{"id":4905,"date":"2015-12-08T12:23:15","date_gmt":"2015-12-08T10:23:15","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4905"},"modified":"2024-11-07T12:26:40","modified_gmt":"2024-11-07T10:26:40","slug":"po-kundermoni-shqype","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/po-kundermoni-shqype\/","title":{"rendered":"Po kund\u00ebrmoni shqype!"},"content":{"rendered":"
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N\u00eb gusht 2015, mbi 70.000 qytetar\u00eb ishin mbledhur n\u00eb sheshin e martir\u00ebve n\u00eb Bejrut me nj\u00eb slogan t\u00eb vet\u00ebm \u2018Po kund\u00ebrmoni\u2019. Po ju vjen era, ishte slogani i qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb Libanit kund\u00ebr elitave t\u00eb korruptuara politike dhe mosfunksionimit t\u00eb sistemit politik. L\u00ebvizja kishte fituar momentumin e saj politik dhe kishte mobilizuar nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb konsideruar t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve libanez\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kosova ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb L\u00ebvizje t\u00eb Re Shoq\u00ebrore. Fjala vjen, n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb nuk ka nj\u00eb protest\u00eb masive p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kauz\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore. Deri tani, sheshet e qyteteve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb sheshin e Prishtin\u00ebs, nuk i kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb \u2018konak\u2019 asnj\u00eb proteste masive kund\u00ebr korrupsionit. Kund\u00ebr krimit t\u00eb organizuara. Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb selektive. E t\u00eb tjera. N\u00ebse ka pasur protesta masive ato \u00e7doher\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb protesta p\u00ebr kauza nacionale. Ka nj\u00eb koh\u00eb q\u00eb lidershipi politik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb kund\u00ebrmon nga korrupsioni. Prandaj, a nuk vlen i nj\u00ebjti slogan p\u00ebr lider\u00ebt politik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb: po kund\u00ebrmoni shqype! N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje antikund\u00ebrmuese q\u00eb fillon me l\u00ebviz\u00eb shtetin drejt funksionimit, demokracin\u00eb drejt konsolidimit dhe ekonomin\u00eb drejt zhvillimit.<\/p>\n

Pse nj\u00eb L\u00ebvizje e Re Shoq\u00ebrore? Gjat\u00eb viteve 90-ta Kosova kishte organizuar nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje paq\u00ebsore. Forca gravituese e k\u00ebsaj L\u00ebvizjeje rrotullohej rreth Lidhjes Demokratike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, kurse nj\u00eb rrjet i gjer\u00eb i organizatave t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu edhe pjes\u00ebn d\u00ebrrmuese t\u00eb partive politike t\u00eb asaj kohe silleshin rreth nj\u00eb projekti nacional p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarizimin e \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe \u00e7lirimin e Kosov\u00ebs nga represioni serb. L\u00ebvizja Kosovare kishte nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb rrjet t\u00eb gjer\u00eb institucionesh, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu arsimin si shtyll\u00eb e rezistenc\u00ebs masive, sh\u00ebrbimet sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsore, medie, etj. Megjithat\u00eb, tendenca e l\u00ebvizjes ishte q\u00eb rezistenca t\u00eb institucionalizohej n\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajturat institucione paralele dhe shtet paralel virtual. Kjo ishte koh\u00eb e nj\u00eb pluralizimi t\u00eb similuar, duke e marr\u00eb parasysh faktin se forca dominuese politike e k\u00ebsaj kohe ishte LDK-ja, kurse partit\u00eb tjera silleshin rreth k\u00ebtij projekti t\u00eb LDK-s\u00eb. \u00a0P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr shfaqjes s\u00eb k\u00ebtij \u2018pluralizmi t\u00eb simuluar\u2019, si nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje e p\u00ebrgjithshme komb\u00ebtare shqiptare, Historiani Oliver Schmitt konkludon se \u2018mes viteve 1992-1995, LDK-ja sundoi n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb kosovare pothuaj e pasfiduar\u2019 duke i l\u00ebn\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e partive t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb hije.<\/p>\n

