e caqeve ushtarake serbe paraqet ngjarjet m\u00eb madhore n\u00eb historin\u00eb e NATO-s deri at\u00ebher\u00eb dhe ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb kontekstin e p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb Lindje-Per\u00ebndim. Askush nuk e kishte paramenduar se t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb nga SHBA, Franca, Britania e Madhe, Gjermania dhe vende tjera an\u00ebtare t\u00eb NATO-s do t\u00eb merrnin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb luft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shp\u00ebtuar shqiptar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs nga p\u00ebrndjekja dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi p\u00ebr shfarosje q\u00eb po u b\u00ebnte regjimi i Millosheviqit.<\/p>\n

Pavar\u00ebsisht se intervenimi i NATO-s n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs po ndodhte pas nj\u00eb vones\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, kishte edhe personalitete dhe pacifist\u00eb radikal\u00eb q\u00eb e vinin n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje legjitimitetin e intervenimit t\u00eb NATO-s. \u201cN\u00eb Kosov\u00eb paqja e muajve t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb paqe e varreve kolektive. Nj\u00eb paqe kjo, q\u00eb duhet hedhur posht\u00eb me vendosm\u00ebri. Un\u00eb nuk e kuptoj q\u00ebndrimin atyre q\u00eb k\u00ebrcejn\u00eb p\u00ebrpjet\u00eb si keca duke p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur: paqe, paqe, paqe, pa pyetur se me \u00e7far\u00eb krimesh paguhet ajo,\u201d shkruante Bernard-Henry Levy, filozof i njohur francez.<\/p>\n

Mir\u00ebpo, meq\u00eb n\u00eb rrafshin e t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare Kosova b\u00ebnte pjes\u00eb brenda Jugosllavis\u00eb s\u00eb mbetur, p\u00ebr \u00e7ka faji kryesor ishte i vendeve t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat pa asnj\u00eb kusht e kishin njohur at\u00eb me 1996, tek disa vendeve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb NATO-s ekzistonin dyshime mbi ligjshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrjeje t\u00eb NATO-s, pasi me k\u00ebt\u00eb aksion vihej n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje sovraniteti i k\u00ebtij shteti. N\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn gjasht\u00eb nga shtetet an\u00ebtare – Belgjik\u00eb, Gjermani, Franc\u00eb, Greqi, Itali dhe Spanj\u00eb, gjat\u00eb koh\u00ebs kishin shqet\u00ebsime politike, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht shqet\u00ebsime sa i p\u00ebrket t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr nj\u00eb “nd\u00ebrhyrje humanitare” juridikisht t\u00eb diskutueshme.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb an\u00ebn, Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs ishin nj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebse e fort\u00eb e veprimit ushtarak, dhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb ndikuan edhe tek vendet e lartp\u00ebrmendura. Uashingtoni ishte i k\u00ebnaqur q\u00eb rezolutat e OKB-s\u00eb 1160 dhe 1199 ishin t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb Kapitullin VII t\u00eb Kart\u00ebs s\u00eb KB, dhe me k\u00ebt\u00eb argumentonte se kjo ishte nj\u00eb baz\u00eb e mjaftueshme q\u00eb NATO t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmerrte nj\u00eb veprim ushtarak. Edhe jurist\u00ebt britanik\u00eb n\u00eb Foreign Office nuk e kund\u00ebrshtuan interpretimin amerikan, por k\u00ebrkuan nj\u00eb baz\u00eb ligjore p\u00ebr “t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e nd\u00ebrhyrjes”, pasi ata mendonin se Aleat\u00ebt e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Gjirit n\u00eb 1991 kishin aplikuar zonat e ndalim fluturimeve mbi Irakun, pa pasur nj\u00eb rezolut\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me Kapitullin VII.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb debat shumica e figurave publike nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare mbronin q\u00ebndrimin se kjo luft\u00eb e NATO-s kund\u00ebr caqeve ushtarake serb n\u00eb territorin e Kosov\u00ebs, Serbis\u00eb dhe Vojvodin\u00ebs dhe Malit t\u00eb Zi po ndodhte me tet\u00eb vjet vones\u00eb. Ekzistonte pik\u00ebpamja se Millosheviqi ishte dashur t\u00eb d\u00ebnohej dhe t\u00eb pengohej qysh n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve 1990, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos ndodhin luft\u00ebrat n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, Kroaci, Bosnj\u00eb dhe Hercegovin\u00eb dhe Slloveni, si dhe shkat\u00ebrrimi i qyteteve, vrasja e qindra mij\u00ebra qytetar\u00ebve dhe nj\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrim i papar\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb qysh nga Lufta e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n

