{"id":5063,"date":"2016-02-25T11:21:26","date_gmt":"2016-02-25T09:21:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5063"},"modified":"2024-11-05T11:23:31","modified_gmt":"2024-11-05T09:23:31","slug":"mbi-zanafillen-e-asociacionit-te-komunave-serbe-9-deshtime","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/mbi-zanafillen-e-asociacionit-te-komunave-serbe-9-deshtime\/","title":{"rendered":"Mbi zanafill\u00ebn e asociacionit t\u00eb komunave serbe: 9 d\u00ebshtime"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Q\u00eb nga qershori 1999, Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb ballafaquar me paqart\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e saj politike. P\u00ebr dallim nga UNTAET, mandati i t\u00eb cilit mision ka p\u00ebrgatitur shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb Timorin Lindor p\u00ebr shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, UNMIK-u nuk e ka pasur nj\u00eb mandat t\u00eb till\u00eb. Mandati i UNMIK-ut ishte themelimi i institucioneve t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohshme n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, me kapacitet q\u00eb t\u00eb ofrojn\u00eb siguri p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb banor\u00ebt e Kosov\u00eb dhe, p\u00ebrmes k\u00ebtyre institucione, Kosova do t\u00eb g\u00ebzonte nj\u00eb autonomi substanciale brenda ish-Jugosllavis\u00eb. Me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb nj\u00eb shkollar i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, k\u00ebt\u00eb formulim kontradiktor \u2018autonomi substanciale brenda Jugosllavis\u00eb\u2019 e ka quajtur \u2018fiksion politik-shkencor\u2019. Statusi limbo i Kosov\u00ebs ishte \u2018or\u00eb e kurdisur\u2019 p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb dhe stabilitetin rajonal n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Juglindore. Si rezultat i k\u00ebsaj, p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb procesi t\u00eb koordinuar nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, Kosova shpall pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb. N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb zbarkohet nj\u00eb mision p\u00ebr sundim t\u00eb ligjit, EULEX. Poashtu do t\u00eb themelohej nj\u00eb Zyr\u00eb Civile Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb do t\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrte zbatimin e Planin t\u00eb Ahtisaarit. Obligimet q\u00eb rridhnin nga ky plan p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e pakic\u00ebs serbe dhe pakicave t\u00eb tjera Kosova ishin integruar n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb nga viti 1999, jeta politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb modeluar p\u00ebrmes tri makroforcave politike \u2013 shqiptar\u00ebt q\u00eb kan\u00eb promovuar nj\u00eb qasje qend\u00ebrsynuese, kan\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi q\u00eb pushteti t\u00eb transferohet nga UNMIK n\u00eb institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs dhe q\u00eb k\u00ebto t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb fuqizohen drejt pavar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb plot\u00eb; serb\u00ebt, t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur nga Beogradi, kan\u00eb promovuar nj\u00eb qasje qend\u00ebrik\u00ebse, p\u00ebrmes krijimit t\u00eb institucioneve paralele n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me Rezolut\u00ebn 1244 dhe kontestimin e legjitimitetit t\u00eb UNMIK-ut dhe institucioneve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs; UNMIK, neutralitetit i t\u00eb cilit mision kundrejt statusit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, dhe mungesa e llogaridh\u00ebnies qoft\u00eb n\u00eb nivel vendor qoft\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, ka rezultuar me q\u00ebllimin e pasynuar t\u00eb tij \u00a0– humbjen e legjitimitetit n\u00eb terren. T\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin fat duket se do ta ket\u00eb edhe EULEX-i.<\/p>\n