Pas vitit 1999, Kosova futet n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u2018pluraliz\u00ebm t\u00eb polarizuar\u2019. Ishin regjistruar nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i madh i partive politike. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr forc\u00ebs ende dominuese t\u00eb LDK-s\u00eb n\u00eb terrenin politik, repertuari i partive politike q\u00eb e konsideronin veten trashigimtar\u00eb t\u00eb luft\u00ebs s\u00eb U\u00c7K-s\u00eb dhe atyre q\u00eb kishin ndjekur nj\u00eb qasje paq\u00ebsore p\u00ebr \u00e7lirimin e Kosov\u00ebs kishte arritur zenitin. Partit\u00eb politike i konsideronin kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt politik armiq politik. \u00a0Gara politike zhvillohej me nj\u00eb ashp\u00ebrsi retorike dhe identifikimi i nd\u00ebrsjellt\u00eb i partive politike me kategori politike schmittiane \u2018mik-armik\u2019 ishte shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb diskurs thuajse \u2018zyrtar\u2019 dhe \u2018normal\u2019 n\u00eb p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebrin\u00eb politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb ambient politik t\u00eb till\u00eb ku partit\u00eb politike e trajtonin nj\u00ebra-tjer\u00ebn si armike, mund\u00ebsia e demokratizimit t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm t\u00eb partive politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe adresimi i problemeve kolektive ishte jasht\u00eb \u00e7do diskutimi. Carl Schmitt, nj\u00eb jurist dhe filozof me nam gjerman, v\u00ebren se p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb armik politik nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb jesh domosdo moralisht i lig apo estetikisht i sh\u00ebmtuar, ekonomikisht i fuqish\u00ebm e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb.\u00a0 Armik \u00ebsht\u00eb ai q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb \u2018ekzistencialisht i ndrysh\u00ebn dhe i huaj dhe q\u00eb n\u00eb raste ekstreme konfliktet me t\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme\u2019.<\/p>\n

Pas zgjedhjeve t\u00eb 2004 dhe 2007, s\u00eb pari LDK dhe AAK, s\u00eb dyti, PDK dhe LDK, kishin nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb koalicion t\u00eb madh qeveris\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. K\u00ebto koalicione t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, n\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb ose tjet\u00ebr, kishin \u2018zbutur\u2019 repertuarin e gjuh\u00ebs armiq\u00ebsore t\u00eb partive politike. Kosova ishte futur n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u2018pluraliz\u00ebm t\u00eb moderuar\u2019. Zgjedhjet e vitit 2014 e kishin riprodhuar t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin diskurs p\u00ebrjashtues politik, por jo t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm n\u00eb ton\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrmas\u00eb si n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn e pasluft\u00ebs s\u00eb 1999. Tashm\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt politik\u00eb nuk e konsiderohenin nj\u00ebri-tjetrin si armiq apo tradhtar\u00eb, por si hajna. Njer\u00ebz t\u00eb korruptuar. Derisa n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn e pas 1999, PDK, si nj\u00eb parti e sapothemeluar kishte monopolizuar vlerat \u2018puritane\u2019 komb\u00ebtare, p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u2018gozhduar\u2019 kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e saj politik\u00eb, madje duke i v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb diskutim orientimet komb\u00ebtarizuese t\u00eb tyre, n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn e pas 2014, kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt politik t\u00eb PDK-s\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu LDK, AAK, VV, dhe Nisma, \u2018gozhdonin\u2019 PDK-n\u00eb, me diskursin e antikorrupsionit.