Deri n\u00eb takimin e tetorit 1998 midis kancelarit t\u00eb ri gjerman Gerhard Schr\u00f6der dhe presidentit amerikan Bill Clinton, n\u00eb qeverin\u00eb e vjet\u00ebr federale t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb nuk kishte ekzistuar nj\u00eb konsensus. Nd\u00ebrsa Ministri i Mbrojtjes Volker R\u00fche mbrojti q\u00ebndrimin se NATO mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhynte pa nj\u00eb mandat t\u00eb qart\u00eb nga KB, Ministri i Jasht\u00ebm Klaus Kinkel u bashkua shum\u00eb von\u00eb me k\u00ebt\u00eb pozicion me arsyetimin se baza ligjore p\u00ebr nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje ishte e bazuar n\u00eb pamund\u00ebsin\u00eb e K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Sigurimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb vendim n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, “n\u00eb kuptimin dhe logjik\u00ebn” e rezolutave 1160 dhe 1199 t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb. Tani edhe gjerman\u00ebt theksonin se dy rezolutat e K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Sigurimit 1160 dhe 1199 ishin nj\u00eb baz\u00eb e mjaftueshme juridike p\u00ebr p\u00ebrdorimin e forc\u00ebs ushtarake, n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me nenin 42 ose nenin 53 t\u00eb Kart\u00ebs s\u00eb KB.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ekspert\u00ebt e t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare shtruan gjer\u00ebsisht pyetjen n\u00ebse nj\u00eb sulm ushtarak i NATO-s mund t\u00eb bazohej n\u00eb aspektin e “nd\u00ebrhyrjes humanitare”, d.m.th. n\u00ebse dhuna e armatosur mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorej p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar shkeljet masive t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb huaj. Intervenimi 78 ditor\u00eb ushtarak NATO-s n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e Kosov\u00eb, q\u00eb ndodhi m\u00eb 24 mars 1999, n\u00eb shum\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje paraqet nj\u00eb pik\u00eb kthese n\u00eb historin\u00eb e Aleanc\u00ebs dhe an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e saj. Ishte hera e par\u00eb n\u00eb historin\u00eb e Organizat\u00ebs s\u00eb Traktatit t\u00eb Atlantikut t\u00eb Veriut q\u00eb nd\u00ebrmerrte nj\u00eb veprim ushtarak jasht\u00eb territorit t\u00eb shteteve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb NATO-s, madje pa nj\u00eb mandat paraprak t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Sigurimit t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb. Mbi t\u00eb gjitha aksioni ushtarak i NATO-s nuk ishte as mbrojtje n\u00eb nj\u00eb luft\u00eb nd\u00ebrshtet\u00ebrore n\u00eb kuptimin klasik, por nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje e NATO-s ndaj d\u00ebbimit t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs shqiptare nga Kosova. N\u00ebn em\u00ebrtimin \u201cintervenim humanitar\u201d p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb NATO nd\u00ebrmori nj\u00eb sulm ajror ndaj nj\u00eb shteti n\u00eb kontinentin evropian. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ky intervenimin ushtarak n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb sh\u00ebnon edhe nj\u00eb zhvillim dhe ndryshim t\u00eb paradigm\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb linj\u00eb Vaclav Havel, ish-president i \u00c7ekis\u00eb, pohonte p\u00ebr sa i takon nd\u00ebrhyrjes s\u00eb NATO-s n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, \u201cmendoj se ka nj\u00eb element q\u00eb askush nuk mund ta kund\u00ebrshtoj\u00eb: sulmet, bombat nuk u provokuan nga ndonj\u00eb interes konkret. Ato kan\u00eb pra, nj\u00eb karakter t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht humanitar. N\u00eb loj\u00eb k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb parimet, t\u00eb drejtat njer\u00ebzore, t\u00eb cilave iu \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi edhe n\u00eb raport me sovranitetin e shteteve. Pik\u00ebrisht kjo e b\u00ebn t\u00eb ligjsh\u00ebm sulmin ndaj Federat\u00ebs Jugosllave, qoft\u00eb edhe pa mandatin e OKB-s\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