Kjo p\u00ebrplasje mes forcave politike qend\u00ebrik\u00ebse serbe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb (me mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb Beogradit) dhe forcave qend\u00ebrsynuese shqiptare vazhdon edhe 8 vite pasi Kosova ka shpallur shtetin e saj, n\u00eb aktin themeltar t\u00eb shtet n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin garantohet p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi institucional i pakicave n\u00eb institucionet qendrore dhe t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb zgjeruara vet\u00ebqeveris\u00ebse, p\u00ebrmes themelimit t\u00eb komunave serbe, t\u00eb cilat g\u00ebzojn\u00eb kompetenca m\u00eb t\u00eb gjera n\u00eb krahasim me komunat shqiptare. P\u00ebr ta zvog\u00ebluar k\u00ebt\u00eb distanc\u00eb mes k\u00ebtyre tendencave politike qend\u00ebrikese dhe qend\u00ebrsynuese, Kosova, me leht\u00ebsimin e Bashkimit Evropian, ka nis\u00eb nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb ri dialogu me Serbin\u00eb. Me19 prill 2013 Kosova ka n\u00ebnshkruar marr\u00ebveshjen e par\u00eb p\u00ebr normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me Serbin\u00eb. Kjo marr\u00ebveshje parasheh themelimin e Asociacionit t\u00eb Komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe, integrimin e pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb strukturave paralele serbe n\u00eb institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs, ku serb\u00ebt do t\u00eb zgjedhin nj\u00eb komandat rajonal (p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsia etnike e s\u00eb cilit\/cil\u00ebs duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb serb), mbajtjen e zgjedhjeve edhe n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, etj. Kjo marr\u00ebveshje \u00ebsht\u00eb ratifikuar n\u00eb Kuvendin e Kosov\u00ebs dhe, poashtu, \u00ebsht\u00eb aprovuar kushtetutshm\u00ebria e saj nga Gjykata Kushtetuese. Gjykata Kushtetuese ka vler\u00ebsuar vet\u00ebm pjes\u00ebn e procedurave t\u00eb ratifikimit, por jo edhe pjes\u00ebn p\u00ebrmbajtjesore t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes. N\u00ebse p\u00ebr k\u00ebrsh\u00ebri analitike lexohet p\u00ebrmbajtja e Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb 19 prillit, p\u00ebrmbajtja e saj nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me Kushtetut\u00ebn dhe ligjet aktuale n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tem\u00eb q\u00eb e kam trajtuar diku tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

Marr\u00ebveshja e 19 prillit – n\u00ebse p\u00ebrdorim terminologjin\u00eb e John Rawls \u2013 shkel parimin e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb si paanshm\u00ebri, q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton para s\u00eb gjithash parimin e qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb lir\u00eb e t\u00eb barabart\u00eb. Zbatimi i k\u00ebtij parimi \u2013 n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb themelohet nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri e drejt\u00eb e qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb barabart\u00eb \u2013 nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet objekt negociimi politik. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, Marr\u00ebveshja e 19 prillit \u00ebsht\u00eb rezultat i nj\u00eb procesi negocimi politik. Kjo marr\u00ebveshje nuk e b\u00ebn shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb kosovare nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri m\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb saj, p\u00ebr shkak se funksionin mbi parime p\u00ebrjashtuese etnike, dhe i pamund\u00ebson nj\u00eb pjese t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm. Qyshdoqoft\u00eb, problemi faktik mbetet se nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e konsiderueshme e serb\u00ebve kosovar\u00eb \u2013 sidomos ata n\u00eb veri \u2013 nuk e kan\u00eb konsideruar veten fare qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Marr\u00ebveshja, duke qen\u00eb n\u00eb thelb kalkulim politik, dhe jo platform\u00eb e parimeve t\u00eb barazis\u00eb dhe drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, ka p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim q\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb inkrementale t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb incentiva p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cilave forcat qend\u00ebrik\u00ebse serbe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u00a0– n\u00ebse shprehemi me eufemizmin e zakonsh\u00ebm \u2013 t\u00eb drejtohen nga Prishtina, dhe t\u00eb pranojn\u00eb gradualisht Republik\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs. Qyshdoqoft\u00eb, kjo nuk duhet t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb me \u00e7mimin e defunksoinalizmit t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Si \u00e7do marr\u00ebveshje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, edhe Marr\u00ebveshja