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr diskursit antipdkist t\u00eb VLAN, Gjykata Kushtetuese me nj\u00eb vendim t\u00eb saj kishte vler\u00ebsuar t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e PDK-s\u00eb, si parti fituese e zgjedhjeve, p\u00ebr t\u00eb formuar qeverin\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb, sot ballafaqohemi me nj\u00eb koalicion mes dy partive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha PDK dhe LDK, q\u00eb potencialisht mund t\u00eb vendosin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb regjist\u00ebr t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve publike pa asnj\u00eb penges\u00eb procedurale, vendime q\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajt\u00ebsisht mund t\u00eb rezultojn\u00eb t\u00eb gabuara p\u00ebr interesat kolektive. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, p\u00ebrball\u00eb k\u00ebtij koalicion t\u00eb madh, VV, AAK dhe Nisma, duke i problematizuar vet\u00ebm demarkacionin dhe Asociacionin e Komunave Serbe, nuk po e ndihmojn\u00eb mir\u00ebqeverisjen n\u00eb vend. As duke e monitoruar qeverin\u00eb. As duke e informuar publikun dhe mbajtur qeverin\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebse p\u00ebr politikat publike. Dhe as duke ofruar politika publike alternative p\u00ebr problemet e interesit kolektiv. Po aq sa \u00ebsht\u00eb joparimor, joidelogjik dhe joprogramatik koalicioni qeveris\u00ebs PDK dhe LDK, po aq joparimor, joidelogjik dhe joprogramatik mbetet koalicioni i partive opozitare kundrejt k\u00ebsaj qeverie.<\/p>\n

Shtat\u00eb vjet pas pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, pes\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet pas administrimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb misioneve t\u00eb huaja (UNMIK, EULEX, ICO), nj\u00ebzetepes\u00eb vjet pas organizimit t\u00eb rezistenc\u00ebs civile n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, Kosova ka nevoj\u00eb urgjente p\u00ebr nj\u00eb L\u00ebvizje t\u00eb Re Shoq\u00ebrore. Asnj\u00eb parti e vetme politike nuk do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb organizonte veprime t\u00eb tilla kolektive dhe do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ofronte alternativa ndaj problemeve kolektive n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. T\u00eb gjitha partit\u00eb politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb kan\u00eb pasur mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i adresojn\u00eb k\u00ebto probleme kolektive q\u00eb nga viti 1999. Shumica kan\u00eb qeverisur me Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb nivel qend\u00ebror p\u00ebrmes Koalicioneve t\u00eb M\u00ebdha. P\u00ebrjashto k\u00ebtu L\u00ebvizjen Vet\u00ebvendosje. Kjo e fundit ka humbur momentumin politik p\u00ebr ta drejtuar nj\u00eb L\u00ebvizje t\u00eb Re Shoq\u00ebrore, p\u00ebr faktin se VV filloi si rrjet, n\u00eb mes u b\u00eb organizat\u00eb, dhe p\u00ebrfundoi si subjekt politik\/parti politike. Si\u00e7 thot\u00eb William Gamson, \u2018kur organizimet, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb organizimet e l\u00ebvizjeve shoq\u00ebrore, byrokratizohen, d\u00ebshira p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00ebn e organizimit vjen dhe i dominon objektivat e deklaruara kolektive\u2019. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse potencialisht nj\u00eb L\u00ebvizje e Re Shoq\u00ebrore duhet t\u00eb organizohet si tip Rrjeti dhe jo si tip Organizate.<\/p>\n

Por, \u00e7far\u00eb jan\u00eb L\u00ebvizjet Shoq\u00ebrore? Debati shkollar p\u00ebr l\u00ebvizjet shoq\u00ebrore \u00ebsht\u00eb i pafund. Donatella Della Porta, duke i studiuar mes tjerash dep\u00ebrtimet teorike t\u00eb Mario Diani-t, v\u00eb re se l\u00ebvizjet shoq\u00ebrore jan\u00eb procese t\u00eb dallueshme shoq\u00ebrore p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cilave aktor\u00ebt organizojn\u00eb veprimet e tyre kolektive. Tri karakteristika t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre veprimeve kolektive i b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb dalluesh\u00ebm l\u00ebvizjet shoq\u00ebrore prej organizimeve t\u00eb tjera. K\u00ebto jan\u00eb: 1) aktor\u00ebt e l\u00ebvizjes jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie konfliktuale me kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e tyre t\u00eb definuar qart\u00ebsisht; 2) lidhen p\u00ebrmes rrjeteve t\u00eb denduara informale dhe 3) ndajn\u00eb nj\u00eb identitet t\u00eb dalluesh\u00ebm kolektiv.<\/p>\n

