{"id":4870,"date":"2020-12-14T12:45:50","date_gmt":"2020-12-14T10:45:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4870"},"modified":"2024-10-23T15:09:18","modified_gmt":"2024-10-23T13:09:18","slug":"si-te-niset-nje-epoke-e-re-trans-atlantike","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/si-te-niset-nje-epoke-e-re-trans-atlantike\/","title":{"rendered":"Si t\u00eb niset nj\u00eb epok\u00eb e re trans-atlantike"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Ministri i jasht\u00ebm i Bashkimit Europian shpalos vizionin e tij p\u00ebr nj\u00eb partneritet t\u00eb ri SHBA- Europ\u00eb p\u00ebr kat\u00ebr vitet e ardhshme.<\/em><\/p>\n

Marr\u00eb parasysh alternativat, \u00e7dokush mund t\u00eb shoh\u00eb: Nuk ka \u00e7ift n\u00eb sken\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb mund t\u00eb krahasohet me partneritetin e Bashkimit Europian dhe Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara. As Europa as Amerika do t\u00eb gjejn\u00eb partner madhor m\u00eb t\u00eb angazhuar e m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm. Pas kat\u00ebr viteve t\u00eb l\u00ebkundshme, \u00ebsht\u00eb koha p\u00ebr nj\u00eb fillim t\u00eb ri. Zgjedhja e Joe Biden-it president i SHBA-s\u00eb na jep rastin q\u00eb kjo t\u00eb b\u00ebhet realitet.<\/p>\n

Kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se do t\u00eb pajtohemi gjithmon\u00eb apo se do t\u00eb kemi interesa identike. Nuk ka qen\u00eb ashtu as para presidentit Donald Trump, as do t\u00eb jet\u00eb ashtu gjat\u00eb presidenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Joe Biden-it. Ajo \u00e7far\u00eb kemi \u00ebsht\u00eb partneriteti i qendrueshem, i mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb vlera t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta dhe dekada t\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebs s\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit. Kat\u00ebr vitet e kaluara kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. Ka disa arsye\u2013 demografike, ekonomike, dhe politike \u2013 pse trajektorja historike e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara dhe Europ\u00ebs mund t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb n\u00eb drejtime t\u00eb ndryshme.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, e \u00e7mojm\u00eb faktin se t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn p\u00ebr kat\u00ebr vitet e ardhshme do t\u00eb kemi nj\u00eb president t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb q\u00eb beson n\u00eb partneritetin me aleat\u00ebt demokratik\u00eb. Jo vet\u00ebm se e vler\u00ebsojm\u00eb ndreqjen e k\u00ebtyre marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve, por edhe e kuptojm\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e tyre. Si p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i lart\u00eb i BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e jashtme, porosia ime \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb: Europa \u00ebsht\u00eb e vendosur q\u00eb t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzoj\u00eb sa m\u00eb mir\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mund\u00ebsi. Q\u00ebndrimi yn\u00eb nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb vet\u00ebm me d\u00ebshirat dhe k\u00ebrkesat, por me ofertat gjithashtu.<\/p>\n

Ka shum\u00eb\u00e7ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndrequr, madje edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar s\u00eb bashku. Edhe SHBA-ja, edhe BE-ja p\u00ebrballen me telashe t\u00eb polarizimit dhe ndarjeve shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb hap\u00ebsirat e tyre. Jasht\u00eb vendeve, kemi par\u00eb se si autokrat\u00ebt dhe p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00ebsit politik\u00eb d\u00ebmtojn\u00eb sigurin\u00eb rajonale dhe rendin global. Kemi pandemin\u00eb q\u00eb po b\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebrdin\u00eb, kriz\u00ebn klimatike, fqinj\u00ebrin\u00eb europiane n\u00eb flak\u00eb, dhe gar\u00ebn e ashp\u00ebr mbi at\u00eb se kush do t\u2019i shkruaj\u00eb rregullat e epok\u00ebs digjitale.<\/p>\n