e 19 prillit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje e vet\u00ebzbatueshme. Marr\u00ebveshja do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb themelohej me statut, dhe p\u00ebrmbajtja e kompetencave q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruhen n\u00eb statut do t\u00eb jet\u00eb vendimtare p\u00ebr ta ruajtur karakterin unitar dhe funksional t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Dokumenti i 25 gushtit 2015 p\u00ebr zbatimin e marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb 19 prillit ka tejkaluar form\u00ebn dhe p\u00ebrmbajtjen e Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb 19 prillit. Me k\u00ebrkes\u00eb t\u00eb Presidentes s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, ky dokument \u00ebsht\u00eb adresuar n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn Kushtuese. Kjo e fundit n\u00eb aktgjykimin e saj 39 faqesh, KO 130\/15, jep nj\u00eb vler\u00ebsim abstrakt dhe konstaton se dokumenti i quajtur \u2018Asociacioni\/Bashk\u00ebsia e komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u2013 Parime e p\u00ebrgjithshme\/Elementet kryesore\u2019, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhshm\u00ebri me frym\u00ebn e Kushtetuese\u2019. Gjykata Kushtetuese konstaton se ky dokument shkel barazin\u00eb para ligjit t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, t\u00eb drejtat dhe lirit\u00eb themelore, dhe t\u00eb drejtat e komuniteteve dhe pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb indirekte, sipas vler\u00ebsimit tim, Gjykata Kushtetuese konstaton se p\u00ebrmbajtja e marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb 19 prillit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me Kushtetut\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs, e q\u00eb n\u00eb aktgjykimin e par\u00eb p\u00ebr Marr\u00ebveshjen e 19 prillit Gjykata Kushtetuese e kishte shpallur veten si jo kompetente p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjykuar p\u00ebrmbajtjen e marr\u00ebveshjes. Qyshdoqoft\u00eb, ajo konsiston se Asociacioni i Komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe duhet t\u00eb themelohet.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje mes Politik\u00ebs dhe Ligjit, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00c7el\u00ebs p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cilit mund t\u00eb bllokohen dhe pastrohen prerogativat eventuale antikushtetuese t\u00eb statutit, mbi baz\u00ebn e t\u00eb t\u00eb cilit do t\u00eb themelohet Asociacioni. Statuti tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb instrumenti i vet\u00ebm ligjor p\u00ebr ta pastruar si Marr\u00ebveshjen e 19 prillit ashtu edhe dokumentin e 25 gushtit p\u00ebr zbatimin e k\u00ebsaj marr\u00ebveshje. P\u00ebr t\u00eb vler\u00ebsuar p\u00ebrputhshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e statutit me Kushtetut\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs, vler\u00ebsimin final do ta jap\u00eb Gjykata Kushtetuese. Qyshdoqoft\u00eb, gjat\u00eb hartimit t\u00eb statutit, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ruhet funksionaliteti i shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb gjeneratat e tashme dhe t\u00eb ardhshme, t\u00eb ken\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri ku parimi i barazis\u00eb s\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve para ligjit vlen barabar p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb. Statuti nuk duhet t\u00eb themeloj\u00eb nj\u00eb Asociacion me kompetenca ekzekutive. Grupi teknik q\u00eb do t\u00eb harton statutin tashm\u00eb e ka m\u00eb leht\u00eb meqen\u00ebse Gjykata Kushtetuese ka ravij\u00ebzuar vijat e kuqe se ku dhe n\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb forme dokumenti i 25 gushtit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me Kushtetut\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs. Poashtu, duhet t\u00eb merren praktikat m\u00eb t\u00eb mira p\u00ebr respektimin e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut nga Gjykata Evropiane p\u00ebr t\u00eb Drejtat e Njeriut n\u00eb Strasburg, q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb aplikueshme edhe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, si, fjala vjen, rasti Sejdiq dhe Finci kund\u00ebr Bosnj\u00eb-Hercegovic\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Dervo Sejdiq dhe Jakob Finici, nj\u00eb rom dhe nj\u00eb hebre, si qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb-Hercegovin\u00ebs, n\u00eb vitin 