{"id":4876,"date":"2020-12-04T11:50:45","date_gmt":"2020-12-04T09:50:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4876"},"modified":"2024-10-23T15:04:07","modified_gmt":"2024-10-23T13:04:07","slug":"njehere-qiraja-pastaj-punetoret","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/njehere-qiraja-pastaj-punetoret\/","title":{"rendered":"Nj\u00ebher\u00eb qiraja, pastaj pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt!"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

N\u00eb ballafaqimet e bizneseve kosovare me masat qeveritare anti-Covid, fakti q\u00eb bie n\u00eb sy \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb kishte mobilizim t\u00eb pronar\u00ebve t\u00eb bizneseve sesa t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht t\u00eb z\u00ebsh\u00ebm ishin pronar\u00ebt e bizneseve t\u00eb gastronomis\u00eb, veprimtaria e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve binte m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti ndesh me masat kund\u00ebr p\u00ebrhapjes s\u00eb virusit. Pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb merrnin nj\u00eb m\u00ebsim t\u00eb vyer nga organizimi i pronar\u00ebve p\u00ebr interesat e veta, sikur menduan se p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoheshin prej organizimit t\u00eb shefave t\u00eb tyre. Nj\u00eb bindje e till\u00eb, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrth\u00ebnie me realitetin faktik, \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe kund\u00ebrproduktive n\u00eb raport me interesat e pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve, t\u00eb cilat do t\u2019i qart\u00ebsojm\u00eb n\u00eb vijim. Bindje t\u00eb tilla q\u00eb keqinformojn\u00eb arsyen e njer\u00ebzve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb padrejta gjenden n\u00eb skajin e d\u00ebmtuar, jan\u00eb teorizuar gjat\u00eb n\u00eb shkencat sociale. N\u00eb teorin\u00eb marksiste k\u00ebto bindje i p\u00ebrthekon koncepti i \u2018vet\u00ebdijes s\u00eb rreme<\/em>\u2018 (false counciousness). Ky koncept, i hedhur nga Friedrich Engels, sado q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb sfiduar n\u00eb shkencat sociale, vazhdon t\u00eb rishfaqet v\u00ebrdall\u00eb teorive e hipotezave t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb fushat e sociologjis\u00eb, filozofis\u00eb, psikologjis\u00eb sociale, ekonomis\u00eb etj., shpeshher\u00eb me emra tjer\u00eb dhe pa referenc\u00eb te koncepti marksist.<\/p>\n