Ajo q\u00eb vlen t\u00eb theksohet \u00ebsht\u00eb se kapaciteti yn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur zgjidhje nuk e ka mbajtur hapin me shpejt\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe shtrirjen e ndryshimit. N\u00eb politik\u00eb, koha \u00ebsht\u00eb relative. Sikund\u00ebr n\u00eb fizik\u00eb, ajo varet nga shpejt\u00ebsia juaj: n\u00ebse bota po ndryshon m\u00eb shpejt se kapaciteti juaj p\u00ebr t\u2019u adaptuar, at\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb terma relativ\u00eb po shkoni mbrapa. K\u00ebt\u00eb nuk e p\u00ebrballojm\u00eb dot.<\/p>\n

Presidenti i zgjedhur Biden ka n\u00ebnvizuar rolin ky\u00e7 t\u00eb partneritetit mes SHBA-s\u00eb dhe BE-s\u00eb. Europa ka idet\u00eb e veta p\u00ebr nj\u00eb agjend\u00eb trans-atlantike. Tash duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthejm\u00eb disponimin pozitiv n\u00eb vepra konkrete. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00ebllim, Komisioni Europian ka propozuar \u201cAgjend\u00ebn e re BE-SHBA p\u00ebr Ndryshim Global\u201d me angazhim t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrqendruar te COVID-19, rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbja, ndryshimi klimatik, teknologjia, tregu dhe standardet, dhe p\u00ebrforcimi i demokracis\u00eb an\u00ebmban\u00eb bot\u00ebs. Ministrat e jasht\u00ebm t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb kan\u00eb diskutuar t\u00eb ardhmen e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve BE-SHBA n\u00eb takimin e 7 dhjetorit dhe kan\u00eb theksuar bashkarisht d\u00ebshir\u00ebn e tyre p\u00ebr agjend\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt q\u00eb mbulon t\u00ebr\u00eb spektrin e politikave.<\/p>\n

Tash p\u00ebr tash, dua t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohem n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme dhe t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, dhe t\u00eb v\u00eb n\u00eb dukje tri gj\u00ebra.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari, roli i SHBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb sigurin\u00eb europiane \u00ebsht\u00eb tejet i domosdosh\u00ebm. Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, ne europian\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb kujdesemi m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb ton\u00eb. Prandaj, jemi plot\u00ebsisht t\u00eb angazhuar n\u00eb p\u00ebrforcimin e kapaciteteve mbrojt\u00ebse europiane dhe p\u00ebrfshirjen operacionale. Sot kemi 17 operacione t\u00eb menaxhimit t\u00eb krizave dhe misione q\u00eb prej Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, e deri n\u00eb Sahel e m\u00eb tej. Gjithashtu po investojm\u00eb p\u00ebrmes nismave t\u00eb ndryshme mbrojt\u00ebse t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrftimin e kapaciteteve t\u00eb nevojshme.<\/p>\n