Edhe profesori i shkencave politike dhe drejtor i studimeve globale, John G. Stoessinger (1927-2017), vler\u00ebsoi se katalizatori q\u00eb shpejtoi fillimin e fushat\u00ebs s\u00eb bombardimeve ajrore nga NATO-ja ishte i dyfisht\u00eb.\u00a0S\u00eb pari<\/em>, zbulimi i nj\u00eb numri masakrash t\u00eb forcave serbe kund\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebve, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb grat\u00eb dhe f\u00ebmij\u00ebt, e shtyn\u00eb NATO-n t\u00eb merrte vendim.\u00a0S\u00eb dyti<\/em>, fuqit\u00eb per\u00ebndimore zbuluan planin e p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm strategjik t\u00eb Millosheviqit p\u00ebr t\u00eb “zgjidhur” problemin shqiptar, i njohur si plani “Patkoi”. Sipas k\u00ebtij plani Kosova do t\u00eb spastrohej nga shqiptar\u00ebt me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb t\u00eb sigurohej \u201clebensraum<\/em>\u201d p\u00ebr ardhacak\u00ebt serb\u00eb. Adolf Eihman, njeri i ngarkuar me d\u00ebbimin e hebrenj\u00ebve gjat\u00eb regjimit nazist, ka gjasa ta kishte vler\u00ebsuar madh\u00ebsin\u00eb e operacion “Paktoi”.<\/p>\n

Aspekt pozitiv i tragjedis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe intervenimi i NATO-s n\u00eb mars 1999 \u00ebsht\u00eb se gjenocidi nuk konsiderohet m\u00eb si nj\u00eb problem i brendsh\u00ebm i vendit ku konsumohet dhe paraqet nj\u00eb m\u00ebsim n\u00eb krahasim me 50 vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb, kur pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e kombeve e konsideronin gjenocidin si nj\u00eb problem t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm. Dhe meq\u00eb NATO-ja e parandaloi gjenocidin n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ky rast p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb model se bota nuk do t\u00eb shikoj\u00eb indiferente n\u00ebse nj\u00eb shtet kryen spastrim etnik apo gjenocid, aq m\u00eb pak brenda kontinentit evropian.<\/p>\n