2006, kishin ngritur \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e diskriminimit t\u00eb tyre n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn Evropiane p\u00ebr t\u00eb Drejtat e Njeriut, me arsyetimin se asnj\u00ebri dhe as tjetri nuk kishin mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb t\u00eb garonin n\u00eb zgjedhje p\u00ebr Dhom\u00ebn e Popujve t\u00eb Parlamentit dhe as p\u00ebr pozit\u00ebn e Presidences Kolektive, p\u00ebr shkak se p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre etnike. Sejdiq dhe Finci bazohen ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb nenin 3 (zgjedhje t\u00eb lira), 14 (ndalimi i diskriminimit) t\u00eb Konvent\u00ebs Evropiane p\u00ebr t\u00eb Drejtat e Njeriut. N\u00eb preambul\u00ebn e Kushtetut\u00ebs s\u00eb Bosnj\u00ebs, e cila ishte modeluar sipas Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Dejtonit t\u00eb 1995-s vet\u00ebm boshnjak\u00ebt, kroat\u00ebt dhe serb\u00ebt njihen si \u2018popuj konstitutiv\u00eb\u2019. Poashtu, gjithnj\u00eb sipas Kushtetut\u00ebs s\u00eb Bosnj\u00ebs, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi n\u00eb Dhom\u00ebn e Popujve ashtu edhe Presidenc\u00ebn Kolektive, b\u00ebhej sipas parimit etnik. Gjykata e Strasburgut, n\u00eb vendimin e saj 59 faqesh, n\u00eb dhjetor 2009, konkludon qart\u00eb se rasti n\u00eb fjal\u00eb paraqet diskriminim t\u00eb qart\u00eb mbi baza etnike ndaj Sejdiq dhe Finci. Qyshdoqoft\u00eb, shtat\u00eb vjet q\u00eb nga vendimi i marr\u00eb nga Gjykata e Strasburgut, ky vendim nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zbatuar dhe Bosnja nuk ka arritur q\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb parimet diskriminuese q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb shkruar n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebn e saj, p\u00ebr faktin se \u00e7do ndryshim kushtetues duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhet n\u00eb dakordanc\u00eb me Republik\u00ebn Serbe t\u00eb Bosnj\u00ebs. Nj\u00ebra prej k\u00ebrkesave eksplicite t\u00eb Komisionit Evropian n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e Bosnj\u00ebs drejt integrimeve evropiane \u00ebsht\u00eb zbatimi i k\u00ebtij vendimi t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs s\u00eb Strasburgut dhe ndryshimi i karakterit diskriminues t\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs s\u00eb Bosnj\u00ebs. Ndon\u00ebse rasti i Kosov\u00ebs dallon nga ai i Bosnj\u00ebs, ajo q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb m\u00ebsohet nga ky rast \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb, ndon\u00ebse bashk\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, \u00ebsht\u00eb e interesuar q\u00eb t\u00eb leht\u00ebsoj\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje politike p\u00ebr normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cil\u00ebs do t\u00eb krijoheshin incentivat p\u00ebr integrimin e strukturave paralele serbe n\u00eb institucionet e Kosov\u00eb, pjes\u00ebt e caktuara t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb 19 prillit 2013 dhe pjes\u00eb nga dokumenti zbatues i 25 gushtit 2015, q\u00eb ofrojn\u00eb zgjidhje krejt\u00ebsisht monoetnike (si p. sh. em\u00ebrimi i nj\u00eb komandanti rajonal serb n\u00eb veri), bien ndesh me standardet m\u00eb t\u00eb avancuara p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut. Af\u00ebrmendsh, andaj, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u befasuar q\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb t\u00eb avancuar kur Kosova do t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb af\u00ebr procesit t\u00eb integrimit evropian, vet\u00eb Bashkimi Evropian do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte q\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshohet korniza ligjore diskriminuese n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, n\u00ebse kjo e fundit do t\u00eb aprovonte nj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb. At\u00ebher\u00eb, ndoshta, kjo detyr\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte edhe vonshme por edhe e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Themelimi i nj\u00eb asociacion shtes\u00eb t\u00eb komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe paraqet d\u00ebshtimin e projektit paqend\u00ebrtues nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb drejt\u00eb dhe fer t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb saj. \u00cbsht\u00eb q\u00ebllim i pasynuar i keqadministrimit t\u00eb UNMIK-ut mbi