{"id":4864,"date":"2020-12-21T12:15:12","date_gmt":"2020-12-21T10:15:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4864"},"modified":"2024-12-23T12:18:43","modified_gmt":"2024-12-23T10:18:43","slug":"__trashed-6","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/opinion\/__trashed-6\/","title":{"rendered":"Kthimi n\u00eb t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn: rendi liberal dhe struktura e sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar &#8211; Pjesa II"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p><em>Trump dhe kriza e rendit liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Pa marr\u00eb parasysh koh\u00ebn se kur ka filluar, ardhja n\u00eb pushtet e Trump-it bashk\u00eb me vot\u00ebn\u00a0<em>pro<\/em>\u00a0BREXIT, ku Britania e Madhe doli nga Bashkimi Evropian pas 47 vjet\u00ebsh an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi, krijoi p\u00ebrshtypjen e bazuar t\u00eb ekzistimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb krize jo t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb n\u00eb rendin liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Paradoksalisht, dy shtetet kryesore q\u00eb konceptuan dhe konstruktuan nj\u00eb varg institucionesh nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare pas vitin 1945, tashm\u00eb duket se po e refuzonin k\u00ebt\u00eb rend apo, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn, po k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb q\u00eb institucionet p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebse t\u00eb k\u00ebtij rendi ose t\u00eb reformohen ose t\u00eb rikalibrohen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i p\u00ebrshtaten si duhet q\u00ebllimeve t\u00eb tyre. T\u00eb dy k\u00ebto\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/academic.oup.com\/ia\/issue\/94\/1\">zhvillime<\/a>\u00a0sinjalizojn\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb t\u00eb re evoluimi t\u00eb sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar q\u00eb thekson, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb dukshme, vlera q\u00eb mb\u00ebshteten mbi parime nacionaliste, shtetcentrike dhe transaksionale.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jo pak naive besohej se shkaktari kryesor i k\u00ebsaj krize t\u00eb k\u00ebtij rendi ishte Presidenti Trump. \u00c7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb infantile strategjikisht, mendohet se me ardhjen n\u00eb pushtet t\u00eb Joseph Biden ky rend do t\u00eb rikuperohej dhe gjendja do t\u00eb rikthehet ashtu si\u00e7 ishte para vitit 2016, rrjedhimisht kriza e k\u00ebtij rendi do t\u00eb tejkalohet. Akuzat ndaj Trump p\u00ebr plasaritjen e k\u00ebtij sistemi ishin shum\u00ebdimensionale.\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.worldpoliticsreview.com\/articles\/28526\/can-trump-s-successor-save-the-liberal-international-order\">Mendohej\u00a0<\/a>se ai braktisi \u00e7do aspirat\u00eb p\u00ebr lidership global t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb favor t\u00eb nj\u00eb mend\u00ebsie nacionaliste, transaksionale dhe hipersovraniste. Akuzohej se ai n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsoi traktatet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, organizatat multilaterale dhe aleancat strategjike duke i konsideruar ato si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr interesat e ShBA-s\u00eb. Sipas kritik\u00ebve, ekonomin\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare Trump e sheh si loj\u00eb me shumatore zero (zero-sum game) \u2013 q\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb miri menaxhohet me raporte bilaterale mes t\u00eb shteteve \u2013 dhe jo si nj\u00eb \u201ctort\u00eb n\u00eb rritje\u201d (growing pie) ku rritja e \u201ctort\u00ebs\u201d shton p\u00ebrfitimet p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb fakt, \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb se Trump fushat\u00ebn e tij presidenciale e ka udh\u00ebhequr duke u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje p\u00ebrbuz\u00ebse dhe kritikuese p\u00ebr gati t\u00eb gjitha institucionet dhe parimet q\u00eb p\u00ebrbejn\u00eb rendin liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu institucione si Bashkimi Evropian apo NATO dhe norma si multilateralizmi. Gjat\u00eb fushat\u00ebs s\u00eb vitit 2016 ai NATO-n e konsideronte si\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/politics\/first-draft\/2016\/04\/02\/donald-trump-tells-crowd-hed-be-fine-if-nato-broke-up\/\">\u201ct\u00eb vjetruar\u201d<\/a>\u00a0(obsolete). Kjo mend\u00ebsi jokonvencionale e mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb postulatin e \u201cbilateralizmit transaksional\u201d kishte trembur jo pak politik\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebsit n\u00eb Bashkimin Evropian. Disa nga ta konsideruan se Trump paraqet\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2017\/01\/31\/world\/europe\/trump-european-union-donald-tusk.html\">k\u00ebrcenim<\/a>\u00a0serioz p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e BE-s\u00eb. Kancelaria gjermane,\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/article\/us-germany-Merkel-usa\/Merkel-says-europe-cant-rely-on-u-s-to-impose-world-order-idUSKBN1KA1F9\">Angela Merkel<\/a>, kishte shkuar aq larg sa paralajm\u00ebroj se Evropa nuk mund t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetej m\u00eb n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara, duke vler\u00ebsuar se kishte ardhur koha q\u00eb evropian\u00ebt t\u00eb merrnin n\u00eb dor\u00eb fatin e tyre.