Ky shkrim \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje modeste p\u00ebr t\u00eb argumentuar q\u00eb edhe n\u00eb kriz\u00ebn q\u00eb solli pandemia, dhe p\u00ebrball k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit t\u00eb mbylljes s\u00eb shum\u00eb bizneseve, interesat e pronar\u00ebve, q\u00eb u organizuan dhe pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve, q\u00eb nuk u organizuan, nuk p\u00ebrputhen.\u00a0 P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb duhet s\u00eb pari t\u00eb sqarojm\u00eb se \u00e7ka quajm\u00eb, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, interesa. N\u00eb funksion t\u00eb argumentimit m\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb, do t\u00eb sh\u00ebbehem me nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizim nga sociologu britanik W. G. Runciman (1969), i cili n\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrsiatje t\u00eb tij pik\u00ebrisht mbi \u2018vet\u00ebdijen e rreme\u2018, thot\u00eb se ngaq\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb parimisht e mundur t\u2019i klasifikojm\u00eb njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb sferat e\u00a0pushtetit, prestigjit\u00a0<\/em>dhe\u00a0pasuris\u00eb<\/em>, \u00a0mund t\u00eb themi se \u2018interesat\u2018 e njer\u00ebzve jan\u00eb prospektet e p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimit t\u00eb pozit\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre s\u00eb paku n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn nga t\u00eb tria sferat. P\u00ebr leht\u00ebsi, le t\u2019i quajm\u00eb k\u00ebto\u00a0sferat e interesit.<\/em>\u00a0Pra, ‘interesi’ n\u00eb kontekstin q\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret k\u00ebtu, nuk mund t’i referohet thjesht ruajtjes s\u00eb vendit t\u00eb pun\u00ebs, kompenzimit t\u00eb pag\u00ebs, ose kompenzimeve t\u00eb tjera kundrejt pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve. Sepse k\u00ebto p\u00ebrfitime n\u00ebnkuptojn\u00eb vazhdimin ose sanimin e gjendjes s\u00eb tyre paraprake, pa ndonj\u00eb efekt substancial n\u00eb sferat e interesit.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb dallim themelor mes mobilizimit t\u00eb pronar\u00ebve dhe pasivitetit t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve n\u00eb turbulencat socio-ekonomike t\u00eb shkaktuara nga pandemia, nuk mund t\u00eb gjindet n\u00eb pasojat e menj\u00ebher\u00ebshme t\u00eb cilitdo prej t\u00eb dy shembujve. Sepse ky dallim themelor q\u00ebndron n\u00eb t\u00eb qenit t\u00eb organizuar ose jo. Organizimi n\u00eb rastin e pronar\u00ebve, ose mosorganizimi n\u00eb rastin e pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve, i konstituon k\u00ebta t\u00eb par\u00ebt si agjenci, nd\u00ebrsa k\u00ebta t\u00eb fundit mbesin thjesht nj\u00eb referenc\u00eb periferike q\u00eb marrin kuptim vet\u00ebm kur flitet p\u00ebr pasoja t\u00eb fundme si mbetja pa pun\u00eb ose kthimi n\u00eb pun\u00eb. Kjo e redukton rezonimin mbi gjendjen e pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb binom shkurajues, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb adresonte shum\u00ebsin\u00eb e specifikave q\u00eb p\u00ebrmban marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia e pun\u00ebs. Pra cilado q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjja e qeveris\u00eb ndaj k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb pronar\u00ebve, ajo, edhe n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb pasoja m\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuese p\u00ebr pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt sesa kthimi n\u00eb gjendjen q\u00eb ishin para pandemis\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu, pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt kan\u00eb humbur nj\u00eb rast p\u00ebr hapjen e shtigjeve t\u00eb adresimit t\u00eb problemeve p\u00ebrtej binomit t\u00eb pun\u00ebs dhe mospun\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Sa i p\u00ebrket prestigjit, i cili, n\u00eb pajtim me sa m\u00eb lart, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sfer\u00eb e interesit, mosorganizimi i pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve dhe organizimi i pun\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebsve kan\u00eb respektivisht pasoja t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta. N\u00ebse i referohemi nivelit t\u00eb pagave, por edhe nivelit t\u00eb kushteve t\u00eb pun\u00ebs, sektori privat n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, njihet si sektori me kushte m\u00eb t\u00eb pavolitshme p\u00ebr pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sektor sundon nj\u00eb regjim i pun\u00ebs, q\u00eb n\u00ebse do t\u00eb huazonim nga tipologji e scoiologut britanik, Michael Burawoy (1983), do t\u00eb mund ta p\u00ebrshkruanim si regjim despotik. Regjimin despotik i pun\u00ebs, sipas Burawoyt, e karakterizon shtr\u00ebngimi, k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi me pushim nga puna dhe privimi nga autonomia n\u00eb vendin e pun\u00ebs. N\u00eb teorizime m\u00eb t\u00eb vona ky regjim trajtohet edhe si\u00a0stili bes\u00ebpak\u00eb i menaxhimit<\/em>\u00a0(low-trust management style) (shih Wright, 1995). Elemente t\u00eb regjimit despotik, ose menaxhimit bes\u00ebpak\u00eb, mund t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb me shumic\u00eb n\u00eb vendet e pun\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb: k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet me largime nga puna; mania e monitorimit me kamera; kusht\u00ebzimi i kontrat\u00ebs me n\u00ebnshkrimin e nj\u00eb deklarate t\u00eb kinse kryerjes s\u00eb pushimit t\u00eb parapar\u00eb me Ligjin e Pun\u00ebs; mbajtja e d\u00ebshmis\u00eb s\u00eb sigurimit sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve n\u00eb sirtar n\u00eb rast se vjen inspektorati; tejndjeshm\u00ebria ndaj ndonj\u00eb shk\u00ebndije t\u00eb organizimit sindikal (n\u00eb kompanit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha) etj. T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto elemente ulin prestigjin e vendit t\u00eb pun\u00ebs, dhe pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt q\u00eb ndihen t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar nga k\u00ebrkesat e pronar\u00ebve p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb, nuk i kan\u00eb t\u00eb adresuara assesi k\u00ebto probleme.<\/p>\n