Kosov\u00ebn, \u00a0i cili ka g\u00ebzuar mandat t\u00eb plot\u00eb q\u00eb ta zbatoj\u00eb rezolut\u00ebn 1244 n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, zbatoi parimin e barazis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb territorin e Kosov\u00ebs. Qyshdoqoft\u00eb, asociacioni nuk ka \u2018pikur nga qielli\u2019. N\u00ebse duam t\u00eb kthehemi n\u00eb retrospektiv\u00eb, shkaqet e Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb 19 prillit dhe dokumentit t\u00eb 25 gushtit, duhen k\u00ebrkuar, pos tjerash, edhe n\u00eb 9 d\u00ebshtimet (si t\u00eb bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ashtu edhe t\u00eb lidershipit politik shqiptar) si k\u00ebto n\u00eb vijim:<\/p>\n

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D\u00ebshtimi 1. Mungesa e ofrimit t\u00eb siguris\u00eb p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt lokal pas nd\u00ebrhyrjes s\u00eb UNMIK dhe forcave t\u00eb NATO-s\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Kjo rezultoi me zhvendosjen dhe koncentrimin e serb\u00ebve nga jugu n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Forcat e KFOR-it francez kishin nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb kordon t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, q\u00eb t\u2019ju pamund\u00ebsoj\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve kontaktin fizik dhe konfliktin eventual me serb\u00ebt. Tanim\u00eb ndarjet fizike shqiptare-serbe n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs ishin fakt. \u00a0Serb\u00ebt themeluan nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb sigurie. T\u00eb ashtuquajtur \u2018Rojat e Ur\u00ebs\u2019 shp\u00ebrngulen shqiptar\u00ebt nga pjesa veriore. N\u00ebse n\u00eb vitin 1999 do t\u00eb kishte koordinim m\u00eb t\u00eb madh mes lidershipit ushtarak t\u00eb U\u00c7K-s\u00eb, KFOR-it dhe UNMIK-ut p\u00ebr garantimin e siguris\u00eb p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt lokal\u00eb, ndoshta nevoja p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Asociacion t\u00eb komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe do t\u00eb ishte evituar.<\/p>\n

D\u00ebshtimi 2. P\u00ebrmbushja e boshll\u00ebkut institucional nga strukturat paralele serbe para zbarkimit t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb UNMIK-ut n\u00eb veri. Distancimi i serb\u00ebve sidomos n\u00eb veri, por edhe n\u00eb pjes\u00ebt e tjera t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, nga UNMIK dhe IPVQ. Themelimi i strukturave paralele, q\u00eb raportet e OSBE t\u00eb vitit 2004 dhe 2007 i klasifikuan si ilegale dhe n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me Rezolut\u00ebn 1244. P\u00ebrmbushja e nevojave financiare t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre strukturave nga Beogradi dhe jo nga Prishtina. Raportet tregojn\u00eb se Beogradi ka investuar af\u00ebr 200 milion euro n\u00eb baza vjetore n\u00eb k\u00ebto struktura. Sikur Serbia postmilloshoviqiane t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzohej dhe sikur \u00e7do nd\u00ebrhyrje e Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb do t\u00eb konsiderohej sulm ndaj administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb, ndoshta nevoja p\u00ebr themelimin e nj\u00eb Asociacioni t\u00eb komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe do t\u00eb ishte evituar. Paralelisht k\u00ebsaj, po qe se n\u00eb vitin 2003 institucionet e p\u00ebrkohshme t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs s\u00eb bashku me UNMIK dhe donator\u00ebt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushnin nevojat e serb\u00ebve lokal\u00eb, mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb sot t\u00eb flitej p\u00ebr Asociacionin e Komunave serbe do t\u00eb ishte tep\u00ebr m\u00eb e vog\u00ebl.<\/p>\n

D\u00ebshtimi 3. Standardet para statusit v. standardet me pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb. Politika e 7 standardeve p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn (e vitit 2003) dhe 109 pikave implementuese, p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cilave do t\u00eb hapej rruga p\u00ebr t\u00eb diskutuar statusin e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb planin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar nga elita politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb shihej si nj\u00eb penges\u00eb dhe vones\u00eb drejt p\u00ebrmbushjes s\u00eb aspiratave t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve. \u00a0Standardi 4 parashihte