Debati n\u00eb terma abstrakt\u00eb se a duhet t\u00eb jemi \u201ceuropian\u00eb\u201d apo \u201ctrans-atlantik\u00eb\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb shp\u00ebrqendrues, duke qen\u00eb se k\u00ebto jan\u00eb dy an\u00eb t\u00eb se njejt\u00ebs medalje. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb poashtu arsyeja pse duhet t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb pun\u00ebn drejt autonomis\u00eb strategjike: nj\u00eb Europ\u00eb e fuqishme dhe e aft\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rival i aleanc\u00ebs trans-atlantike por parakusht i saj. Na duhen hapa konkret\u00eb si p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjeruar kapacitetet tona p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar ashtu edhe p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm n\u00eb fushat strategjike.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, le t\u2019i l\u00ebm\u00eb anash debatet abstrakte dhe p\u00ebrqendrohemi tek substanca. Kur vjen puna te siguria europiane, duhet t\u00eb veprojm\u00eb bashkarisht, q\u00eb t\u00eb integrojm\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb strukturat Euro-Atlantike; t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesim sovranitetin dhe reform\u00ebn e\u00a0 Ukrain\u00ebs; t\u00eb zhvillojm\u00eb qasje t\u00eb paluhatshme dhe konsistente ndaj Rusis\u00eb; dhe t\u00eb parandalojm\u00eb largimin e m\u00ebtejm\u00eb t\u00eb Turqis\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha rastet, un\u00eb shoh nevoj\u00ebn q\u00eb BE-ja dhe Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb punojn\u00eb k\u00ebmba-k\u00ebmb\u00ebs, ngase mund t\u2019ia dalim vet\u00ebm po punuam s\u00eb bashku.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, n\u00eb periferin\u00eb e saj Europa po ballafaqohet me nj\u00eb num\u00ebr konfliktesh dhe tensionesh, si p\u00ebr shembull n\u00eb Sahel, n\u00eb Libi, dhe n\u00eb Mesdheun Lindor. N\u00eb t\u00eb trija rastet, Europa duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb e gatshme t\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00eb, meq\u00eb k\u00ebto probleme kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb me Europ\u00ebn se me Shtetet e Bashkuara.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, e dim\u00eb se ngritja dhe rritja e vet\u00ebsiguris\u00eb s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs dhe gara me Shtetet e Bashkuara do t\u2019i japin form\u00eb tablos\u00eb globale. Disa prej sfidave q\u00eb paraqet Kina duhet t\u00eb diskutohen mes nesh edhe at\u00ebher\u00eb kur nuk pajtohemi, q\u00eb prej asimetrive t\u00eb vazhdueshme rreth qasjes n\u00eb treg, deri te \u00e7\u00ebshtjet legjitime p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket rrjetit 5G, e deri te orvatjet e Pekinit p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u00e7uar p\u00ebrpara standarde rivale n\u00eb organizatat shum\u00ebpal\u00ebshe dhe dob\u00ebsimit t\u00eb aksioneve t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta n\u00eb raport me t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut. Dialogu i ri p\u00ebr Kin\u00ebn i BE-SHBA do t\u00eb do ofroj\u00eb mekanizma ky\u00e7 p\u00ebr p\u00ebrparimin e interesave dhe menaxhimin e dallimeve tona.<\/p>\n

BE-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb e gatshme t\u00eb angazhohet dhe t\u00eb punoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb balancuar, duke kombinuar fushat e bashk\u00ebpunimit me Kin\u00ebn, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb ndryshimi klimatik ku roli i saj si emituesi m\u00eb i madh n\u00eb bot\u00eb i dioksidit t\u00eb karbonit \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor, me zbythje aty ku paraqitet nevoja. Ne e shohim Kin\u00ebn, var\u00ebsisht prej politikave, si partner, garues, dhe rival sistemik. E kemi t\u00eb qart\u00eb se me Shtetet e Bashkuara ndajm\u00eb sistemin politik demokratik, t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb vlera thelb\u00ebsore. N\u00eb t\u00eb njejt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, thell\u00ebsia e lidhjeve tregtare dhe investimeve t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs me Kin\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb e till\u00eb q\u00eb ne t\u00eb mos kemi interes t\u00eb krijojm\u00eb strategji t\u00eb \u00e7ky\u00e7jes.<\/p>\n