Argumenti se organizimi i pronar\u00ebve arsyetohet edhe sipas nj\u00eb hierarkie logjike, ngaq\u00eb humbja e vendeve t\u00eb pun\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb pasoj\u00eb logjike e mbylljes s\u00eb bizneseve, p\u00ebrs\u00ebri nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebn argument p\u00ebr sfer\u00ebn e interesave t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve. Pik\u00ebrisht rreziqet e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit kolektiv t\u00eb pun\u00ebs jan\u00eb gur\u00ebthemeli i regjimit t\u00eb dyt\u00eb t\u00eb pun\u00ebs sipas Burawoyt, atij\u00a0hegjemonik<\/em>. N\u00eb\u00a0regjimin hegjemonik\u00a0<\/em>t\u00eb pun\u00ebs, pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt nuk k\u00ebrc\u00ebnohen me humbje t\u00eb vendit t\u00eb pun\u00ebs si individ\u00eb, por kolektivisht, n\u00eb var\u00ebsi nga q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebria e biznesit ku punojn\u00eb. Kjo i mund\u00ebson menaxhmentit t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb\u00a0despotiz\u00ebm hegjemonik,\u00a0<\/em>ku pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbijetuar, duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb l\u00ebshime n\u00eb d\u00ebm t\u00eb kushteve t\u00eb veta t\u00eb pun\u00ebs e n\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb kompanis\u00eb. Shp\u00ebtimi i bizneseve si pasoj\u00eb e presionit t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve ndaj qeveris\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte m\u00eb me interes p\u00ebr pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt, sesa shp\u00ebtimi si pasoj\u00eb e presionit t\u00eb pronar\u00ebve. Sepse n\u00eb rastin e fundit, pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt duhet s\u00ebrish t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb koncesione n\u00eb kushtet e pun\u00ebs, e jo pronar\u00ebt n\u00eb kushtet e kompanive.<\/p>\n

Bindja se pronar\u00ebt e organizuar, po i adresojn\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbledhura hallet e veta dhe t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve, e q\u00eb rrjedhimisht i p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb edhe k\u00ebta t\u00eb fundit, \u00ebsht\u00eb \u2018vet\u00ebdije e rreme\u2019 q\u00eb i n\u00ebnpolitizon hallet e pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve duke i reduktuar ato n\u00eb binomin pun\u00eb-mospun\u00eb. Kjo, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb anekdotike, mund t\u00eb shihet n\u00eb nj\u00eb list\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb publikuar nga Shoqata e Gastronom\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs drejtuar qeveris\u00eb, ku kompenzimi i qirave q\u00ebndron m\u00eb lart\u00eb se kompenzimi i pagave t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve. M\u00eb tej, derdhja e k\u00ebtyre kompenzimeve n\u00eb llogarit\u00eb e pronar\u00ebve, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht procedur\u00eb administrative, por \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe pushtet i shtuar politik i pronar\u00ebve mbi pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt. Nuk ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb spekulohet se \u00e7\u2019pasoja do t\u00eb kishte n\u00eb rast t\u00eb organizimit t\u00eb vet\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve, mjafton t\u00eb mendohet q\u00eb shumica e problemeve q\u00eb ata i kan\u00eb si pasoj\u00eb e politikave t\u00eb pronar\u00ebve, do t\u00eb adresoheshin e mbase edhe do t\u00eb merrnin kahje drejt p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimit. Pronar\u00ebt e organizuar q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb di\u00e7ka nga shteti edhe p\u00ebr pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt e tyre, l\u00ebre q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues t\u00eb ineresave t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb fundit, por q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb n\u00eb konflik me shumic\u00ebn e k\u00ebtyre interesave. Pra, jo q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb tag\u00ebr politik t\u2019i p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt p\u00ebrball qeveris\u00eb, por nuk e kan\u00eb as nivelin e neutralitetit p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuar mes tyre.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

N\u00eb ballafaqimet e bizneseve kosovare me masat qeveritare anti-Covid, fakti q\u00eb bie n\u00eb sy \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb kishte mobilizim t\u00eb pronar\u00ebve t\u00eb bizneseve sesa t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht t\u00eb z\u00ebsh\u00ebm ishin pronar\u00ebt e bizneseve t\u00eb gastronomis\u00eb, veprimtaria e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve binte m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti ndesh me masat kund\u00ebr p\u00ebrhapjes s\u00eb virusit. Pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt do […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":8983,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[646,691],"ppma_author":[264],"class_list":["post-4876","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-covid-19","tag-economy"],"authors":[{"term_id":264,"user_id":0,"is_guest":1,"slug":"eroll-gashi","display_name":"Eroll Gashi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/gashi-eroll.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/gashi-eroll.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"","first_name":"","description":"Eroll Gashi \u00ebsht\u00eb politolog. Ka mbaruar studimet Bachelor n\u00eb shkenca politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs dhe vijon studimet nd\u00ebrdiciplinare MA n\u00eb Universitetin e Siegenit n\u00eb Gjermani me fokus n\u00eb perspektivat historike dhe bashk\u00ebkohore mbi kultur\u00ebn politike dhe pabarazin\u00eb sociale. Ka qen\u00eb aktivist dhe bashk\u00ebthemelues i Klubit Politik t\u00eb Student\u00ebve n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4876","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4876"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4876\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8986,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4876\/revisions\/8986"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8983"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4876"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4876"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4876"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4876"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}