Sipas Della Porta, s\u00eb pari, veprimet kolektive konfliktuale nuk n\u00ebnkuptojn\u00eb dhun\u00eb, por marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie kund\u00ebrshtuese mes aktor\u00ebve. S\u00eb dyti, ajo q\u00eb i dallon l\u00ebvizjet shoq\u00ebrore prej veprimeve t\u00eb tjera kolektive jan\u00eb rrjetet e denduara informale, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat rrjete l\u00ebvizja merr\u00eb frym\u00eb. Asnj\u00eb organizat\u00eb nuk mund ta p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj\u00eb l\u00ebvizjen si t\u00ebr\u00ebsi. Si\u00e7 thot\u00eb Della Porta, ne mund t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr ekzistenc\u00ebn e nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeje shoq\u00ebrore at\u00ebher\u00eb kur aktor\u00ebt, qoft\u00eb individ\u00ebt apo aktor\u00eb t\u00eb organizuar, ruajn\u00eb pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e tyre, por angazhohen n\u00eb ndjekjen e q\u00ebllimeve t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta. Kjo n\u00ebnkupton koordinim dhe negociim t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb l\u00ebvizje p\u00ebr strategjin\u00eb m\u00eb efikase dhe m\u00eb efektive. \u00a0S\u00eb treti, kur flitet p\u00ebr identitetin kolektiv t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb fjala domosdo p\u00ebr nj\u00eb identitet kolektiv etnik. Identiteti kolektiv krijohet nga kauza(t) kolektive. P\u00ebr Della Porta, l\u00ebvizjet shoq\u00ebrore jan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se shuma e protestave, apo kampanjave t\u00eb vecanta. P\u00ebr Della Porta, mund t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr l\u00ebvizje shoq\u00ebrore at\u00ebher\u00eb kur veprimet kolektive shkojn\u00eb p\u00ebrtej iniciativave t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta, t\u00eb cilat mund\u00ebsohen nga aktor\u00ebt q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihen n\u00eb veprime kolekteve. Identiteti kolektiv zhvillohet s\u00eb bashku me nd\u00ebrmarrjen e veprimeve kolektive.<\/p>\n

Kosova ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr ndryshime sistematike politike. Nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje q\u00eb transformon n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb inkrementale dhe jo revolucionare logjik\u00ebn llogaridh\u00ebn\u00ebse t\u00eb institucioneve politike, e b\u00ebn qytetarin pronar t\u00eb shtetit, dhe adreson zhvillimin ekonomik. Asnj\u00eb protest\u00eb e vetme nuk mund t\u2019i adresoj\u00eb k\u00ebto ndryshime. Asnj\u00eb organizat\u00eb e vetme e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile. Asnj\u00eb parti politike. Asnj\u00eb intelektual i vet\u00ebm. Asnj\u00eb shoqat\u00eb e artist\u00ebve. Asnj\u00eb organizat\u00eb studentore. Asnj\u00eb sindikat\u00eb e pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve. Asnj\u00eb asociacion i gazetar\u00ebve. Asnj\u00eb institucion, qoft\u00eb ky Universitet apo Akademi. Asnj\u00eb organizat\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Mision i huaj civilizues. Ndryshimet rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsore politike b\u00ebhen nga veprime kolektive t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb aktor\u00ebve q\u00eb planifikojn\u00eb t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb lir\u00eb dhe t\u00eb drejt\u00eb. T\u00eb mund\u00ebsive t\u00eb barabarta. Q\u00eb qend\u00ebrsynim ka t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, potencialisht, nj\u00eb L\u00ebvizje e Re Shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u2019i p\u00ebrfshinte t\u00eb gjith\u00eb aktor\u00ebt e m\u00ebsip\u00ebrm n\u00eb definimin e strategjis\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i adresuar kauzat kolektive t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. K\u00ebto nuk jan\u00eb dhe nuk mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb kauza individuale. Nuk mund t\u00eb adresohen nga nj\u00eb grup ekspert\u00ebsh ose teknokrat\u00ebsh. Nuk jan\u00eb dhe nuk mund t\u00eb adresohen as nga nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb, as