E gjith\u00eb kjo duhet t\u00eb kombinohet me qasje aktive t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb rajonin e gj\u00ebr\u00eb Indo-Paq\u00ebsor duke punuar me partner\u00ebt demokratik\u00eb n\u00eb Azi. Nje prej tipareve m\u00eb t\u00eb spikatur t\u00eb politik\u00ebb\u00ebrjes s\u00eb BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb Azi ka qen\u00eb p\u00ebrforcimi i lidhjeve me Japonin\u00eb (p\u00ebrfshi Marr\u00ebveshjen p\u00ebr Partneritet Ekonomik t\u00eb vitit t\u00eb kaluar, q\u00eb lidh dy prej ekonomive m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb bot\u00ebs); me Asociacionin e Kombeve t\u00eb Azis\u00eb Juglindore (p\u00ebrfshi nisjen e partneritetit formal strategjik k\u00ebt\u00eb muaj, q\u00eb tejkalon ng\u00ebr\u00e7in rreth vajit t\u00eb palm\u00ebs); dhe me Indin\u00eb, Koren\u00eb e Jugut, Australin\u00eb dhe Zeland\u00ebn e Re. \u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, shum\u00eb partner\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrt na thon\u00eb se duan m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrfshirje t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Si ne, edhe ata duan q\u00eb rendi rajonal t\u00eb jet\u00eb i hapur dhe i bazuar n\u00eb rregulla, q\u00eb t\u00eb shmangen blloqet e mbyllura dhe zgjedhjet binare.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb treti, duhet t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn q\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u2019i ribashkohen marr\u00ebv\u00ebshjes p\u00ebr arm\u00ebt nukleare me Iranin dhe q\u00eb Irani t\u2019i bindet plot\u00ebsisht marr\u00ebveshjes. Marr\u00ebveshja nukleare ende mbetet shembull i diplomacis\u00eb s\u00eb suksesshme. Kemi punuar me mund q\u00eb ta ruajm\u00eb, dhe kjo ka sjell\u00eb benefite t\u00eb dukshme. Fal\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes, programi nuklear i Iranit \u00ebsht\u00eb ende larg prej nivelit para marr\u00ebveshjes. Por marr\u00ebveshja nukleare i \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebnshtruar nj\u00eb presioni t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm. Ikja e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara ka reduktuar dramatikisht benefitet ekonomike q\u00eb priteshin p\u00ebr Iranin, dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse marr\u00ebveshja nuk mund arrinte potencialin e saj t\u00eb plot\u00eb. BE-ja dhe Shtetet duhet t\u00eb prioritizojn\u00eb m\u00ebnyrat p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar q\u00eb marr\u00ebveshja zbatohet nga t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, dhe k\u00ebshtu t\u00eb rivendos\u00eb besimin mes t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve. Kur kjo t\u00eb arrihet, duhet t\u00eb jemi t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb sukses dhe t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb m\u00ebnyra p\u00ebr t\u00eb adresuar \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb siguris\u00eb rajonale. Jam i bindur se e vetmja zgjidhje afatgjate p\u00ebr jostabilitetin kronik \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjidhja rajonale.<\/p>\n

Sigurisht se ka shum\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e prioritete tjera t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme. Por le t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohemi n\u00eb k\u00ebto trijat, q\u00eb t\u2019i p\u00ebrdorim p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndezur maqin\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit trans-atlantik. Sa m\u00eb larg t\u00eb arrijm\u00eb, aq m\u00eb ambicioz\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

Artikulli n\u00eb\u00a0Foreign Policy<\/a>.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

\"Image\"<\/div>\n

 <\/p>\n

Ky artikull mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ministri i jasht\u00ebm i Bashkimit Europian shpalos vizionin e tij p\u00ebr nj\u00eb partneritet t\u00eb ri SHBA- Europ\u00eb p\u00ebr kat\u00ebr vitet e ardhshme. Marr\u00eb parasysh alternativat, \u00e7dokush mund t\u00eb shoh\u00eb: Nuk ka \u00e7ift n\u00eb sken\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb mund t\u00eb krahasohet me partneritetin e Bashkimit Europian dhe Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara. As Europa as Amerika do t\u00eb gjejn\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":128,"featured_media":8889,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[672,656],"ppma_author":[153],"class_list":["post-4870","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-eu","tag-usa"],"authors":[{"term_id":153,"user_id":128,"is_guest":0,"slug":"josep-borrell","display_name":"Josep Borrell","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-24.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-24.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Borrell","first_name":"Josep","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4870","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/128"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4870"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4870\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8993,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4870\/revisions\/8993"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8889"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4870"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4870"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4870"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4870"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}