kthimin e q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm t\u00eb serb\u00ebve n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, kurse standardi 7 parashihte dialog mes Prishtin\u00ebs dhe Beogradit. Kjo politik\u00eb shihej me skepticiz\u00ebm nga lidershipi politik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, meqen\u00ebse Beogradi gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb koh\u00ebs ishte i interesuar p\u00ebr mir\u00ebmbajtjen e status quo-s\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe jo hapjen e dialogut p\u00ebr status. Sikur n\u00eb vitin 2003 Prishtina dhe Beogradi do t\u00eb dialogonin mir\u00ebfilli p\u00ebr normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve, dhe Serbia do t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzohej q\u00eb ta njoh\u00eb pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs, mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb t\u00eb ndodhin ngjarjet e marsit 2004 do t\u00eb ishte m\u00eb e vog\u00ebl. M\u00eb e vog\u00ebl do t\u00eb ishte poashtu mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb Kosova t\u00eb decentralizohej n\u00eb form\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrmbajtje ashtu si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb modeluar me Planin e Ahtisaarit.<\/p>\n

D\u00ebshtimi 4. Ngjarjet e marsit dhe shkat\u00ebrrimi i kishave ortodokse. Kjo krijoi perceptimin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, perceptim ky q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ushqyer nga propaganda e Beogradit q\u00eb nga 1999, se \u00a0elita politike shqiptare nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb ta mbroj\u00eb komunitetin serb. Lidershipi politik shqiptar kishte d\u00ebnuar krejt zbeht\u00eb k\u00ebto ngjarje, p\u00ebr faktin se k\u00ebto ngjarje shiheshin si antistatus-quo, dhe nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi e mir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb hapej dialogu nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr definimin e statusit t\u00eb paqart\u00eb politik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Sikur lidershipi politik shqiptar m\u00eb 2004 t\u00eb lanconte nj\u00eb dialog t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb qasjeje t\u00eb kombinuar dialogimi dhe komunikimi lidership-mas\u00eb mes shqiptar\u00ebve dhe serb\u00ebve dhe do t\u00eb iniciohej nj\u00eb proces i drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb tranzicionale ndoshta nuk do t\u00eb kishte nevoj\u00eb as p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Gjykat\u00eb Speciale sot, dhe as p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Asociacion t\u00eb till\u00eb t\u00eb komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe m\u00eb 2016.<\/p>\n

D\u00ebshtimi 5. Raporti i Kai Eides diskrediton politik\u00ebn e UNMIK-ut \u2018standardet para statusit\u2019. Pas ngjarjeve t\u00eb marsit 2004, nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb qart\u00ebsuar t\u00eb ardhmen politike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs u b\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebri. Eide sh\u00ebnon n\u00eb raportin e tij se kredibiliteti i politik\u00ebs \u2018standardet para statusi tanim\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i munguar dhe zhg\u00ebnjimin e shqiptar\u00ebve me bashk\u00ebsin\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Ndon\u00ebse v\u00ebren se ka pak progres n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebretnike, megjithat\u00eb ai rekomandon transferim t\u00eb kompetencave nga UNMIK tek IPVQ-t\u00eb.<\/p>\n

D\u00ebshtimi 6. Hapja e negociatave p\u00ebr status n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb, 2006. \u00a0Serbia kishte nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb platform\u00eb politike, si\u00e7 thuhet n\u00eb dokument, p\u00ebr statusin e Kosov\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb Metohis\u00eb. Serbia d\u00ebshironte q\u00eb statusi i Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb mos imponohet, por t\u00eb zgjidhjet n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me integritetin dhe sovranitetin e Serbis\u00eb. \u00a0Serbia ofronte nj\u00eb autonomi p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, sipas modeleve t\u00eb kantoneve n\u00eb Zvic\u00ebr. \u00a0Ahtisaari s\u00eb bashku me ekipin e tij, pas nj\u00eb procesi t\u00eb gjat\u00eb negociator, ofron nj\u00eb plan p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, ku