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr t\u00eb gjithave, faktet d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb se Trump nuk ishte shkaktar i fillimit kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb rendit liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. \u00cbsht\u00eb jo serioze t\u00eb mendohet se nj\u00eb rend nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar \u2013 p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb aq t\u00eb shkurt\u00eb \u2013 do mund t\u00eb plasaritej nga nj\u00eb lider politik, qoft\u00eb ai edhe presidenti i ShBA-s\u00eb. Kriza e k\u00ebtij sistemi ka qen\u00eb e diktueshme, nga studiues t\u00eb v\u00ebmendsh\u00ebm, qysh para shum\u00eb koh\u00ebsh. Ajo ka mundur t\u00eb\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/academic.oup.com\/ia\/issue\/94\/1\">venerohet\u00a0<\/a>n\u00eb shum\u00eb procese dhe trende q\u00eb kan\u00eb ndodhur brenda shteteve, por edhe n\u00eb domenin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb variabile si: rritja e shteteve joper\u00ebndimore, ndryshimet globale sa i p\u00ebrket fuqis\u00eb ekonomike, ekzistimi dhe forcimi i aktor\u00ebve joshtet\u00ebror\u00eb iliberal\u00eb, problemet e thella me legjitimitetin e elitave politike etj. Trump, n\u00eb fakt, thjesht kishte intuit\u00ebn e mpreht\u00eb politike q\u00eb t\u00eb nuhas\u00eb, para t\u00eb gjith\u00eb politikan\u00ebve tjer\u00eb, fillimin e kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb institucioneve, parimeve dhe vlerave t\u00eb rendit liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Ai, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb ekslente e shfryt\u00ebzoi k\u00ebt\u00eb n\u00eb favorin e tij. Andaj e gjith\u00eb fushata e tij elektorale u nd\u00ebrtua dhe u mb\u00ebshtet n\u00eb argumente q\u00eb shkonin n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim t\u00eb plot\u00eb me parimet dhe vlerat q\u00eb promovon dhe personifikon ky rend. Ai garoj kund\u00ebr k\u00ebtij rendi dhe fitoj nj\u00eb mandat. Me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn kart\u00eb politike sfidoi edhe kund\u00ebr-kandidat\u00ebt e tij brenda Partis\u00eb Republikane. T\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat arsyetime i p\u00ebrdori edhe kund\u00ebr kandidates s\u00eb at\u00ebhershme nga Partia Demokratike, Hillari Clinton, e cila u identifikua nga ai si epitom\u00eb e rendit liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Prandaj Trump nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as problemi dhe as shkaktari i plasaritjes s\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij rendi. Ai thjesht \u00ebsht\u00eb manifestim i k\u00ebtij procesi.<\/p>\n<p><em>Kina si arritja kryesore e Trump-it<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr arritjet kryesore t\u00eb Presidentit Trump n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme ishte identifikimi i qart\u00eb i k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit q\u00eb vjen nga rritja e Kin\u00ebs. N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb tij ai krijoj af\u00ebrsi me Qeverin\u00eb Kineze, duke ndryshuar kurs krejt\u00ebsisht pak m\u00eb von\u00eb. Deri para ardhjes s\u00eb tij n\u00eb pushtet elitat per\u00ebndimore ishin thell\u00ebsisht t\u00eb angazhuara q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshinin Kin\u00ebn n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb globale, duke e mb\u00ebshtetur an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin e k\u00ebsaj t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb institucionet ky\u00e7e t\u00eb k\u00ebtij sistemi. Supozimi i tyre ishte se nj\u00eb Kin\u00eb m\u00eb e zhvilluar dhe m\u00eb e pasur ekonomikisht, domosdoshm\u00ebrisht do t\u00eb transformohej n\u00eb demokraci liberale dhe si rezultat kjo e fundit do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej pjes\u00eb jetike e rendit liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Nj\u00eb mend\u00ebsi e till\u00eb nuk kishte ekzistuar vet\u00ebm n\u00eb mesin e politik\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebsve t\u00eb shteteve per\u00ebndimor\u00eb, por mb\u00ebshtetej edhe nga studiues dhe teoricien t\u00eb njohur me mendje t\u00eb mpreht\u00eb si Fareed Zakaria. N\u00eb librin e tij t\u00eb njohur, \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Post-American-World-Fareed-Zakaria\/dp\/039306235X\">Bota Post-Amerikane<\/a>\u201d, ai konstatonte se ShBA-t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb inkurajojn\u00eb Kin\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb sillet sipas rregullave t\u00eb civilizuara nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare sepse duke e integruar at\u00eb n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb globale, me kalimin e koh\u00ebs, Kina do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet shtet m\u00eb liberal. Ai, po ashtu, besonte se me rritjen e standardit ekonomik, nevoja p\u00ebr reforma politike n\u00eb Kin\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej imperative. Si pasoj\u00eb, regjimi politik do t\u00eb p\u00ebrballej me k\u00ebrkesa dhe sfida t\u00eb reja nga qytetar\u00ebt. Edhe pse kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se Kina, brenda nat\u00ebs, do t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohej n\u00eb demokraci liberale n\u00eb stilin per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs, sipas tij, ka shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb q\u00eb ajo n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb evoluoj n\u00eb nj\u00eb regjim miks, ngjash\u00ebm me at\u00eb t\u00eb vendeve per\u00ebndimore n\u00eb shek. XIX-t\u00eb, p\u00ebr ta avancuar m\u00eb pas n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem politik liberal. Edhe vet\u00eb Presidenti i zgjedhur, Joseph Biden dhe partia Demokratike gjithashtu, historikisht e kishin mb\u00ebshtetur argumentin se politika e \u201cangazhimit\u201d t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb struktura multinacionale ekonomike t\u00eb sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar do t\u00eb kishte efekte transformuese n\u00eb vet\u00eb sistemin politik t\u00eb saj. Ky transformim, sipas ish-Sekretares s\u00eb Shtetit\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/1997-2001.state.gov\/statements\/970415.html\">Madeleine Albright<\/a>, do ta b\u00ebnte Kin\u00ebn \u201chisedar t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegjsh\u00ebm\u201d t\u00eb sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, plot\u00ebsisht e motivuar q\u00eb t\u00eb mbaj raporte paq\u00ebsore me shtetet tjera.