m\u00eb pak nga nj\u00eb parti politike. Masivizimi i nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeje t\u00eb till\u00eb, dhe diversifikimi i burimeve potenciale t\u00eb saj, do ta largonte at\u00eb nga p\u00ebrdorimi strategjik i dhun\u00ebs pa\u00e7ka se qeveria nuk do t\u00eb kishte shkas q\u00eb ta shtypte ose pamund\u00ebsonte veprimin e saj kolektiv. Nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje e till\u00eb jasht\u00ebinstitucionale, me shum\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs, pa byrokraci dhe hierarki rigjide, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb kanalizonte potencialisht n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb mase energjin\u00eb e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb atyre qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar, ose gjysm\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar dhe do t\u00eb mund t\u2019i subjektizonte ata si aktor\u00eb politik\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje e till\u00eb nuk duhet t\u00eb kund\u00ebrmoj\u00eb ndasi, por t\u2019ofroj\u00eb ide, veprim, energji dhe mobilizim p\u00ebr veprim kolektiv.<\/p>\n

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N\u00eb gusht 2015, mbi 70.000 qytetar\u00eb ishin mbledhur n\u00eb sheshin e martir\u00ebve n\u00eb Bejrut me nj\u00eb slogan t\u00eb vet\u00ebm \u2018Po kund\u00ebrmoni\u2019. Po ju vjen era, ishte slogani i qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb Libanit kund\u00ebr elitave t\u00eb korruptuara politike dhe mosfunksionimit t\u00eb sistemit politik. L\u00ebvizja kishte fituar momentumin e saj politik dhe kishte mobilizuar nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb konsideruar […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":43,"featured_media":9792,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[972,1704],"ppma_author":[53],"class_list":["post-4905","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kosove","tag-levizje-e-re-shoqerore"],"authors":[{"term_id":53,"user_id":43,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adem-beha","display_name":"Adem Beha","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/C477C28E-1E6C-46CB-965F-2493B7413F59.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/C477C28E-1E6C-46CB-965F-2493B7413F59.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Beha","first_name":"Adem","description":"Adem Beha \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Ai p\u00ebrfundoi studimet n\u00eb Shkenc\u00eb Politike dhe Administrat\u00eb Publike n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs dhe ka diplomuar n\u00eb master n\u00eb programin Shoq\u00ebria Civile dhe Zhvillim Lokal nga Universiteti i Prishtin\u00ebs, Universiteti i Grazit dhe Universiteti Komb\u00ebtar i Irland\u00ebs n\u00eb Galway. Momentalisht, Beha \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim t\u00eb studimeve t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs n\u00eb shkenc\u00ebn politike n\u00eb SEEU. Beha \u00ebsht\u00eb angazhuar si trajner, konsulent, dhe hulumtues n\u00eb organizata t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile vendore dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb UBO Consulting, KOPF, REF, KIP, CPC dhe Fondacionin Peace Berghof. Interesimet e tij k\u00ebrkimore p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb: transformimi i konflikteve, siguria njer\u00ebzore, shtet-nd\u00ebrtimi dhe nd\u00ebrtimi i paqes, t\u00eb drejtat e pakicave dhe zhvillimi i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4905","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/43"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4905"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4905\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9793,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4905\/revisions\/9793"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9792"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4905"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4905"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4905"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4905"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}