rekomandon pavar\u00ebsi t\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrur dhe nj\u00eb decentralizim t\u00eb thell\u00eb p\u00ebr Kosov\u00eb, p\u00ebrmes themelimit t\u00eb komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe, q\u00eb do t\u00eb kishin kompetenca shtes\u00eb. Natyrisht kjo zgjidhje nuk do t\u00eb pranohet nga Serbia. Serbia vazhdon t\u00eb kontestoj shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00eb qoft\u00eb n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb qoft\u00eb n\u00eb forume nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Serb\u00ebt largohen nga pjes\u00ebmarrja n\u00eb institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs, sipas udh\u00ebzimeve t\u00eb Beogradit.<\/p>\n

D\u00ebshtimi 7. Ndon\u00ebse Plani i Ahtisaarit fillon t\u00eb zbatohet n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn d\u00ebrrmuese t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00ebn mbik\u00ebqyrjen e Zyr\u00ebs Civile Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs dhe ICO, s\u00eb bashku me EULEX, d\u00ebshton t\u00eb themeloj\u00eb Komun\u00ebn e Mitrovic\u00ebs s\u00eb Veriut ashtu si\u00e7 parashihej me plan. N\u00ebse m\u00eb 2008 do t\u00eb themelohej Komuna e Mitrovic\u00ebs, mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Asociacion t\u00eb Komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe do t\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb e vog\u00ebl.<\/p>\n

D\u00ebshtimi 8. N\u00eb vitin 2010 ICO s\u00eb bashku me EULEX-in dhe ambasad\u00ebn amerikane draftuan \u2018Strategjin\u00eb p\u00ebr Veriun\u2019 me 33 rekomandime. Q\u00ebllimi i strategjis\u00eb ishte margjinalizimi i strukturave paralele, por nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb nuk u arrit asnj\u00ebher\u00eb. N\u00ebse me 2010 do t\u00eb zbatohej \u2018Strategjia p\u00ebr Veriun\u2019 p\u00ebr integrimin e serb\u00ebve t\u00eb veriut, Kosova nuk do t\u00eb kishte nevoj\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb rimerrej p\u00ebrs\u00ebri me tem\u00ebn e Asociacionit.<\/p>\n

D\u00ebshtimi 9. \u00a0D\u00ebshtimi p\u00ebr ta zbatuar Planin e Ahtisaarit, hapi nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb ri negociator, p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cilit proces Kosova dhe Serbia u dakorduan p\u00ebr themelimin e Asociacioni t\u00eb Komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe. \u00cbsht\u00eb evidente se Serbia insiston q\u00eb kompentecat e Asociacionit t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb zgjeruara se ato q\u00eb ofron Plani i Ahtisaarit, duke tentuar t\u00eb \u00e7imentoj\u00eb autonomi t\u00eb shtuar territoriale p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr fund, Asociacioni \u00ebsht\u00eb rezultat i munges\u00ebs s\u00eb ofrimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb qart\u00ebsie politike p\u00ebr statusin e Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb nga 1999. \u00c7mimi p\u00ebr vendosjen e k\u00ebsaj qart\u00ebsie politike, q\u00eb u konkretizua me pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e mbik\u00ebqyrur t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, ishte ofrimi i nj\u00eb spektri t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb vet\u00ebqeverisjes lokale p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt kosovar\u00eb, respektivisht decentralizimi. Asociacioni \u00ebsht\u00eb rezultat i munges\u00ebs s\u00eb zbatimit t\u00eb decentralizimit n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi. Zyra Civile Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e p\u00ebrmbylli misionin e saj pa e zbatuar Planin e Ahtisaarit n\u00eb veri. P\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb duhet para s\u00eb gjithash t\u2019i faturohet UNMIK-ut, ICO-s\u00eb dhe EULEX-it, por pa faj nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as lidershipi politik shqiptar, i cili nuk ka treguar aspak as ndjeshm\u00ebrin\u00eb minimale p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e raportet t\u00eb mira nd\u00ebretnike, dhe i cili lidershipi ka qeverisur p\u00ebrmes Koalicioneve t\u00eb M\u00ebdha me t\u00eb gjitha qeverit\u00eb e pasluft\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebse jan\u00eb edhe partit\u00eb politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u2013 LDK, PDK, dhe AAK.<\/p>\n