<\/p>\n<p>Por, ideator\u00ebt dhe promovuesit e k\u00ebsaj politike nuk arrit\u00ebn t\u00eb parashikonin se duke e mb\u00ebshtetur Kin\u00ebn dhe p\u00ebrshpejtuar rritjen ekonomike t\u00eb saj p\u00ebrmes p\u00ebrfshirjes n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb globale dhe rendin liberal, ata po minonin vet\u00eb rendin liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. S\u00eb k\u00ebndejmi, ata e mb\u00ebshteten Kin\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhej superfuqi globale, duke transformuar shp\u00ebrndarjen e fuqis\u00eb n\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar nga unipolariteti, konstelacion ky i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb jetik p\u00ebr mir\u00ebmbajtjen e rendit liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, n\u00eb multipolaritet. P\u00ebrfshirja e\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.foreignaffairs.com\/articles\/united-states\/2020-06-09\/next-liberal-order\">Kin\u00ebs<\/a>\u00a0n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rend me vlera liberale i krijoi asaj thjesht kushtet ideale q\u00eb t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunoj\u00eb me k\u00ebt\u00eb sistem mbi principe krejt\u00ebsisht oportuniste. Sa p\u00ebr ilustrim, an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi i Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.wto.org\/english\/thewto_e\/countries_e\/china_e.htm\">Organizat\u00ebn Bot\u00ebror\u00eb t\u00eb Tregtis\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0me 2001 i mund\u00ebsoi asaj qasje t\u00eb lir\u00eb dhe t\u00eb favorshme n\u00eb tregtin\u00eb globale me kushte shum\u00eb t\u00eb favorshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb. Por, Pekini asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk zbatoi masa dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur t\u00eb drejtat pron\u00ebsore apo t\u00eb forcoj\u00eb sundimin e ligjit. P\u00ebr m\u00eb keq, Kina nuk u transformua asnj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb demokraci liberale. Ajo thjesht u b\u00eb shteti i par\u00eb autoritar q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe superfuqi globale.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Trump dhe kriza e rendit liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar Pa marr\u00eb parasysh koh\u00ebn se kur ka filluar, ardhja n\u00eb pushtet e Trump-it bashk\u00eb me vot\u00ebn\u00a0pro\u00a0BREXIT, ku Britania e Madhe doli nga Bashkimi Evropian pas 47 vjet\u00ebsh an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi, krijoi p\u00ebrshtypjen e bazuar t\u00eb ekzistimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb krize jo t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb n\u00eb rendin liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Paradoksalisht, dy shtetet kryesore [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":402,"featured_media":11547,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[656],"ppma_author":[688],"class_list":["post-4864","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-usa"],"authors":[{"term_id":688,"user_id":402,"is_guest":0,"slug":"alfred-marleku","display_name":"Alfred Marleku","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Marleku","first_name":"Alfred","description":"Alfred Marleku ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet bachelor, master dhe ato t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs n\u00eb shkenca politike. Aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Kolegjin \u201cUBT\u201d, Fakultetin e Shkencave Politike.\r\n\r\nP\u00ebr shum\u00eb vjet ka punuar si menaxher i projekteve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb financuara nga Komisioni Evropian, USAID-i, Ambasada Amerikane etj., t\u00eb cilat fokusohen, kryesisht, n\u00eb reformat e arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim dhe zhvillim (R&amp;D); kthimin e trurit; zhvillimin e plan-programeve n\u00eb harmoni me nevojat e tregut etj. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar edhe n\u00eb sektorin publik si k\u00ebshilltar politik n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit juridik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4864","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/402"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4864"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4864\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11550,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4864\/revisions\/11550"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11547"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4864"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4864"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4864"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4864"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}