Ishte dhe forca dhe vendosm\u00ebria e NATO-s dhe angazhimi diplomatik e ushtarak i SHBA-s\u00eb dhe vendeve t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat b\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb pamundur realizimin e nj\u00eb Jugosllavie centraliste, prapa s\u00eb cil\u00ebs q\u00ebndronte ideja e krijimit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb s\u00eb Madhe, dhe menaxhuan procesin e dekompozimit t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb krijimit t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb reja n\u00eb Ballkan. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuad\u00ebr, mund t\u00eb konkludohet se Jugosllavia n\u00ebn dominimin e Millosheviqit nuk pushoi s\u00eb zvog\u00ebluari dhe tani ajo duhet t\u00eb gjej\u00eb qet\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj brenda kufijve q\u00eb dikur kishte shpallur pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb priz\u00ebm, NATO-ja i kontribuoi jo vet\u00ebm liris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, por edhe t\u00eb vet\u00eb popullit serb n\u00eb Beograd, i cili p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb ishte viktim\u00eb e politik\u00ebs agresive dhe luft\u00ebrave n\u00eb rajon. Prandaj, ky angazhim nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar ushtarak n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb mars t\u00eb vitit 1999 na sjell nd\u00ebrmend angazhimin e koalicionit antifashist n\u00eb Luft\u00ebn e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, q\u00eb rezultoi edhe me lirin\u00eb e popujve evropian\u00eb dhe n\u00eb fund edhe t\u00eb popullit gjerman. Ashtu si dikur q\u00eb t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb amerikan\u00eb dhe evropian\u00eb q\u00eb ishin bashkuar n\u00eb Luft\u00ebn e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore kund\u00ebr t\u00eb keqes s\u00eb njer\u00ebzimit, Hitlerit, ashtu edhe n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb nga vendet evropiane dhe ShBA m\u00eb 24 mars deri m\u00eb 10 qershor 1999 i ishin bashkuar luft\u00ebs p\u00ebr \u00e7lirimin e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Motivi moral dhe objektiva humanitare q\u00eb e shtyu NATO-n t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmerrte nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb ushtarake kund\u00ebr caqeve ushtarake t\u00eb Beogradit me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb t\u00eb evitohej nj\u00eb katastrof\u00eb humanitare n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, u realizua. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, ajo b\u00ebri t\u00eb mundur nxjerrjen e Kosov\u00ebs jasht\u00eb juridiksionit t\u00eb Beogradit dhe detyroi largimin e makineris\u00eb represive t\u00eb Beogradit nga Kosova si dhe b\u00ebri t\u00eb mundur kthimin n\u00eb sht\u00ebpit\u00eb e tyre 1 milion refugjat\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb p\u00ebrmes k\u00ebtij intervenimi NATO-ja realizoi objektiv\u00ebn e saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar Beogradin q\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin e forc\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb kufizonte aft\u00ebsit\u00eb ushtarake t\u00eb Millosheviqit dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb krijonte stabilitet rajonal. Nga arsyetimi i lider\u00ebve t\u00eb NATO-s, \u00ebsht\u00eb e leht\u00eb t\u00eb konkludohet se objektivi humanitar ishte m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmi i nd\u00ebrhyrjes s\u00eb NATO-s, por mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb qen\u00eb nj\u00eb version i p\u00ebrdorur dhe i besuar nga qeveria per\u00ebndimore p\u00ebr t\u00eb justifikuar angazhimin ushtarak n\u00eb luft\u00ebn p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Me gjith\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimin e luft\u00ebs, bashk\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb ballafaqohet me \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e statusit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, pasi lufta dhe rezultatet e saj nuk i kishin dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje finale k\u00ebsaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjeje, kjo luft\u00eb vet\u00ebm kishte hapur shtegun e ecjes s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs drejt arritjes s\u00eb cakut final, pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, e cila b\u00ebri t\u00eb mundur vendosjen e paqes p\u00ebrfundimtare dhe groposjen e pjes\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit t\u00eb Versaj\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n
\n

 <\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Intervenimi i NATO-s n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe e drejta nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare N\u00ebn em\u00ebrtimin \u201cintervenim humanitar\u201d n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb m\u00eb 24 mars 1999 p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb NATO nd\u00ebrmori nj\u00eb sulm ajror ndaj nj\u00eb shteti n\u00eb kontinentin evropian. Bombardimet e NATO-s u b\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme kur Beogradi p\u00ebr 10 vjet me radh\u00eb kishte refuzuar thirrjet e bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":635,"featured_media":12244,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[2405,11,637],"ppma_author":[2404],"class_list":["post-4769","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-intervenimi","tag-kosova","tag-nato"],"authors":[{"term_id":2404,"user_id":635,"is_guest":0,"slug":"syle-ukshini","display_name":"Syl\u00eb Ukshini","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/SYLE_2.JPG_500x328.png","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/SYLE_2.JPG_500x328.png"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ukshini","first_name":"Syl\u00eb","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4769","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/635"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4769"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4769\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12245,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4769\/revisions\/12245"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12244"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4769"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4769"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4769"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4769"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}