L\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb m\u00ebnjan\u00eb, lidershipi politik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb duhet t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb maturi politik q\u00eb ta mbroj\u00eb integritetin, funksionalitetin dhe karakterin unitar t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Meqen\u00ebse procesi negociator mes Serbis\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i dizajnuar nga k\u00ebto shtete, por \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb proces nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, at\u00ebher\u00eb mbrojtja e interesave t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs nuk mund dhe nuk duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhet p\u00ebrmes politikave izolacioniste, por p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb dialogu t\u00eb mir\u00ebp\u00ebrgatitur q\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb, ruan substanc\u00ebn e shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, jep indicie se lidershipi politik shqiptar \u00ebsht\u00eb i interesuar mir\u00ebfilli p\u00ebr integrimin e serb\u00ebve dhe garantimin e siguris\u00eb s\u00eb k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb fundit. Kosova i ka nj\u00ebqind arsye q\u00eb t\u00eb respektoj\u00eb standardet evropiane p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e pakicave. Por, Kosova nuk ka asnj\u00eb arsye t\u00eb vetme q\u00eb t\u00eb zbatoj\u00eb standarde diskriminuese.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Q\u00eb nga qershori 1999, Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb ballafaquar me paqart\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e saj politike. P\u00ebr dallim nga UNTAET, mandati i t\u00eb cilit mision ka p\u00ebrgatitur shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb Timorin Lindor p\u00ebr shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, UNMIK-u nuk e ka pasur nj\u00eb mandat t\u00eb till\u00eb. Mandati i UNMIK-ut ishte themelimi i institucioneve t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohshme n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, me […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":43,"featured_media":9590,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1383,1642],"ppma_author":[53],"class_list":["post-5063","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-asociacioni","tag-komunat-serbe"],"authors":[{"term_id":53,"user_id":43,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adem-beha","display_name":"Adem Beha","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/C477C28E-1E6C-46CB-965F-2493B7413F59.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/C477C28E-1E6C-46CB-965F-2493B7413F59.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Beha","first_name":"Adem","description":"Adem Beha \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Ai p\u00ebrfundoi studimet n\u00eb Shkenc\u00eb Politike dhe Administrat\u00eb Publike n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs dhe ka diplomuar n\u00eb master n\u00eb programin Shoq\u00ebria Civile dhe Zhvillim Lokal nga Universiteti i Prishtin\u00ebs, Universiteti i Grazit dhe Universiteti Komb\u00ebtar i Irland\u00ebs n\u00eb Galway. Momentalisht, Beha \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim t\u00eb studimeve t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs n\u00eb shkenc\u00ebn politike n\u00eb SEEU. Beha \u00ebsht\u00eb angazhuar si trajner, konsulent, dhe hulumtues n\u00eb organizata t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile vendore dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb UBO Consulting, KOPF, REF, KIP, CPC dhe Fondacionin Peace Berghof. Interesimet e tij k\u00ebrkimore p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb: transformimi i konflikteve, siguria njer\u00ebzore, shtet-nd\u00ebrtimi dhe nd\u00ebrtimi i paqes, t\u00eb drejtat e pakicave dhe zhvillimi i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5063","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/43"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5063"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5063\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9591,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5063\/revisions\/9591"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9590"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5063"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5063"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5063"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5063"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}